ADL Attacks Islamic Peace Conference
- A Zionist Smear: The ADL Attacks an Islamic Peace Conference
By Mark Weber
Institute for Historical Review
The Anti-Defamation League is a master of deceit. A good example is
the recent ADL blast against a conference in suburban Baltimore on
August 16, 2008, where I was a speaker. Dedicated to peace and cross-
cultural understanding, the meeting was organized by Jamaat al-
Muslimeen, a local Islamic group.
The ADL, one of the world's most influential Jewish-Zionist
organizations, calls it a gathering of "Far Right and Muslim
Extremists" who found "common cause in their hatred of Jews and
In fact, the conference brought together men and women of diverse
religious and racial backgrounds, and a range of political views,
who were united by devotion to peace and justice.
Contrary to what the ADL suggests, no conference speaker expressed
hated of Jews. Instead, speaker after speaker emphasized the
importance of promoting justice, peace and cross-cultural
understanding. Ramsey Clark a prominent peace activist who served
as US Attorney General in the Johnson administration -- spoke
eloquently about the need for understanding between Christians and
Muslims, and the dangers of an arrogant and militaristic US foreign
policy. He movingly stressed the importance of justice even for the
vilified and the powerless. Chuck Carlson, a Christian activist,
spoke about his campaign to persuade churches to embrace the
authentic Christian message of peace.
In my talk, I spoke in some detail about the dangerous consequences
of the US alliance with Israel and of the Jewish-Zionist grip on
American political and cultural life. I concluded with a call for
awareness and unity for the sake of humankind.
After explicitly speaking against "hate," I emphasized: "We should
not, and we do not, wish harm to any individual because of his or
her ancestry, ethnic background, religion or privately held beliefs."
According to the ADL, "Weber told the audience that not only was the
Iraq war the result of `Jewish cabal,' but that the same `Jewish
cabal' is currently pushing for war with Iran." In fact, my only
mention of a "Jewish cabal" was when I cited remarks of a prominent
Labour Party member of the British parliament, who said in May
2003: "A Jewish cabal have taken over the government in the United
States and formed an unholy alliance with fundamentalist Christians
There is far too much Jewish influence in the United States."
As it has on many other occasions, the ADL once again described the
IHR as a "Holocaust denial organization." But as the IHR website
explains (http://www.ihr.org/main/about.shtml ), this smear
is "completely at variance with the facts Every responsible scholar
of twentieth century history acknowledges the great catastrophe that
befell European Jewry during World War II."
In my talk, my only mention of the deaths of Jews during the Second
World War was a single ten-word sentence I quoted from a speech by
Malaysia president Mahathir Mohammed: "The Europeans killed six
million Jews out of twelve million."
Is that what the ADL means by "Holocaust denial"?
Conference speakers, the ADL charges, were "well-known anti-Semites"
and "prominent domestic extremists." For the ADL and its allies, of
course, an "anti-Semite" is anyone who speaks forthrightly about
Israel's inhumane and illegal policies, or the harmful role of the
organized Jewish community in political and cultural life. As one
witty commentator has put it, "An anti-Semite used to be someone who
hates Jews. Now, it's someone whom Jews hate."
Only by the distorted standards of the ADL and its allies can the
conference speakers be considered "extremists." In fact, the basic
views and values presented at the meeting -- for peace, justice, and
unity against war and oppression are supported by the vast
majority of people of good will around the world.
The ADL claims to "counteract hatred, prejudice and bigotry." In
fact, the group routinely defends institutionalized discrimination
of non-Jews by Israel, as well as the Zionist state's routine
violations of human rights and international law.
As I explained in my talk, it's the ADL and its allies who
are "extreme" and out of step with world opinion. But the ADL's
minority view is not surprising, given its arrogantly ethno-centric
mindset. This outlook was candidly spelled out by ADL National
Director Abraham Foxman in an essay published in the group's monthly
newsletter. He wrote: " The Holocaust is something different. It is
a singular event. It is not simply one example of genocide but a
near successful attempt on the life of God's chosen children and,
thus, on God himself."
The ADL attack against the Baltimore peace conference is
understandable, because Zionists fear the growing unity and sense of
common purpose by people of diverse political and religious views
who understand the Jewish-Zionist agenda and what it means for
humanity. Given the ADL's track record of malice and deceit, this
latest attack is a badge of honor.
In the Struggle for Peace and Justice:
Countering Jewish-Zionist Power
An address by Mark Weber, director of the Institute for Historical
Review, at a conference in suburban Baltimore on Saturday, August
16, 2008. The meeting, dedicated to peace and cross-cultural
understanding, was organized by Jamaat al-Muslimeen, a local Islamic
group. Weber was introduced by Dr. Kaukab Siddique.
The U.S. invasion of Iraq in March-April 2003, and the occupation of
the country since then, has cost thousands of American lives and
hundreds of billions of dollars, and has brought death to hundreds
of thousands of Iraqis. Why did President Bush decide to go to war?
In whose interests was it launched? In the months leading up to the
attack, President Bush and other high-ranking US officials
repeatedly warned that the threat posed to the US and world by the
Baghdad regime was so grave and so imminent that the United States
had to act quickly to bomb, invade and occupy Iraq.
As we now know, those reasons were bogus. But there is still
confusion and discussion about the real reasons for the invasion. We
often hear that it was a war for oil. This is a popular explanation,
and a simple one. But it's also wrong.
Whatever the secondary reasons for the war, the crucial factor in
President Bush's decision to attack was to help Israel. With support
from Israel and America's Jewish-Zionist lobby, and prodded by
Jewish "neo-conservatives" holding high-level positions in his
administration, President Bush who was already fervently committed
to Israel resolved to invade and subdue one of Israel's chief
This is so widely understood in Washington that US Senator Ernest
Hollings was moved in May 2004 to acknowledge that the US invaded
Iraq, as he put it, "to secure Israel," and, he added, "everybody"
knows it. He also identified three of the influential pro-Israel
Jews in Washington who played an important role in prodding the US
into war: Richard Perle, chair of the Pentagon's Defense Policy
Board; Paul Wolfowitz, Deputy Defense Secretary; and Charles
Krauthammer, columnist and author.
Hollings referred to the cowardly reluctance of his Congressional
colleagues to acknowledge this truth openly, saying that "nobody is
willing to stand up and say what is going on."
Due to "the pressures we get politically," he added, members of
Congress uncritically support Israel and its policies.
Some months before the invasion, retired four-star US Army General
and former NATO Supreme Allied Commander Wesley Clark acknowledged
in an interview: "Those who favor this attack [by the US against
Iraq] now will tell you candidly, and privately, that it is probably
true that Saddam Hussein is no threat to the United States. But they
are afraid at some point he might decide if he had a nuclear weapon
to use it against Israel."
Bush spoke candidly about why the US was going to war during a White
House meeting just three weeks before the invasion. In a talk with
Elie Wiesel, the well-known Jewish writer, Bush said: "If we don't
disarm Saddam Hussein, he will put a weapon of mass destruction on
Israel and they will do what they think they have to do, and we have
to avoid that."
President Bush's fervent support for Israel and its government is
well known. He reaffirmed it, for example, in June 2002 in a major
speech on the Middle East. In the view of "leading Israeli
commentators," the London Times reported, the address was "so pro-
Israel that it might have been written by [Israeli prime minister]
Ariel Sharon." In an address to pro-Israel activists at the 2004
convention of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC),
Bush said: "The United States is strongly committed, and I am
strongly committed, to the security of Israel as a vibrant Jewish
He also told the gathering: "By defending the freedom and prosperity
and security of Israel, you're also serving the cause of America."
Condoleeza Rice, who served as President Bush's National Security
Advisor, and later, as his Secretary of State, echoed the
President's outlook in a May 2003 interview, saying that
the "security of Israel is the key to security of the world."
The United States is, by far, the most important and consistently
steadfast supporter of Israel and its policies. For years American
political leaders of both parties have routinely and emphatically
pledged their loyal commitment to Israel and its security. For
decades the US has, uniquely, provided the Zionist state with
crucial military, diplomatic and financial backing, including more
than $3 billion each year in aid.
This unparalleled level of support for Israel is strikingly
reflected in the United Nations. In the UN Security Council, the
United States, time and time again, has vetoed resolutions critical
of Israel's policies -- resolutions that have support from nearly
the entire world community. Likewise in the UN General Assembly, the
United States and Israel have, time and time again, been on one
side, and virtually the entire rest of the world has been on the
On October 21, 2003, for example, there was a vote in the UN General
Assembly on a resolution condemning Israel's so-called "security
barrier," a grotesque thing, parts of it larger and more formidable
than the Berlin Wall, that Israel has built on occupied Palestinian
territory. Supporting the resolution were 144 countries,
representing nearly the entire world's population. Twelve countries
abstained. Just four countries opposed the resolution. They were:
Israel, the United States, the Marshall Islands and Micronesia. The
latter two member states, small island countries in the Pacific
ocean with a combined population of 180,000, are utterly dependent
on the US. And on December 9, 2003, the members of the UN General
Assembly considered a resolution re-affirming the principle of
Palestinian sovereignty. It received the backing of 142 states,
including all the nations of Europe and South America. In this case
as well, just four countries voted against the resolution: Israel,
the US, the Marshall Islands and Micronesia.
This reminds me of a story. A senior citizen whose brain didn't work
as well or as quickly as it once did, was driving on the freeway
when his cell phone rang. He answered it, and heard his wife
urgently warning him, "Charles, I just heard on the news that
there's a car going the wrong way on the freeway. Please be
careful!" Charles immediately replied: "Honey, it's not just one
car. It's hundreds of them!"
Well, like Charles, political leaders in Israel and the US,
including the leading Democratic and Republican politicians, insist
that everyone else is recklessly going the wrong way. An important
book that examines the sources and consequences of US support for
Israel was published last year. Entitled The Israel Lobby and U.S.
Foreign Policy, it was written by John Mearsheimer, a professor of
political science at the University of Chicago, and Stephen Walt, a
professor of international affairs at Harvard. This carefully
written, judiciously worded and copiously referenced work with 355
pages of text and 106 pages of notes found a place on the best
seller lists of The New York Times and the Los Angeles Times. The
book is an expansion and refinement of a detailed paper issued in
March of 2006, which generated wide interest and spirited
discussion. Quickly, and predictably, the paper and its authors came
under fierce attack from Zionist leaders and organizations a
response that underscored one of the authors' main points. But the
critics have been outnumbered by those who have welcomed this work
as a landmark event and as an important breakthrough. The authors
lay out a compelling case that unswerving US support for Israel is
harmful to American interests, and that the main reason for this
support is the tremendous power of what they call the Israel lobby.
Mearsheimer and Walt detail the terrible human and monetary cost to
Americans of permitting Israel, and the pro-Israel lobby, to
manipulate US Middle East policy. Almost nothing in the Walt-
Mearsheimer paper or book is new or original. Its main point about
the dangerous role of the Israel lobby is well understood by
informed men and women around the world who closely follow political
affairs and history. The paper and the book are significant because
they were written by two scholars of eminence and stature. The Walt-
Mearsheimer book is much more than a penetrating analysis or
persuasive critique of a particular lobby. It is implicitly a
damning indictment of the American social-political system.
I challenge any caring American to read this book without feeling
shame over the leadership of this country, and disgust over the
immorality and corruption of the compliant politicians of both major
parties. The focus of the Mearsheimer and Walt book is,
appropriately, the role of what they call the "Israel lobby" in
determining US policy in the Middle East. But this focus greatly
understates and, unfortunately, misrepresents the problem. The
impact and influence of this lobby or power is much greater, more
insidious, and more dangerous, than that of any mere "lobby."
Far beyond determining US policy in the Middle East, it has a
profound impact on every aspect of American social, political and
cultural life. That's why it's more accurate to speak of the "Jewish
lobby." James Petras, a scholar and activist, refers to the "Zionist
Power Configuration" or ZPG. I generally speak of "Jewish-Zionist
power." But whatever term is used, what we're really talking about
here is the power of the organized Jewish community.
When someone is sick, he goes to a doctor. When a patient comes in
for help, the first thing the physician does is to find out what's
wrong. He makes a diagnosis, because he cannot successfully treat
the problem without an accurate and factual understanding of the
illness. A successful treatment requires an accurate diagnosis. In
the same way, we cannot come to grips with the seemingly endless
Middle East conflict, or our own nation's social-political illness,
unless we first accurately identify the source of the problem.
United States support for Israel and its policies did not come about
because Americans are more intelligent, humane or enlightened than,
say, Norwegians, Japanese or Irish. No, the US-Israel alliance is,
rather, a consequence, a result, of the Jewish-Zionist grip on
American political and cultural life. This intimidating power is not
a new or recent phenomenon. Thirty years ago, Jewish American
scholar Alfred M. Lilienthal for whom I once worked dealt with
this in his detailed study, The Zionist Connection. He wrote:
"How has the Zionist will been imposed on the American people?... It
is the Jewish connection, the tribal solidarity among themselves and
the amazing pull on non-Jews, that has molded this unprecedented
power ... The Jewish connection covers all areas and reaches every
level. Most Americans may not even sense this gigantic effort, but
there is scarcely a Jew who is not touched by its tentacles "
Alfred Lilienthal went on to say:
"The extent and depth to which organized Jewry reached and
reaches in the U.S. is indeed awesome The most effective
component of the Jewish connection is probably that of media control
Jews, toughened by centuries of persecution, have risen to places
of prime importance in the business and financial world Jewish
wealth and acumen wields unprecedented power in the area of finance
and investment banking, playing an important role in influencing
U.S. policy toward the Middle East In the larger metropolitan
areas, the Jewish-Zionist connection thoroughly pervades affluent
financial, commercial, social, entertainment, and art circles."
Although Jews make up only about two or three percent of the US
population, they wield immense power and influence vastly more
than any other ethnic or religious group. As Jewish author and
political science professor Benjamin Ginsberg has pointed out:
"Since the 1960s, Jews have come to wield considerable influence in
American economic, cultural, intellectual and political life. Jews
played a central role in American finance during the 1980s, and they
were among the chief beneficiaries of that decade's corporate
mergers and reorganizations. Today, though barely two percent of the
nation's population is Jewish, close to half its billionaires are
Jews. The chief executive officers of the three major television
networks and the four largest film studios are Jews, as are the
owners of the nation's largest newspaper chain and the most
influential single newspaper, The New York Times ... The role and
influence of Jews in American politics is equally marked ...
"Jews are only three percent of the nation's population and comprise
eleven percent of what this study defines as the nation's elite.
However, Jews constitute more than 25 percent of the elite
journalists and publishers, more than 17 percent of the leaders of
important voluntary and public interest organizations, and more than
15 percent of the top ranking civil servants."
Two well-known Jewish writers, Seymour Lipset and Earl Raab, went
into this in their 1995 book, Jews and the New American Scene. They
"During the last three decades Jews [in the United States] have made
up 50 percent of the top two hundred intellectuals ... 20 percent of
professors at the leading universities ... 40 percent of partners in
the leading law firms in New York and Washington ... 59 percent of
the directors, writers, and producers of the 50 top-grossing motion
pictures from 1965 to 1982, and 58 percent of directors, writers,
and producers in two or more primetime television series."
The influence of American Jewry in Washington, as the Israeli daily
Jerusalem Post has noted, is "far disproportionate to the size of
the community, Jewish leaders and U.S. official acknowledge. But so
is the amount of money they contribute to [election] campaigns."
One member of the influential Conference of Presidents of Major
American Jewish Organizations "estimated Jews alone had contributed
50 percent of the funds for [President Bill] Clinton's 1996 re-
Bishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate,
said during a speech in Boston in 2002: "But you know as well as I
do that, somehow, the Israeli government is placed on a pedestal [in
the US], and to criticize it is to be immediately dubbed anti-
Semitic People are scared in this country, to say wrong is wrong
because the Jewish lobby is powerful - very powerful."
In Britain, a veteran member of the House of Commons candidly
declared in May 2003 that pro-Israel Jews had taken control of
America's foreign policy, and had succeeded in pushing the US and
Britain into war in Iraq. Tam Dalyell, a Labour party deputy known
as "Father of the House" because he is the longest-serving Member of
Parliament, said: "A Jewish cabal have taken over the government in
the United States and formed an unholy alliance with fundamentalist
Christians There is far too much Jewish influence in the United
The prime minister of Malaysia, Mahathir Mohammed, pointedly
declared during an address in October 2003 that "Jews rule this
world by proxy." In the global struggle against Jewish power, he
said, "we are up against a people who think... We cannot fight them
through brawn alone. We must use our brains also The Europeans
killed six million Jews out of twelve million. But today the Jews
rule this world by proxy. They get others to fight and die for
Americans have already paid a high price for the US alliance with
Israel. This includes tens of billions of dollars in economic and
military aid to the Jewish state, the cost of the Iraq war and
occupation, now hundreds of billion of dollars, and the deaths there
of several thousand Americans. Directly and indirectly,
America's "special relationship" with Israel has also generated,
around the world, unprecedented distrust, fear and loathing of the
To sum up here: Jews wield immense power and influence in the United
States. The "Jewish lobby" is a decisive factor in US support for
Israel. Jewish-Zionist interests are not identical to American
interests. In fact, they often conflict. By supporting Israel and
its policies, the United States betrays not only its own national
interests, but the principles it claims to embody and defend. The
only country in the world that has a nuclear weapons arsenal, that
occupies territory of its neighbors, and which is in violation of
United Nations Security Council resolutions is Israel.
In fact, if the United States were to hold Israel to the same
standards that it has applied to Iraq, Serbia, and other countries,
American bombers and missiles would be blasting Tel Aviv, and
American troops would seize Israel's leaders and punish them for war
crimes and crimes against humanity.
In the years to come, the cost of the US alliance with Israel is
certain to rise much higher. Today the danger is perhaps greater
than ever. Israel and Jewish organizations, in collaboration with
this country's pro-Zionist "amen corner," are prodding the United
States into new wars against Israel's real or perceived enemies,
above all, Iran.
There are some who object to the power of the "Israel lobby" because
it supports, or, rather, makes possible, Israel's oppression of
Palestinians. Others object because they are unhappy with this or
that aspect of the lobby's agenda. But to me this seems beside the
main point. Apart from the harmful consequences of this or that
particular policy enforced by the Jewish lobby is the injustice and
danger inherent in permitting any minority group or special interest
to wield immense, disproportionate power and influence -- and
especially in the country that is the world's foremost military,
economic and financial power, and most important cultural factor.
The Jewish-Zionist grip on our nation is an expression of a profound
and deeply rooted problem. Such a lobby or power particularly one
that represents the interests of a self-absorbed community that
makes up no more than two or three percent of the population could
only gain such a hold on the governmental machinery of a society
that is fundamentally sick and corrupt. No healthy society would
permit a small minority to gain and hold such power, and wield it
for its own particular interests. Throughout history Jews have time
and again wielded great power to further group interests that are
separate from, and often contrary to, those of the non-Jewish
populations among whom they live. This creates an inherently unjust
and unstable situation that, as history shows, never endures.
The most direct and obvious victims of Jewish-Zionist power are, of
course, the Palestinians who live under Israel's harsh rule. But we
Americans are, to some degree, also victims. Through the Jewish-
Zionist grip on the media, and the organized Jewish-Zionist
corruption of our political system, we are pressured, seduced,
cajoled, and deceived into propping up the Jewish state, providing
it with billions of dollars yearly and state-of-the-art weaponry,
and even sacrificing American lives.
But it is also the truth that we Americans share some responsibility
for all this. We have allowed immense power, affecting every aspect
of our lives and our future, to be wielded by members of an ethnic-
religious minority group who view the American people as potential
enemies. Put another way, Americans have permitted people who regard
them with profound distrust to play a major role in determining how
we live our lives, and in determining our future both as individuals
and as a nation. To permit such power to pass into the hands of
people who clearly do not have our best interests at heart indeed,
do not even trust us is, to put it mildly, irresponsible.
In recent years, across America, and around the world, awareness of
the Jewish-Zionist role in the Iraq war, of the reality of Jewish-
Zionist power, and of its hold on US policy, has been growing. And
this awareness, once grasped, is obvious, and is constantly
reconfirmed with the unfolding of daily events. The work of
professors Mearsheimer and Walt is both a contributing factor, and
an expression of, this growing awareness. Another contributor has
been former president Jimmy Carter. In his recent book, Palestine
Peace Not Apartheid, and in statements made in connection with the
book's appearance, he has spoken pointedly and critically about the
pro-Israel lobby and its role in shaping US policy to support
Israeli oppression and war.
Immediately following the publication of his book, the former
president was predictably assailed with the usual smears, and by the
usual crowd. Jewish writer David Horowitz, for one, wrote a widely-
circulated essay entitled "Jimmy Carter: Jew-Hater, Genocide-
Enabler, Liar," a vicious piece that reflects his outlook and the
attitude of many other pro-Israel activists. As it happens, I had a
run-in myself with David Horowitz when I appeared with him as a
fellow "guest," if that's the right word, on the nationally-
broadcast radio show of Sean Hannity. I won't go into details of
that raucous appearance, except to mention that both Horowitz and
Hannity were as ignorant and as bigoted as they were rude.
Last September, Michael Scheuer, the former head of the CIA's Bin
Laden unit, was a guest on the Bill Maher television show. After the
subject of Israel came up, Scheuer surprised the host, and many
viewers, when he said: "I hope Israel flourishes but I don't think
its worth an American life or an American dollar." His remark
prompted a round of approving applause. It's hard to believe that
even two years ago Scheuer would have made such a statement, much
less that his words would have gotten such spontaneous approval.
I want to emphasize here that to deal candidly with the reality of
Jewish-Zionist power is not, as some claim, "anti-Semitism"
or "hate." We should not, and we do not, wish harm to any individual
because of his or her ancestry, ethnic background, religion or
privately held beliefs. At the same time, we should not we must
not -- let smears or malicious name-calling keep us from saying the
truth, or doing what is right. Michael Scheuer put it this way just
a few weeks ago:
"The invocation of the anti-Semite epithet by the Israel-firsters
should be ignored. To be silenced by the slurs of the Israel-
firsters is to ignominiously invite the end of American independence
by subordinating U.S. interests to those of a foreign nation, as
well as to forget the warning of the greatest American ... As long
as the Israel-firsters can define the limits of acceptable public
discourse, Americans are on their way to the slaughter."
For all of us here this weekend, and for everyone who cares about
the future, a vital question is this: How we can build an effective
movement for peace. Whatever tactics and methods we choose, it is
very important that we remain focused.
In today's America, far too many people even many activists for
peace -- are unable or unwilling to forthrightly identify the forces
for war. It's not enough to speak out against war. We must identify
and counter those who foment and push for war.
One person who has spoken eloquently and pointedly on this matter is
James Petras, a former professor of sociology at Binghamton
University, and a self-described "revolutionary and anti-
For decades he has been a leftist scholar and activist. He is also
the author of many articles and several books, including The Power
of Israel in the United States. In recent years, he has written
widely about the scope and impact of what he calls the "Zionist
Power Configuration" He also scathingly rebukes those who, out of
fear or ignorance, decline to acknowledge the power and role of the
pro-Israel lobby. He writes:
" The power of [the Zionist Power Configuration] ZPC far exceeds
the political lobbying of AIPAC. It extends to every realm of US
cultural and intellectual life The role of the pro-Israel
repressive cultural-ideological hydra especially finds expression
among the great majority of `progressive' critics. `Marxist'
ideologues and `peace' advocates deliberately and totally ignore the
ZPC's influence in Congress, the Executive and in cultural life.
Instead they repeatedly criticize Bush, Cheney, the Republicans and
Democrats without mentioning their prime movers among the hundreds
of thousands of Zionist zealots and thousands of prime political
donors. It is no wonder that the Zionist power configuration has
greater power than any other lobby in Washington they are the only
power group which has no opposition, no organized group willing to
name them, let alone challenge and fight their stranglehold over
Congress. Worse still, some of the most influential critics of the
war in Iraq provide ideological cover by denying the ZPC's dominant
role and deflecting attention to either non-existent war-makers (Big
Oil) or to secondary political actors, who carry out Lobby
"No other country, abuser or not, of human rights, with or without
electoral systems, has the influence over our domestic and foreign
policy as does the state of Israel.
No other Lobby has the kind of financial power and organizational
reach as the Jewish Lobby in eroding our domestic political freedoms
or our war-making powers. For those reasons alone, it stands to
reason, that we Americans have a necessity to put our fight against
Israel and its Lobby at the very top of our political agenda." In
every society, it is quite normal that most people are concerned
essentially with the happiness, interests and well-being of
themselves, their families, and their friends.
In any society, only a small number of men and women have the wit
and awareness to understand the social, political and cultural
forces that shape the present and the future. Only a small minority
has the soul or temperament to care about, and be seriously
concerned for, the long-term health and well-being of the world, or
even of their country. Normally, and understandably, we expect and
have every right to expect that our political leaders are mindful
of and planning for the long-term interests of the nation.
Tragically, our leaders have proven themselves grossly derelict.
With very few exceptions, our political leaders Republican and
Democrat alike show far more concern for their own welfare and for
the outcome of the next election, than for the long-term interests
of our people and the world. That's why the committed work of the
dedicated, idealistic men and women here this weekend so important.
We seek to raise public awareness of the great issues that confront
us, that impact every aspect of our lives, and which have the most
profound consequences for the future. We realize, of course, that
our words will reach the minds and hearts of only a few. We know
that we cannot hope to match the financial resources, influence and
outreach of our adversaries. We cannot hope to compete, much less
offset, the great power and influence of the media giants who
control most of what we read, hear and view. Our great task is to
reach those who, first, think about the present and the past, and
second, who care about our future. That is, we work to reach men and
women, especially younger men and women, of unusual awareness and a
higher sense of responsibility the men and women who will be the
leaders of the future, who can, and, if our children and grand-
children are to live in a decent world, must assume power, replacing
the failed leaders who have betrayed the people's trust.
A few of those who are here this weekend have come, perhaps, out of
simple curiosity, or to meet with others who are attending. But most
of us are here today because we care. We care about what is right
and wrong. We care about what is true and not true. We care about
the past and, more importantly, we care about the future. We care
about the world we live in.
We feel a sense of responsibility for the world we've inherited, and
for the world of the future. We want to make a difference to make
this a better world a world that, even beyond our own lifetimes,
is more just and right. Many of those here today are men and women
of deep religious sensibility. Others may feel a special concern for
the cause of peace, mindful of the terrible destruction, suffering,
and death of war. Some may have a special concern for the welfare
and future of his or her own cultural, national or religious
heritage, while some may regard ourselves as citizens of the world,
with feelings of responsibility for the future of all mankind. Some
may be moved by a strong concern for justice, perhaps especially for
the people who have lived for decades under Zionist occupation.
Regardless of the particular cause or principle that most moves each
of us, that is closest to our heart, no issue is of greater urgency
than exposing and breaking the Jewish-Zionist grip on American
political, social and cultural life. As long as that power remains
entrenched, there will be no end to the systematic Jewish-Zionist
distortion of history and current affairs, the Jewish-Zionist
corruption and domination of the US political system, Zionist
oppression of Palestinians, the bloody conflict between Jews and non-
Jews in the Middle East, and the Israeli threat to peace.
We are engaged in a great, global struggle one in which two
distinct and irreconcilable sides confront each other a world
struggle that pits an arrogant and malevolent power that feels
ordained to rule over others, on one side, and all other nations and
societies indeed, humanity itself on the other. This struggle
is not a new one. It is the latest enactment of a great drama that
has played itself out again and again, over centuries, and in many
different societies, cultures and historical eras. In the past this
drama has played itself out on a local, national, regional, or,
sometimes, continental stage.
Today this is a global drama, and a global clash. It is a struggle
for the welfare and future not merely of the Middle East, or of
America, but a great historical battle for the soul and future of
humanity itself. A struggle that calls all of us those here this
weekend, and men and women across the country and around the world
who share a sense of responsibility for the future of our nation, of
the world, and of humankind.
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