Loading ...
Sorry, an error occurred while loading the content.

Condoleezza Rice's Neo-colonial Manifesto

Expand Messages
  • World View
    Condoleezza Rice s Neo-colonial Manifesto by Patrick Seale http://www.agenceglobal.com/article.asp?id=1610 In the teeth of much local and regional opposition,
    Message 1 of 1 , Aug 1, 2008
    • 0 Attachment
      Condoleezza Rice's Neo-colonial Manifesto
      by Patrick Seale
      http://www.agenceglobal.com/article.asp?id=1610


      In the teeth of much local and regional opposition, Washington is
      pressuring Iraq's Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki to conclude
      a "strategic alliance" with the United States, which would allow it
      to keep substantial military forces in Iraq for the foreseeable
      future.

      Even at the cost of 4,100 of its soldiers killed, another 30,000 or
      more seriously wounded, its reputation sorely tarnished, and a
      trillion dollar hole in its public accounts, the United States has
      clearly not yet learned the lesson that occupation breeds
      insurrection.

      The invasion of Iraq in 2003 -- the smashing and near-dismemberment
      of the country, the killing and displacement of millions of its
      people -- must surely be judged one of the great crimes of our time.
      To seek to stay on after this unmitigated catastrophe -- making
      nonsense of Iraq's independence and sovereignty -- not only
      perpetuates the crime, but is a grave strategic mistake for which
      both the United States and its Iraqi vassals are likely to pay
      dearly.

      As had long been suspected, it looks as if the Bush administration
      is seeking to tie its successor to its own failed policies, and make
      it difficult, if not impossible, for a candidate like Barack Obama,
      if he is elected President, to withdraw U.S. forces from Iraq, as he
      has pledged.

      The United States wants Iraq to sign a so-called Status of Forces
      Agreement (SOFA) by 31 July, to replace the United Nations mandate,
      which expires on 31 December, and which has so far provided the
      legal cover for the presence of coalition forces in Iraq.

      The obvious and far better alternative would be for the United
      States to seek a new and brief UN mandate -- say of six months -- to
      allow the next American President to assess the situation next year
      and make his own decisions.

      Although U.S.-Iraqi negotiations are being held in secret, the terms
      of the proposed SOFA have been widely leaked to the British
      newspaper, The Independent. They include the long-term U.S. use of
      50 bases in Iraq; U.S. freedom to conduct military operations and
      arrest anyone it wants in pursuit of the `war on terror', without
      consulting the Baghdad government; immunity from Iraqi law for U.S.
      troops and contractors; and control of Iraqi airspace below 29,000
      feet. This is nothing less than a neo-colonial strait-jacket, which
      has already mobilized strong political and religious opposition in
      Iraq.

      A striking example of the Bush administration's divorce from reality
      may be seen in Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice's 9,000 word
      article in the current issue of the U.S. journal Foreign Affairs.

      "The democratization of Iraq and the democratization of the Middle
      East [are] linked," she writes. "As Iraq emerges from its
      difficulties, the impact of this transformation is being felt in the
      rest of the regionÂ… Our long-term partnership with Afghanistan and
      Iraq, to which we must remain deeply committed, our new
      relationships in Central Asia, and our long-standing partnerships in
      the Persian Gulf provide a solid geostrategic foundation for the
      generational work ahead in helping to bring about a better, more
      democratic, and more prosperous Middle East."

      It is hard to know whether to laugh or cry when one reads this
      manifesto. The Iraqis don't want to be `democratized' by American
      military power; the Afghans don't want a Western model of society
      forced upon them; the impact of Iraq's `transformation' -- that is
      to say its destruction -- has been highly destabilizing for the
      whole region; some Gulf rulers may misguidedly feel the need for
      U.S. military protection, but most of their subjects emphatically do
      not. Arab prosperity, such as it is, owes nothing to the American
      military presence and everything to oil and to Arab trading skills.

      Ms. Rice appears to have no inkling of the long struggle of the
      local people to rid themselves of foreign occupiers. The Iraqis
      fought the British occupation in 1920, and were crushed. They tried
      to expel British military bases in 1941, and were put down and the
      generals involved were hanged. They rebelled against a treaty which
      Britain tried to force on them in 1948; and they finally overthrew
      the British-backed monarchy in a 1958 bloodbath. Disguised as a
      woman, Britain's man in Iraq, Nuri al-Said, tried to flee Baghdad
      but was recognized and lynched.

      In Egypt, Gamal Abd al-Nasser became a hero -- whose name resonates
      among Arab nationalists to this day -- because he managed to expel
      British troops and nationalize the Suez Canal. The British and
      French, in shameful collusion with Israel, then tried to overthrow
      him and reverse the situation by their Suez expedition of 1956, but
      they failed, thus putting an end to their colonial ambitions.

      Lebanon's Prime Minister Riad el-Solh managed to wrest his country's
      independence from the French in 1943, and expel French troops in
      1946, winning a lasting reputation as the architect of his country's
      sovereignty.

      In our own time, Hizbullah won a region-wide reputation for
      expelling Israeli troops from Lebanon in 2000, after a 22 year
      occupation. Israel's Lebanese puppet, General Antoine Lahad, fled
      with the remnants of his treacherous Israeli-backed South Lebanese
      Army, and now runs a restaurant in Tel Aviv.

      Someone should teach Ms. Rice some elementary history. Men like Nuri
      al-Maliki in Iraq, Prime Minister Fuad Siniora in Lebanon, or Mahmud
      Abbas, President of the Palestinian Authority, are not strengthened
      by American or -- in the case of Abbas -- Israeli backing, but are,
      on the contrary, greatly weakened. They are nervous and insecure
      because robbed of the support of much of their own people.

      By destroying Iraq, the United States overturned the balance in the
      Gulf and made Iran a major regional power. This situation cannot
      easily be reversed -- however much Bush, Vice-President Dick Cheney,
      Israel's Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and the pro-Israeli neo-cons may
      long to do so. Like it or not, the Islamic Republic is now an
      unavoidable actor on the scene.

      What does Tehran want? It wants to protect itself against a
      U.S./Israel attack, the explicit threat of which it faces almost
      daily. This, no doubt, explains its attempt to acquire a deterrent
      capability. It has painful memories of the eight year Iran-Iraq war -
      - when the whole Arab world (with the exception of Syria) backed
      Iraq's aggression against it. It, therefore, wants to keep Iraq
      under Shia governance and in close coordination with itself. It
      wants a united Iraq, but not one so strong as again to threaten it
      with war.

      Iran wants to ensure that Iraq and the Gulf States will not allow
      the United States to use their territory for an attack on it. In a
      word, it wants U.S. troops to go home.

      Instead of pursuing the will o' the wisp of Ms. Rice's "solid
      geopolitical foundations," Washington would be far better advised to
      withdraw from Iraq, engage diplomatically with Iran, and devote
      itself -- with will, fairness and consistency -- to resolving the
      Arab-Israeli conflict before that suppurating sore, which has
      poisoned every relationship in the region, explodes in its face.


      Patrick Seale is a leading British writer on the Middle East, and
      the author of The Struggle for Syria; also, Asad of Syria: The
      Struggle for the Middle East; and Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire.

      *********************************************************************

      WORLD VIEW NEWS SERVICE

      To subscribe to this group, send an email to:
      wvns-subscribe@yahoogroups.com

      NEWS ARCHIVE IS OPEN TO PUBLIC VIEW
      http://finance.groups.yahoo.com/group/wvns/

      Need some good karma? Appreciate the service?
      Please consider donating to WVNS today.
      Email ummyakoub@... for instructions.

      To leave this list, send an email to:
      wvns-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com
    Your message has been successfully submitted and would be delivered to recipients shortly.