Guantanamo is a Symbol
- Guantanamo as a Symbol
By Ramzy Baroud
11 January marked the sixth year anniversary of the establishment of
the Guantanamo detention camp. Mere months after the start of the 2001
United States invasion of Afghanistan, a large cargo plane landed in a
US military base in Cuba's Guantanamo Bay, bringing in a group of
hunchbacked, orange-clad, blindfolded, "terrorist" suspects,
apparently representing the worst of the worst. They included children
and aged men, charity workers, journalists and people who were sold to
the US military in exchange for a large bounty.
The debate over this notorious prison has ever since been marred by
easy reductionism. The fact is that Guantanamo is neither a warranted
compound holding "bad people" -- as explained by the ever
straightforward President Bush -- nor is it a dark spot in the
otherwise luminous US record for respecting human rights, rules of war
and international treaties. If anything, Guantanamo is a mere
extension of a long list of untold violations practiced by the Bush
administration, which condenses the camp to being a symbol of
widespread policy predicated on nonchalantly undermining international
The prison is arguably one of the worst mockeries of international
law, which was itself drafted partly by American legal experts. Past
US administrations may not have been devoted followers of the Geneva
Conventions, but neither have they ever discarded international
treaties as openly and as arrogantly as the current one. Former
attorney-general Alberto Gonzales, a personal friend of President
Bush, mastered this art in a way that allowed his bosses to adorn
their gratuitous actions with the air of legitimacy. Guantanamo was
his ultimate masterpiece.
Hundreds of Guantanamo prisoners have subsequently been released, some
to the custody of their respective governments. Roughly 275 remain in
the camp. Out of a total of about 1,000 only 10 have been charged.
The prisoners at Guantanamo are "among the most dangerous, best
trained vicious killers on the face of the earth," according to former
secretary of defense Donald Rumsfeld. If that was the case, why wasn't
Rumsfeld prepared to try them in a court of law? After all his
self-assured judgment shows that he possessed more evidence than
needed by any court to convict and throw them into jail. But, of
course, the subject of evidence or lack thereof was irrelevant.
Neither habeas corpus, due process, nor any set of laws, national or
international, mattered much to an administration that prided itself
on its ability to transcend all of that. Of course, such disregard was
justified on the basis of national interests and a whole set of tired
pretences. Time, however, showed that Guantanamo, and the overriding
militancy it symbolized, has probably done more damage to US national
interest than any other event in US history.
In the early years, prisoners at Guantanamo were held in open air
cages, with nothing but a mat and a bucket for a toilet. Anthony D
Romero, executive director of the American Civil Liberties Union,
wrote in Salon.com, "We now know that only a small percentage of the
many hundreds of men and boys who have been held at Guantanamo were
captured on a battlefield fighting against Americans; far more were
sold into captivity by tribal warlords for substantial bounties."
Romero cites comments made by a former Guantanamo commander for
several years, Brigadier General Jay Hood. The commander told the Wall
Street Journal, "Sometimes, we just didn't get the right folks."
Moreover, both former secretary of state Colin Powell and current
Secretary Condoleezza Rice called for the shutting down of Guantanamo,
along with various international bodies and numerous rights groups in
the US and abroad. But the Bush administration still persists in
maintaining Guantanamo. The chances are if the Guantanamo prisoners
were of any value in Operation Enduring Freedom and in the so-called
global war on terror, whatever information some of them might have
possessed has already been extracted, violently or otherwise.
Moreover, if overwhelming evidence against them was indeed at hand,
the Bush administration would have tried them long ago. Neither
scenario is convincing.
Leigh Sales, writing for the Sydney Morning Herald made the dubious
assessment that the "the problem is what to do with the prisoners [if
the detention camp is shutdown]. If they are moved to American jails,
they will have to be charged and tried under US law. Evidence gathered
through coercive interrogations will not be admissible in regular
courts and so Bush would risk watching the likes of Mohamed and
Hambali walk free." Such commentary, emulated by others, suggests that
the underlying reason behind the preservation of Guantanamo is, more
or less, national interests.
However, Guantanamo is staying in business, for the exact same reason
that the Iraq war rages on, and for similar reasons to why the Bush
administration's failing global policy persists. Shutting down
Guantanamo would be an admission of defeat, a declaration of failure,
which is something that the patrons of the empire cannot afford, at
least not now.
September 11 was an opportune moment to turn a new doctrine into
reality, as outlined by the Project for the New American Century, a
desperate attempt to sustain an empire that is facing challenges. The
tactics, utilized almost immediately after the terrorist attacks,
pointed at a foreign and military policy style designed to free itself
from accountability to anyone, including the American people, the
United Nations and international law. Guantanamo is a grotesque
representation of that tactic -- and the failure of that tactic.
Indeed, Guantanamo is a dark spot in US history and shall go down in
world history as a symbol of injustice and oppression. And it will
continue to be a jarring reminder of the inhumanity, the torture, and
the extreme violence associated with the Bush administration's so-
called war on terror.
-Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net) is an author and editor of
PalestineChronicle.com. His work has been published in many newspapers
and journals worldwide. His latest book is The Second Palestinian
Intifada: A Chronicle of a People's Struggle (Pluto Press, London).
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