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The Iraqi Brain Suction

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    The Iraqi Brain Suction Imad Khadduri April 1, 2008 www.iraqsnuclearmirage.com/articles/The%20Iraqi%20Brain%20Suction.html This March marks the fifth
    Message 1 of 1 , Apr 4 2:04 PM
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      The Iraqi Brain Suction
      Imad Khadduri
      April 1, 2008
      www.iraqsnuclearmirage.com/articles/The%20Iraqi%20Brain%20Suction.html


      This March marks the fifth anniversary of the illegal invasion and
      occupation of Iraq - an occupation that stands morally defeated and
      yet continues to rain violence down on the Iraqi people. It continues
      with horrific brutality: the Pentagon acknowledges that it increased
      six fold air strikes in 2007. The number of Iraqis detained under US
      authority doubled in the last year. According to the Iraqi Association
      of Detainees and Prisoners, there are more than 400,000 Iraqis
      imprisoned and detained across 36 US and Iraqi detention centres,
      including thousands of women and children. According to data from the
      US Congress, the monthly cost of the war in Iraq stands at $12 billion.

      In order to dominate Iraq, the occupation had dismantled key Iraqi
      institutions and subjected the Iraqi society to extreme violence and
      impoverishment, instigating ethnic and sectarian strife by promoting
      its own Salvador-type death squads, 200,000 mercenaries and local
      mafia-like bands operating under the patronage of the same religious
      political parties who are supported by the occupation or aided by
      regimes neighbouring Iraq. These policies have resulted in:

      · A documented list of at least 345 teachers and professors
      from universities across Iraq, representing all academic disciplines,
      have been killed in a systematic campaign of assassinations. The Iraqi
      Interior Ministry has recently announced that it has detained more
      than 6000 suspects charged with the assassination of academics and
      scientists (in Arabic), 600 of whom have been sentenced to death, with
      one suspect alone who has admitted to killing 60 of the above. Yet,
      the Iraqi Interior Ministry provides no explanation on the
      affiliations of these prisoners nor of their instigators and who is
      behind them.

      · It is estimated that 2,000 Iraqi doctors have been killed and
      half of the 34,000 doctors registered in 2003 have left the country.
      Of Iraq's 180 large hospitals, 90 per cent lack essential resources.
      Under the control of Moqtada Al-Sadr, the Ministry of Health has
      plummeted into corruption, while hospitals have been transformed into
      secret detention centres where torture and murder are endemic at the
      hands of death squads.

      · The Iraqi Interior Ministry has admitted that more than 9000
      civil servants (in Arabic), including high ranking staff in the prime
      minister's office (in Arabic), have provided purchased fake university
      degrees.

      · More than 800,000 schoolchildren (22 per cent) have stopped
      attending primary school and only half of those who complete primary
      school continue their education. More than 220,000 refugee Iraqi
      children in neighbouring countries are denied their right to education.

      · All public services have collapsed. Already in 2006, 40 per
      cent of skilled Iraqi personnel had left the country.

      The decline of the academic autonomy of the Iraqi universities started
      since the early eighties under the former dictatorial regime when the
      autonomy of Baghdad University and other universities fell under the
      administrative strangling constraints of the Ministry of Higher
      Education. The brain drain, during the eighties and nineties, of many
      qualified faculty members was a direct result of the intrusion of the
      security and intelligence services in university campuses and the
      intimidation of Ba'ath dominated student unions and entrenched
      Ba'athist faculty members. That slow and steady brain drain has
      tragically turned into a brain suction after the occupation of Iraq,
      as the above statistics demonstrate.

      The US propaganda about rebuilding the country is a bitter lie. The
      international community is silent about corruption in all fields and
      at all levels (Iraq is now the third worst country in the world in
      terms of corruption), the multiplication of local mafias, and the
      targeted assassination and/or disappearance of Iraq's technically
      skilled population.

      The problem in Iraq, we're now constantly told by the neoconservatives
      and affiliated think tanks, was a lack of preparation, or the wrong
      kind of planning, or mistakes in implementation and management. The
      problem is presented as not the illegal invasion and occupation of a
      sovereign Arab oil state on a tide of official deceit, but in the way
      that it was carried out.

      What should legitimately and persistently be considered is what does
      the U.S. owe Iraq for over a million dead and ten times that number
      wounded or otherwise devastated in five years of Bush's unrelenting
      bloodletting? And for the 5,000,000 people who have been uprooted and
      displaced from their homes, half of them forced to flee their
      homeland, 65% of them women and children, 80% of the children less
      than 12 years of age?

      In addition to over one million dead, and an estimated 4 million
      Iraqis wounded, the US occupation of Iraq has created the largest and
      fastest growing global refugee crisis in post-World War II memory,
      inclusive of the Palestinian exodus and the genocide in Rwanda. At
      least 2.8 million Iraqis have been internally displaced - 2,000 per
      day - while 2.2 million more are refugees in neighbouring countries,
      particularly in Syria and Jordan, representing a burden on host state
      resources that inevitably generate tension. That is a total of 10
      million Iraqis out of a population of about 27 millions. The term
      Corporate Genocide aptly describes this human tragedy.

      The causes of the exodus of the Iraqi population are overlapping:
      · Massive military operations of the occupation;
      · The systematic destruction of infrastructure;
      · The deterioration of basic living conditions due to the
      destruction of the state;
      · Rampant corruption and the strengthening of local mafias;
      · and sectarian violence instigated from 2005 by the security
      services, militias and death squads linked to forces comprising the
      collaborating religious parties in the Iraqi government with the tacit
      consent of the occupation.

      The presence of Al-Qaeda in Iraq is another direct consequence of the
      occupation, encouraging civil strife and social regression and is
      denounced by the Iraqi anti-occupation movement. Indiscriminate
      attacks by Al-Qaeda, singled out by the media but minor in the context
      of the violence plaguing Iraq as a whole, have as a target the Iraqi
      people themselves and are used as justification for prolonging the
      occupation and the war.

      The US has taken advantage of the sectarian violence it instigated in
      order to destroy the social basis of resistance to the occupation and
      inevitably results in annihilating the secular and skilled sectors of
      the Iraqi population — those capable of managing a sovereign, unified,
      inclusive and democratic Iraq. The US continues to justify its
      presence in Iraq on the pretext of avoiding "civil war" and "combating
      terrorism".

      The destruction of established institutions, coupled with the
      widespread impoverishment and social disintegration, have fuelled the
      expansion of backward and sectarian forces, which have resorted to
      terror in order to control and fragment the country. Meanwhile, new
      laws passed under the occupation have resulted in the potential
      breaking of the juridical unity of Iraq, the discarding of the concept
      of citizenship, and the fostering of legislation under a religious and
      sectarian umbrella.

      The partition of Iraq emerges as the strategic goal of the extreme
      violence to which the country has been and remains subjected to under
      this occupation.

      The persistent doggedness of the Iraqi Resistance, as in other wars of
      liberation, such as in Vietnam and Algeria, remain the sole legitimate
      and patriotic aspiration for the Iraqi people.

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