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Keith Harmon Snow: Darfurism & US War in Africa

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    DARFURISM, UGANDA, & US WAR IN AFRICA: THE SPECTRE OF CONTINENTAL GENOCIDE keith harmon snow http://www.allthingspass.com/journalism.php?catid=24 President
    Message 1 of 1 , Feb 1, 2008
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      keith harmon snow

      President Bush met with Uganda's President-for-life Yoweri Museveni in
      the White House on October 30, 2007. Meanwhile, a broad swath of
      Africa is engulfed in interrelated genocides and covert operations
      involving both the U.S. and Uganda, there is a growing demand to probe
      the accounts of "Save Darfur" to find out how the tens of millions
      collected are being spent due to allegations of arms-deals and
      bribery, and the "Save Darfur" movement has become the false flag
      action of the West, supported by most everyone, people who know little
      or nothing about what it is they are supporting.

      When President George Bush met with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni
      at the White House on October 30 they certainly discussed much more
      than "Uganda's leadership in Somalia, the Lord's Resistance Army, and
      President Museveni's development plan for northern Uganda" or their
      "strong partnership to combat malaria and HIV/AIDS in Uganda," as
      announced by the White House Office of the Press Secretary.

      The role of Yoweri Museveni and his "government" in service to the
      Western economic neoliberalism and the shock doctrine of
      deconstruction and chaos is greatly misunderstood and deeply
      camouflaged by simplified establishment narratives like those above.
      Bush and Museveni discussed the U.S.-Uganda military relations and
      bilateral involvement in the ongoing wars in Sudan, Somalia and the
      Democratic Republic of Congo (Congo). The "partnership to combat
      malaria and HIV/AIDS" is camouflage language for military vaccination
      and bio-warfare programs involving pharmaceutical giants like Pfizer,
      the Walter Reed Army Institute of Research, USAID, and "humanitarian"
      philanthropies.[1] A vaccine for malaria was developed for the U.S.
      military some time ago and this is shared only with certain U.S.
      client state partners, though "clinical trials" have been undertaken
      in public using African "volunteers." [2]

      Museveni and Bush certainly discussed America's escalating war in the
      Sahara desert, expanding petroleum operations across the region, U.S.
      Special Forces deployments and newly identified uranium resources in
      Uganda.[3] Maybe they discussed the March 1, 1999 killing of eight
      foreign tourists at Bwindi Impenetrable National Park, a story that
      has not yet been critically unpacked.[4] The "development plan for
      northern Uganda" is euphemistic language for the ongoing depopulation
      and massive natural resource extraction that today proceeds in
      northern Uganda in parallel with the genocide of the Acholi people and
      Uganda's militarization in support of covert programs in Sudan and Congo.

      The Darfur conflict rides along the fault line of continental warfare
      spread from Niger to Djibouti and Somalia, and from eastern Congo and
      Rwanda, through Uganda and Sudan, to Eritrea and the Red Sea. Congo is
      at war with Uganda and Rwanda. Ethiopia is at war with Somalia, and
      poised to reinvade Eritrea: there are massive troop build-ups on both
      sides of the Eritrean-Ethiopia border. Ethiopia, Uganda and Chad are
      the three "frontline" states militarily destabilizing Sudan. Uganda is
      internally and externally at war, has intervened secretly in Burundi,
      and the Ugandan military recently re-occupied towns in eastern Congo
      over petroleum. Rwanda is fighting in Eastern Congo, meddling in
      Burundi, and has some 2000 troops in Darfur. Burundi is militarily
      involved in Congo and soon to be in Somalia. Khartoum backs guerrilla
      armies in Uganda, Chad and Congo.

      The U.S. is all over the place, with both covert and overt military
      programs. France, England, Canada, Belgium, Libya, Israel and China
      are all involved. All these conflicts are intertwined, and the
      targeted populations have allegiances and alliances that are dictated
      by the pre-colonial boundaries and trade that existed prior to the
      demarcation of colonial interests that occurred at the Berlin
      Conference of 1885 under the imperial doctrine of divide and conquer.
      In 1885 "Soudan" was synonymous with "Sahara" and "Darfur" was the
      center of power.[5] Conflict involving U.S. covert forces and nomads
      in Niger and Nigeria, for example, impacts Sudan: the history of the
      Sahara revolves around the trans-Saharan influence of the Mahdi. In
      1875 the Mahdi, Muhammad Ahmad, led the indigenous resistance against
      Britain. `Abdallah at-Ta`ishi, the Mahdi's "Khalifah" or successor,
      who took over as leader of the independent Sudan when the Mahdi died
      in June 1885, was a native of Darfur.[6] People from Nigeria to
      Somalia today remember the Mahdi.


      On October 24, 2007, the United Nations awarded Lockheed-Martin
      subsidiary Pacific Architects and Engineers (PAE) a $250 million
      no-bid contract to provide "infrastructure" for the United Nations
      "peacekeeping" missions now unfolding in Sudan (Darfur), Somalia, and
      Chad/Central Africa Republic. The newly announced contract is to build
      five new camps in Sudan's Darfur and Kordofan regions for 4,100 U.N.
      and African Union (A.U.) personnel. Lockheed Martin is the world's
      largest and most secretive aerospace and defense corporation.

      This is not Pacific Architects and Engineers' first contract in
      Darfur, or in Africa's "peacekeeping" missions, and PAE is not the
      only private military company involved. PAE won the contract for
      staffing the deeply compromised "Civilian Protection Monitoring Team"
      (CPMT) in Sudan under a U.S. State Department contract. In 2004 the
      CPMT office was being run by Brigadier General Frank Toney (retired),
      who was previously the commander of Special Forces for the United
      States Army; General Toney organized covert operations into Iraq and
      Kuwait in the first Gulf War.

      Pratap Chaterjee reported in 2004 how "Lieutenant-Colonel Michael
      Bittrick, the deputy director of regional and security affairs for
      Africa at the State Department, flew to Ethiopia to hammer out an
      agreement to support African Union troops by committing to provide
      housing, office equipment, transport, and communications gear. This
      will be provided via an `indefinite delivery, indefinite quantity'
      joint contract awarded to Dyncorp Corporation, and Pacific Architects
      & Engineers (PAE) worth $20.6 million." [7] PAE also set up MONUC
      operations in Congo, and continues to operate there; the total PAE
      involvement includes numerous intermediary contracts. In 2002
      PAE/Daher won a $34 million air-services follow-on contract amidst
      complaints of a "lack of transparency and irregularities in the
      procurement system…confirmed by the bidding of the air-service
      contract with PAE/Daher." [8] Daher International is a French
      aerospace and defense corporation.[9]

      Meanwhile, the "Save Darfur" advocates pressing military intervention
      in Darfur as a "humanitarian" gesture have escalated pressure in the
      face of mounting failures, including allegations that millions of
      "Save Darfur" dollars fundraised on a sympathy for victims platform
      have been misappropriated.

      But the players, the private military companies, the arms dealers—and
      a handful of missing SRAM missiles armed with nuclear warheads dumped
      by an American B-52 before it crashed—are mostly unknown to the
      general public. These covert wars all involve different propaganda
      strategies to provide cover and deflect attention through "perception
      management"—managing the perceptions, stereotyping and creating false
      belief systems—of the North American and European public.

      The numbers of refugees and internally displaced persons across the
      region are staggering and they are indicative of a cataclysmic
      regional crisis in sub-Saharan Africa. This is not because refugees,
      insurgency and guerrilla warfare are inherent to Africa: refugees and
      IDPs are big business for white systems of power that maintain
      structural violence based on profits and the globalization of poverty,
      terror and war. The numbers are staggering, and these are not merely
      statistics, they are about suffering human beings.

      United Nations agencies report some 4,700,163 internally displaced
      persons (IDPs) in Sudan—2,152,163 in Darfur and 2,276,000 in Northern
      Sudan—with some 686,311 refugees out of Sudan.


      Burundi: 100,000 IDPs 396,541 refugees out

      Chad: 179,940 IDPs 36,300 refugees out

      Central Africa Rep.: 212,000 IDPs 71,685 refugees out

      Dem. Rep. of Congo: 1,400,000 IDPs 401,914 refugees out

      Eritrea: 32,000 IDPs 193,700 refugees out

      Ethiopia: ?200,000? IDPs 80,000 refugees out

      Kenya: 413,000 IDPs 5,356 refugees out

      Rwanda: ???? IDPs 92,966 refugees out

      Somalia: 700,000 IDPs 464,253 refugees out

      Sudan: 4,703,163 IDPs 686,311 refugees out

      Uganda: 1,310,000 IDPs 21,752 refugees out

      Is Kenya at war? Sure looks like it. Unreported anywhere are the
      massive petroleum concessions and exploration projects in Kenya's
      remote Samburu and Turkana districts. (For $5000 apiece you can
      purchase reports like Petroleum Potential of Lake Turkana Area from
      international oil and gas consultants Beicip-Franlab.[11]) G.H.W.
      Bush's old Swedish pal Adolph Lundin and Lundin Petroleum signed an
      exploration contract for the Turkana region in June 2007.[12]

      While the United Nations lists some 200,000 IDPs in Ethiopia, the
      Norwegian Refugee Council's Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre
      (iDMC) reports: "[r]elatively little is known about the extent and
      nature of conflict-induced internal displacement in Ethiopia." There
      are 92,966 refugees out of Rwanda, if we can trust the iDMC numbers,
      and an "indeterminate" number of IDPs. Refugee and IDP statistics,
      like mortality figures, are highly politicized. The situation in
      Ethiopia today is cataclysmic and the U.N. and the vast network of
      profit-based NGOs operating in Ethiopia are complicit in genocide
      because they do not challenge the regime for fear of losing business.[13]

      These humanitarian emergencies involve massive depopulation and death,
      internally displaced persons and trans-national refugees, all of which
      provide a lucrative business opportunity for Western "relief" and
      "development" organizations. The business of AID is a racket. Weapons
      sales are a racket. The people who suffer are different from the
      industries, the providers of services, equipment and expertise who
      profit from these crises. Like most weaponry, landmines are
      predominantly manufactured in white economies of North America and
      Europe and, scandalously, it is the companies from the same white
      economies who have a lock on U.N. landmine removal contracts worth
      billions of dollars a year. The so-called "humanitarian relief"
      business is an industry that relies on the creation of markets.
      Millions of people across the region are dying, while millions more
      are homeless, set adrift in a sea of nowhere, with no rights, no
      possessions, no protection and very little prospect for survival;
      their only hopes come from the false belief that the Western
      "humanitarian" AID enterprise is designed to rescue them.

      All across the continent, people are dying in huge numbers, but most
      of the deaths occur out of sight in places like the Ogaden basin,
      rural Somalia, and northern Uganda, places where journalists don't go,
      places where those who go are blind—either by whiteness and affluence,
      or by their own interests—to what they look straight at.

      The engagement of the world's premier war-making industries—Lockheed
      Martin, Boeing, Bechtel, SAIC, PAE, Northrup Grumman—behind and within
      a so-called "peacekeeping" platform is not new, and something is
      seriously wrong with this picture.


      "Save Darfur" is the predominant propaganda front running on Africa
      and it has overwhelmed the public consciousness with deceptions. In
      this establishment narrative Arabs on horseback, the Janjaweed, backed
      by the Sudan government seated in Khartoum, are the purveyors of
      genocide. This mirrors the establishment narrative of Rwanda, 1994,
      which said that the Hutus and the nasty Interahamwe militias committed
      genocide against the Tutsis in 100 days of killing with machetes. The
      Rwanda genocide narrative—combined with the narrative about
      "humanitarian" intervention in Yugoslavia, where the final blow to
      dismember the country came with the NATO bombing campaign—set the
      stage for the Darfur genocide narrative.

      All over the United States, Britain and Canada advocates and activists
      who claim to be concerned about human rights, and even those who
      otherwise would not get involved, have supported the "Save Darfur"
      movement, a political movement similar to the anti-Apartheid movement
      mobilized against South Africa in the 1980's. The "Save Darfur"
      movement has resulted in a huge outpouring of funds, and it has
      mobilized support from people in all walks of life, and across the
      political spectrum, on the "never again" platform of "stopping genocide."

      Hollywood personalities dubbed "actorvists," including Mia Farrow, Don
      Cheadle and George Clooney, have helped to whip up the "Save Darfur"
      hysteria. From Elie Wiesel to Barak Obama, people are "outraged" by
      genocide that the Bush Administration, we are told, is reluctant to
      stop. And it is hysteria, in the true definition of the word, but it
      did not simply rise out of a sudden concern for a bunch of Africans in
      some far-off God-forsaken place (as it is portrayed).

      At a "Voices for Darfur" fundraiser held on October 21, 2007 at Smith
      College in Northampton, Massachusetts, for example, the local chapter
      of the Congregation B'Nai Israel Darfur Action coalition, raised over
      $14,000 for "humanitarian" aid to Darfur. The B'Nai Israel Save Darfur
      Coalition had a broad array of public and organizational support,
      including other Jewish organizations, Smith College, Northampton Mayor
      Claire Higgins, Massachusetts' Senator Stan Rosenberg and
      Representative Peter Kocot. The campaign organizers claim that "more
      than 90% goes to direct-on-the-ground AID." Working with big
      humanitarian groups like Doctors Without Borders and Save the
      Children, it is impossible that 90% of funds will hit the ground in

      Behind the "Save Darfur" movement are fundamentalist organizations and
      think tanks with a deeply nationalistic, militaristic, religious
      fundamentalist agenda. The Center for Security Policy, for example,
      supports the "star wars" Strategic Defense Initiative, Homeland
      Security—which is nothing more than expanding militarism and
      emasculated public rights—and the Biometric Security Project. The BSP
      centers around emerging biological technologies that will be used to
      register, identify, monitor, track and control each and every U.S.
      citizen. They call it "identity assurance," it involves
      state-of-the-art recognition equipment, sensors and security
      technologies, and it is a central component of the evolving national
      security and "counter-terrorism" apparatus.[15]

      The Center for Security Policy is the nerve center of the U.S.
      military and intelligence apparatus, a deeply nationalist, neoliberal
      think-tank and flak organization promoting the all-out attack against
      non-cooperative governments—dubbed "rogue states"—peripheral to
      Western economic control. These, of course, are primarily Iran, Iraq,
      Afghanistan, Yemen, Syria, North Korea and Cuba. Zimbabwe is a special
      case that has joined the list to some degree. What these states have
      in common is that they are all targeted for divestment by the Center
      for Security Policy brainchild, www.divestterror.org. Sudan is another
      of the "rogue states" targeted.

      The establishment narrative on Darfur motivates U.S. citizens to take
      action to "Save Darfur," thus facilitating popular support for
      heightened U.S. military involvement. The truth is that the United
      States military is already there, in its various incarnations, and the
      United States is involved in atrocities.


      In the northern Uganda region—involving South Sudan and northeastern
      Congo—another conflict has boiled for over 21 years between the
      government Uganda People's Defense Forces (UPDF), led by Yoweri
      Museveni, and the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), led by Joseph Kony.
      This war offers yet another one-sided Western establishment narrative
      that says that Kony and the LRA—always described as a Christian
      fanatical cult that captures and drugs children—is the primary problem
      in northern Uganda. (Usually African savages are not Christian enough
      for America's liking; here we find that they are too Christian.)

      The establishment narrative has been furthered across the popular
      culture, in everything from Vanity Fair to the BBC to the journal The
      National Catholic Weekly (America). The newly established ENOUGH
      Project (ENOUGH "genocide" and "not on my watch" etc. etc.) picked up
      the mantle of LRA atrocities and, like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty
      International, has supported the establishment narrative which shields
      the Museveni government from the kind of criticism and international
      action that is called for in keeping with the scale of the atrocities
      the Uganda government is responsible for. Amnesty International and
      Human Rights have produced disinformation, in some cases, Rwanda and
      Yugoslavia being the most notable.

      The Museveni war machine and its state terror apparatus have
      perpetrated massive atrocities in the region and it has evolved into
      genocide against the Acholi, Teso and Lango people of the north. The
      indigenous Acholi people have been forced onto concentration camps
      over the past 21 years, and these camps have become places of death.
      In the establishment narrative, the people are always the victims of
      Kony's LRA "rebellion."

      Human Rights Watch has addressed torture and government complicity in
      atrocities in Uganda, and other problems, but they have rarely named
      names or corporations and they almost never link the conflict or the
      atrocities to Western interests. One massive report on Northern Uganda
      details criminal government actions, but the recommendations sections
      effectively sanction structural violence and white supremacy.[16] The
      net effect of these policy and "human rights" positions is complicity
      in genocide and genocide denial on Uganda.

      Contrary to the proliferation of propaganda always attributing child
      abductions to Kony's LRA—another example of Western Orientalism that
      essentializes Africa to serve political purposes—is research showing
      that many LRA abductions are short term with children returning home
      from LRA abductions in less than three weeks. Further, many children
      who fight with the LRA have joined by choice, and they do so
      willingly.[17] In "Childhood's End" (Vanity Fair, 2006) Christopher
      Hitchens described the LRA as a "grotesque zombie-like militia…that
      has set a standard of cruelty and ruthlessness…" American troops that
      have committed atrocities in Iraq and Afghanistan, no less brutal or
      gruesome or psychopathic, would never be described this way.

      Yoweri Museveni and his business and military partners are responsible
      for millions of deaths, crimes against humanity and war crimes in
      Eastern Congo. Museveni and his generals were the primary backers of
      Congolese warlord Jean-Pierre Bemba and the Movement for the
      Liberation of Congo. With UPDF support, Bemba's MLC perpetrated
      massive atrocities under the covert military operation, Effacer le
      Tableau (Erasing the Board)—a scorched earth policy amounting to
      genocide against the Mbuti pygmies of Eastern Congo.[18]

      The U.S. military invasion of Zaire (now Congo), involved U.S. covert
      forces, U.S. military communications, logistical and weapons support,
      and Ugandan and Rwandan forces. Humvees, C-130's and black-skinned
      U.S. Special Forces entered South Sudan and northeastern Congo through
      the Gulu and Arua Districts of Uganda, the heart of Acholiland and the
      center of atrocities against the Acholi people.[19]

      Ugandan and British interests living mostly in Britain and aligned
      with the former dictator Idi Amin have always backed the Lord's
      Resistance Army and the West Nile Bank Front; support also came from
      Saudi Arabia and Qatar (the Qatar General Petroleum Corporation is
      involved in Sudan's oil sector and has partnered in various
      international enterprises with Norwegian, Japanese and French
      corporations). Idi Amin, the brutal dictator, lived out his life in
      luxury in Saudi Arabia (d. 2003). The LRA stepped up its military
      actions in parallel with the UPDF invasion of Zaire (1996), and the
      subsequent years of warfare and plunder in Congo (1998-present).

      According to the investigations of the United Nations and the
      humanitarian law work of lawyer Karen Parker, the war in Uganda
      involves massive rapes, killing, tortures, and extrajudicial
      executions as a policy by the Ugandan military. Some 1.3 million
      people are displaced in the Gulu, Kitgum and Pader districts of
      northern Uganda (there were 1.7 million IDPs in March 2007). There are
      over 73 camps with from 1000 to 50,000 people in them, all forcibly
      displaced by UPDF soldiers, with over 350,000 people out of some
      400,000 people displaced from the Gulu district alone.[20]


      The forced displacements of Acholi people began with Museveni's
      ascension to power in 1986, but major forced displacements occurred
      throughout the 1990's and again in 2002-2003. However, there was a
      massive displacement operation in 1996 that appears to have been
      coordinated in part with the planned U.S. invasion of Zaire from
      Northern Uganda and Rwanda.

      The UPDF Army barracks at Masindi and airstrip at Gulu, both in
      Northern Uganda, served as the staging grounds for the U.S. invasion
      of Zaire. The Museveni government organized the closure of northern
      Uganda in October 1996 ostensibly because of heightened LRA attacks.
      The UPDF, in chronological coincidence with the U.S. invasion, forced
      hundreds of thousands of Acholis into concentration camps in the fall
      of 1996, often by bombing and burning villages and murdering, beating,
      raping and threatening those who would not comply.

      According to testimony from eyewitnesses, on Oct 26, 1996 the top
      Ugandan brass behind the invasion of Zaire met at the village of
      Paraa, in the Murchison Falls National Park, near Lake Albert, in the
      Gulu District. At the meeting were: [1] UPDF Brigadier General Moses
      Ali—Idi Amin's right hand man who later became Minister of Internal
      Affairs, Minister for Disaster Preparedness, and Deputy Prime Minister
      in the Museveni administration; [2] Museveni's half-brother Salim
      Saleh; [3] then Colonel James Kazini; and [4] Dr. Eric Adroma—head of
      Uganda National Parks. Salim Saleh is perhaps the leading agent of
      terror in the UPDF Zaire/Congo wars, but both Saleh and commander
      James Kazini led UPDF troops involved in war crimes, crimes against
      humanity, and acts of genocide involving millions of people in Eastern
      Congo (1996-2007).

      The meeting was ostensibly about security and it was announced that
      due to a recent LRA rebel attack at Paraa, the UPDF would be placing
      parts of Northern Uganda off limits to all non-military personnel.
      (LRA rebels committed the Paraa attack; UPDF troops arrived on the
      scene quickly and looted bodies but did not pursue the LRA.) The main
      road from Karuma to the border town of Pakwach was thereafter closed.
      This road apparently served as a primary transport route for Ugandan
      and non-Ugandan military—including black U.S. Special Forces—who
      invaded Zaire.[21]

      On November 6, 1996, Bill Clinton was re-elected. Around 10 November
      1996 an armored 4x4 Humvee (HUMMWV)—heavily rigged with sophisticated
      communications equipment inside and out—was encountered carrying two
      black U.S. special forces in the Murchison Falls region: the soldiers
      were wearing UPDF uniforms. Two busloads of black U.S. Special Forces
      were encountered at a UPDF checkpoint on the Karuma-Pakwach road;
      wearing civilian clothes, with duffel bags, the muscled and crew cut
      "civilians" showed U.S. passports and claimed they were "doctors"
      heading to the tiny Gulu hospital. From November 21-23 Boeing C-130
      military aircraft passed over the region every 30 minutes, 24 hours a
      day, heading both north and south. The C-130's apparently landed at
      Gulu airstrip—closed by the Museveni government for a two-week
      period—and offloaded military equipment then moved by roads—closed by
      the UPDF—to the border. Some C-130's were charted on a course believed
      to take them to Goma, Zaire. From mid-November to February 1997 access
      to northwestern Uganda regions was highly restricted. On 1 March 1997
      another wave of C-130's passed over the region. The UPDF used the LRA
      threat as cover for massive military operations involving the invasion
      of Zaire for the United States of America.[22]

      The in-country U.S. Ambassador to Uganda at the time was E. Michael
      Southwick (October 1994-August 1997). Oil surveys began in 1998 and
      the entire Northwestern Uganda region is now designated as oil
      concessions controlled by Heritage Oil and Gas, Hardman Oil and Tullow
      Oil, three Anglo-American companies connected to British mercenary
      Tony Buckingham (founder of he mercenary firms Sandline International
      and Executive Outcomes) and his partners.[23] Nexant, a Bechtel
      subsidiary, is involved with the trans-Uganda-Kenya pipeline. South
      African firm Energem—tied to Tony Buckingham through Anthony Texeira,
      the brother-in-law of Congolese warlord Jean-Pierre Bemba—is also
      involved. Another Energem and Buckingham affiliated company tight with
      the Museveni regime is Branch Energy, involved with the oil pipeline
      and mining in Uganda.

      On September 5, 2007, UPDF troops—and rebels reportedly aligned with
      Jean-Pierre Bemba—had occupied the Congo's oil- and gold-rich Semliki
      Basin on the western shores of Lake Albert. Heavily armed foreign
      forces occupied the villages of Aru, Mahagi, Fataki, Irengeti and the
      Ruwenzori mountains. The international press and the United Nations
      Observers Mission in Congo (MONUC) remained completely silent about
      the Ugandan incursions. By September 8, 2007, Ugandan troops were
      heavily massed on the Congo border while Kabila and Museveni were
      signing oil and gold sharing agreements in Tanzania. UPDF forces and
      "rebel" troops alleged to be Bemba's remained in Congo as of October
      25. The MONUC information offices were claiming by mid-October that
      UPDF had pulled out, but Congolese citizens in eastern Congo continued
      to report a significant UPDF military occupation.[24]

      The China Petroleum Pipeline Engineering Company is also involved in
      the Uganda-Kenya pipeline, offering an interesting comparison for
      people concerned about China's involvement in atrocities in the Darfur
      region. And, after much scrambling, Libya was cut out of the
      Kenya-Uganda pipeline deals.[25] The petroleum sector in Libya
      involves U.S., Canadian and European companies.

      Uganda's representation at the International Criminal Court exploring
      war crimes in Congo has included at least two very high-profile
      lawyers from Foley Hoag LLP, an influential Washington law firm deeply
      entrenched in the proliferation of the mainstream narratives and the
      victor's justice doled out—through the ICTY and ICTR tribunals—on
      Yugoslavia and Rwanda. The Pentagon seconded its lawyers from the
      Judge Advocate General (JAG) Corp to the ICTR to "try" those
      unfortunate "enemies" both arbitrarily and selectively accused of

      The people most responsible for atrocities in the region—unprecedented
      human bloodletting, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and
      genocide—are protected. These include Yoweri Museveni, Salim Saleh,
      Paul Kagame, James Kazini, Moses Ali, James Kabarebe, Taban Amin,
      Jean-Pierre Bemba, Laurent Nkunda, Meles Zenawi…a long list of people
      whose culpability is without question, many of whom have been named
      for atrocities again and again. U.S. Special Operations forces know
      what happened and should be deposed under oath in a legitimate
      International Criminal Court, which at present does not exist, and is
      not in the making. Ditto for Madeleine Albright, Anthony Lake, Thomas
      Pickering, Susan Rice, John Prendergast, General William Wald, General
      Frank Toney, Walter Kansteiner, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Richard
      Holbroke, Roger Winter, Frank G. Wisner, Andrew Young…another short list.

      Foley Hoag LLP is also tied to the U.S.-Uganda Friendship Council. On
      May 6, 2002 in Washington D.C. Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni and
      wife Janet were special guests at U.S.-Uganda Friendship Council event
      sponsored by members Coke, Pfizer and Chevron-Texaco. Museveni also
      met with President Bush at the White House. Coke director Kathleen
      Black is a principle in the Hearst media empire, while Coke directors
      Warren Buffet and Barry Diller are directors of the Washington Post
      Company, and these are the media institutions that whitewash client
      regimes, corporate plunder and Pentagon actions. Of course, Coca Cola
      covets the gum Arabic potential of Darfur, and Coke is a client of
      Andrew Young's PR firm Goodworks International. Uganda's image is
      sanitized by one of the world's largest PR firms, London's Hill &
      Knowlton. In 2005 Uganda spent some $700,000 on a Hill & Knowlton
      contract to facilitate and "encourage dialogue between the Ugandan
      government and people like Human Rights Watch, Amnesty, Oxfam." [27]


      Museveni's bush war began in 1980. Paul Kagame, current President of
      Rwanda, was Museveni's Director of Military Intelligence in the
      mid-1980's. Museveni and Kagame led the invasion of Rwanda in 1990.
      The two military commanders utilized terrorist tactics that assigned
      blame for atrocities they committed—against both their enemies and
      their own people—on their enemies. They used psychological operations,
      embedded international reporters, and fabrication of massacres. These
      tactics have continued to the present.

      While Rwanda is billed as a major "success story" of recovery and
      development after a devastating genocide—see for example the PR
      "documentary" film Rwanda Rising produced by Andrew Young's Goodworks
      International—the country is ruled with an iron-fist and a finely
      tuned intelligence and torture apparatus involved in political
      assassinations, suppression of information and disappearances. Huge
      areas of Rwanda were entirely depopulated by the Rwandan Patriotic
      Front and UPDF as they hammered away at Rwanda beginning in October
      1990. The invasion culminated in a coup d'etat that succeeded, with
      broad U.S. military support, in capturing Kigali in July of 1994.

      From 1994 to the present President Paul Kagame has used the genocide
      card and the establishment narrative to institutionalize repression,
      criminalize or assassinate anyone who challenges the regime, and
      further depopulate rural areas for "development" benefiting corporate

      Another member of the U.S.-Uganda Friendship council is the Honorable
      Andrew Young, former Mayor of Atlanta and U.S. Ambassador. Andrew
      Young and his firm Goodworks International have helped whitewash the
      image of the Rwanda government and its state apparatus of terror.
      Andrew Young, Quincy Jones and other wealthy Americans are building
      (have built) mansions on the shores of Rwanda's Lake Mwazi in areas
      where peasants were driven off the land or killed by the Kagame terror
      machine before, during and after 1994. State terror and depopulation
      is ongoing along Lake Kivu and in the Volcanoes National Parks regions
      for methane and high-end tourism development.[28]

      Back to the refugees and IDPs question, the United Nations recognized
      some 650,000 IDPs in "makeshift camps" in Rwanda in 1998 and 1999, in
      the northwestern prefectures of Ruhengeri and Gisenyi. These IDPs were
      categorized as "mostly Hutu" and forcibly resettled through
      implementation of Rwanda's "National Habitat Policy, or
      "villagisation" policy, of December 1996, which provides for the
      relocation of all Rwandans living in scattered homesteads into
      government-created villages.[29] While the U.N. ceased to recognize
      these people in Rwanda as internally displaced, in 2003 there remained
      200,000 families living in IDP conditions.[30] What is their status today?

      Rwanda gains currency and good press through big HIV/AIDS projects run
      by Paul Farmer but funded by the Clinton AIDS foundation. Rwanda was
      overthrown by and for the Pentagon on Clinton's watch. Hillary Clinton
      toured Uganda in July 1997, wore African clothes, danced African
      dances, and spoke about "democracy" and "development" and a
      "partnership" against HIV/AIDS.

      The Kagame regime has recently awarded petroleum concessions to
      Canada's Vangold Resources for the project titled "White Elephant" in
      northern Rwanda—2700 sq. kilometers of land depopulated by the Rwandan
      Patriotic Front/Army between 1990 and 2007. [31] Contracted to provide
      "feasibility studies" of petroleum infrastructural development in
      Rwanda is the San Diego firm Science Applications International
      Corporation (SAIC). [32]

      SAIC has ongoing collaborations with Bechtel—another of the world's
      most secretive aerospace technology, energy infrastructure and defense
      contractors—both known for their involvement in U.S. beyond top-secret
      "black" programs; SAIC also works closely with DARPA, the Defense
      Advanced Research Projects Agency. [33] Recent SAIC directors have
      included: U.S. Navy Admiral B.R. Inman (Ret.); U.S. Army General W.A.
      Downing (Ret.); and U.S. Air Force General J.A. Welch (Ret.). SAIC
      also has an ongoing collaboration with the multibillion-dollar
      pharmaceutical giant Bristol Myers Squibb (BMS). [34] Unsurprisingly,
      through shared directorships, BMS is economically and politically
      aligned with the New York Times Corporation. SAIC has also been
      flagged for involvement in highly questionable U.S. mercenary
      activities and human rights violations in Africa.[35]

      Petroleum, defense and mining interests connected to the Dian Fossey
      Gorilla Fund International programs in "gorilla conservation" led to
      the production of high-tech satellite prospecting data, gathered by
      remote sensing over-flights (1994-2000), delivered to the Rwandan
      Ministry of Defense.[36]

      The Pentagon has been involved in building military bases in Rwanda,
      installing military and civilian communications infrastructure, and
      training Rwandan Defense Forces; a military-communications radar
      installation has been constructed with U.S. support on Mt. Karisimbi
      in Ruhengeri Province.[37] The installation is being built by the
      Rwanda Ministry of Defense in partnership with the "Rwandan" company
      Terracom SPRL and Rwandatel. Terracom is owned by U.S. businessman
      Greg Wyler; Rwandatel is 99%-owned subsidiary.[38]

      It is believed that Rwanda Defense Forces (RDF) sent to Darfur on the
      African Union "peacekeeping" mission include black U.S. Special Forces
      disguised as RDF—just as the black U.S. Special Forces were disguised
      as UPDF during the invasion of Zaire.

      Andrew Young is widely lauded as a leader of the African-American
      civil rights movement and ally of Martin Luther King Jr., claims that
      were specious to begin with. "In Rwanda Rising," reads the PR promo
      for the film, Andrew Young, "a former United Nations Ambassador, Civil
      Rights leader and top aide to the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr.
      documented the amazing transformation taking place in Rwanda today,
      including the country's remarkable story of reconciliation despite the
      1994 Genocide." [39]

      Rwanda Rising opened the 15th Annual Pan African Film and Arts
      Festival February 8, 2007. "Fifteen years into the Pan African Film
      and Arts Festival and we continue to showcase the important stories of
      our brothers and sisters on the Continent," Festival Director Ayuko
      Babu said. "Having Rwanda Rising open this year's festival is keeping
      in that tradition while making sure that we stay connected to our
      roots in Africa." [40]


      Lockheed Martin is a California-based aerospace and defense giant
      involved in classified black programs that are beyond "top-secret" and
      shielded from government oversight. In September 2003, CNN—a
      corporate-military "news" agency deeply embedded with the
      Pentagon—reported "[a]ccording to the U.S. Center for Strategic and
      Budgetary Assessments (CSBA) classified or black programs account for
      about $23.2 billion or 17 percent of the 2004 budget request for the
      Department of Defense."

      According to United Nations spokeswoman Michele Montas the six-month
      Darfur contract with Lockheed-Martin subsidiary Pacific Architect
      Engineers, Inc. was awarded without competitive bidding "because of
      complex requirements and a short timeline."

      Reporting from the United Nations, Inner City Press said the terms of
      the contract will not be public and the United Nations has violated
      numerous U.N. charter laws in the tendering of this award.[41]

      The no-bid award process followed the United Nation's issuance of an
      official "Expressions of Interest" notice on October 9, 2007. "The
      United Nations is seeking Expressions of Interest (EOI) from
      experienced Multi Functional Logistics Services (MFLS) contractors,"
      the U.N.'s EOI notice reads, "for the provision of a wide range of
      services at headquarters, logistic bases, military and police camps,
      airfields and water resources at various locations in any or all of
      the following: the Darfur Region of Sudan, Chad/Central African
      Republic (CAR), and Somalia."

      Inner City Press reported that the EOI solicitation, made after the
      rules had already been waived to allow the transfer of $250 million to
      Lockheed Martin for six months in Darfur, is intended to try to clean
      up the process after-the-fact.[42]

      Another multinational aerospace and defense corporation directly
      benefiting from this regional U.S. war is Boeing Aircraft Corporation.
      The U.S. military used Boeing Chinook helicopters in the U.S. invasion
      of Somalia in 2006. Tom Pickering, former U.S. Under Secretary of
      State for Political Affairs, is senior vice president for
      International Relations and a member of the Boeing Executive Council
      since January 2001. Pickering played a decisive role in the Clinton
      Administration overthrow of Rwanda (1990-1994) and Congo (1996-1997).
      He is a leading advocate for the "Save Darfur" propaganda. He is also
      a member of the Africa Society of the National Summit on Africa along
      with Ed Royce (R-CA), former U.S. Senator Nancy Kassebaum Baker
      (R-KS), Donald Payne (D-NJ), and Andrew Young.

      While the New York Times reported in December 2006 that the Ethiopian
      invasion of Somalia began in late December, military involvement of
      U.S. covert forces had been ongoing, and was heightened significantly
      in the early spring of 2006 when the U.S. Department of Defense and
      the Central Intelligence Agency openly complained about cross purposes
      in Somalia. Ethiopian troops began deploying to protect the US.-backed
      Transitional Government early in 2006. Private military companies were
      all over Somalia, as were known international arms syndicates,
      including of course the criminal networks of John Bredenkamp, one of
      Britain's fifty richest tycoons and one of the primary financial
      backers behind the rise and fall of Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe.

      John Bredenkamp reportedly acquired three SRAM missiles with nuclear
      warheads jettisoned in shallow water off the coast of Somalia by a
      U.S.A.F. B-52 that soon after crashed into the Indian Ocean near the
      U.S. military base on the island of Diego Garcia. The U.S. invasion of
      Somalia is believed to have been partly an aborted attempt to recover
      the lost nukes—called "broken arrows" in Pentagon speak. While the
      story of the dumped nukes "lost" by Dick Cheney has received some
      attention, no one has publicly identified John Bredenkamp as the
      likely weapons dealer involved.[43]


      The war in Somalia dates back to deep U.S. involvement in the 1980's,
      where major oil concessions were awarded to four Western multinational
      petroleum giants: Conoco, Amoco, Chevron and Philips petroleum. The
      infusion of Western "AID" provoked destabilization of Somalia, leading

      to the U.S. military invasion that culminated in the 1993 mission
      where eighteen U.S. Special Operations Forces were killed when their
      Blackhawk helicopter was shot down over the capital city, Mogadishu. [44]

      The mythology of U.S. involvement was indelibly inscribed in the
      popular consciousness through the Hollywood/Pentagon film Blackhawk
      Down, a film that has played all over the world even while a covert
      U.S. war in Somalia has continued.[45]

      Blackhawk helicopters are produced by United Technologies Corporation
      (UTC), which counts as directors General Richard B. Myers. General
      Alexander Haig was director and senior adviser to UTC for years and
      his consulting firm, Worldwide Associates, counts UTC and Boeing as
      clients. Haig was also a director with MGM, producers of the fictional
      Hotel Rwanda film that peddles the establishment Rwanda narrative.

      Hollywood's subordination to Pentagon interests involves moviemakers
      gaining access to expensive weaponry while the military basks in an
      heroic glow that buffs its image and boosts recruitment.[46] About
      forty of the actors who were portraying Special Operations Rangers in
      Blackhawk Down were sent to Fort Benning (Georgia)—home of the School
      of the Americas, the premier U.S. torture and terror academy—to attend
      courses in becoming Special Forces. All "Black Hawks" used during the
      filming were from the 16th Special Operations Aviation Regiment (SOAR)
      and most of the pilots in the film were involved in the actual battle.
      [47] At least hundreds—some accounts indicate thousands—of Somali
      people died during the two days of fighting on October 3-4, 1993.

      Part of the consistent propaganda on Africa is that "the U.S. does not
      want to get involved and potentially face another Somalia." But the
      U.S. pullout of Somalia occurred in perfect synchronicity with the
      heightened military involvement in Rwanda in 1994.

      U.S. Special Operations Command (SOCOM) did not cease Special Ops
      deployments in Somalia with the U.S. withdrawal and covert operations
      have proceeded on and off, with heightened activity through the late
      1990's. Numerous private military companies have received contracts to
      work in Somalia. In 2005 the U.S.-based Top Cat Marine Security won
      $50 million dollar contract to "fight piracy, theft of natural
      resources and terrorism within Somali borders and its territorial
      waters;" the contract awarded by Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf's
      transitional federal government—founded with U.N. backing in
      2004—includes special forces training and helicopter reconnaissance.[48]

      The private military companies Select Armor (VA, USA) and ATS
      Worldwide (FL, USA) were all over Somali by June 2006, if not much
      sooner.[49] Select Armor started its operation planning in Kampala,
      Uganda, with Ugandan government pledges of weapons and logistics
      support. ATS uses former British and U.S. Special Forces. Officials of
      the U.S and British governments, the CIA and MI-6 were reportedly
      informed and clandestine elite interests that can dictate U.S.
      Department of Defense involvement orchestrated the operation. While
      the involvement breached United Nations embargoes on Somalia, top U.N.
      officials were reportedly involved.[50]

      The Pentagon confirmed in November 2006 that SOCOM forces were in
      Somalia as of October "providing military advice to Ethiopian and
      Somali forces on the ground." The U.S. Navy moved "additional forces"
      into waters off the Somali coast, where the Pentagon said they
      "conducted security missions, monitoring maritime traffic and
      intercepting and interrogating crew on suspicious ships." These
      included the USS Ramage guided missile destroyer, the USS Dwight D.
      Eisenhower aircraft carrier, the USS Bunker Hill and USS Anzio guided
      missile cruisers, and the USS Ashland amphibious landing ship.[51] On
      June 2, 2007, a U.S. Navy destroyer shelled northern Somalia. Somali
      news media reported that the strikes destroyed farms, flattened
      hilltops and killed or injured an unknown number of villagers.[52]

      The British Navy's newest warship HMS Bulwark was also stationed off
      the Somali coast in early 2006. The HMS Bulwark deployed to the Indian
      Ocean on 9 January 2006 for the first live operation of this "unique
      Commando Assault ship" (as it is described by the British Navy).[53]

      At least three U.S. Navy guided missile destroyers were operating off
      Somalia in October and November 2007. The U.S.S. Porter, U.S.S.
      Arleigh Burke and U.S.S. James E. Williams were operating—sinking
      "pirate ships" and "terrorist" vessels—as part of the Combined
      Maritime Forces Task Force headquartered in Bahrain.[54]

      The U.S. Department of Defense Central Command (CENTCOM) and European
      Command (EUCOM) initiated the "Golden Spear" anti-terrorism
      program initiated in 2000 to "address issues of terrorism,
 crises, natural disasters, drugs trafficking and
      refugees in the greater horn of Africa." The "Golden Spear" member
      countries include Ethiopia, Kenya, Eritrea, Djibouti, Rwanda, Burundi,
      Tanzania, Jordan, Seychelles, Comoros, Egypt, Democratic Republic of
      Congo and Uganda. Golden Spear military meetings occurred in Ethiopia,
      Seychelles and Tampa, Florida. Amongst the many military officials
      attending one 2005 "Golden Spear" meeting in Nairobi, Kenya were
      General Marcel Gatsinzi, Rwanda Minister of Defense, and Uganda's Lt.
      General Moses Ali. USCENTCOM representatives from Canada and
      Australia also attended. There were forty-five delegates in attendance
      from the United States: forty-two U.S. military commanders, special
      agents, defense attachés or government and security officials, and
      three executives from Northrup Grumman aerospace and defense

      The establishment narrative on Somalia is that Ethiopia invaded
      Somalia to displace Al-Qaeda terrorists and check the spread of
      Islamic fundamentalism, both of which are propaganda themes that
      misrepresent the reality of U.S. and allied military interventions.

      Ethiopia is considered an essential partner of the U.S. in its "War on
      Terrorism" and Ethiopian bases have been used for attacks on Somalia.
      In 2003, the U.S. Army's 10th Mountain Division (SOCOM) completed a
      three-month program to train an Ethiopian army division in
      "counter-terrorism tactics"—code language for covert operations.
      Operations are coordinated through the Combined Joint Task Forces-Horn
      of Africa (CJTF-HOA) base in Djibouti. In January 2004, SOCOM forces
      from the 3rd U.S. Infantry Regiment replaced the 10th Mountain
      Division forces at a new base "Camp United" established at Hurso,
      northwest of Dire Dawa, near the border with Somalia. Since 2003,
      under the U.S. State Department-sponsored Africa Contingency
      Operations Training and Assistance (ACOTA) program, CJTF-HOA provided
      instruction to thousands of Ethiopian soldiers at a base in Legedadi.
      CJTF-HOA forces from the U.S Army's 478th Civil Affairs Battalion also
      operated in Ethiopia (Somalia) in and around Dire Dawa, Galadi and
      Dolo Odo, among other areas.[56]

      Recent CJTF-HOA training exercises in Djibouti involved U.S. and
      French Special Forces at an undisclosed French Special Operations base
      in Djibouti. The Pentagon's CJTF-HOA program has operated out of a
      Camp Lemonier, in Djibouti, since at least 2001. The October 22, 2007
      joint exercises involved French naval Special Forces and the U.S.
      Marine Heavy Helicopter Squadron 464. According to the CJTF-HOA
      report, "[t]he Marines and Sailors are a part of the CJTF-HOA mission
      involving more than 1,800 U.S. and coalition forces serving in the
      operational effort to prevent conflict, promote regional stability,
      and protect coalition interest in order to prevail against extremism."

      Female service members from the U.S. CJTF-HOA also participated in
      joint Yemen-U.S. exercises educating some 40 Yemeni herdswomen how to
      inoculate goats.[58] As part of a community relations event, U.S.
      Central Command Air Forces Expeditionary Band and Marines from the 3rd
      Low Altitude Air Defense Battalion entertained and handed out school
      supplies, toys and shoes to local villagers Oct. 9 at Damerjog,

      Following the U.S.-backed Ethiopian invasion of Somalia, sources in
      Kenya and Eritrea have consistently reported "snatch and grab"
      terrorist operations involving massacres and torture that were run by
      SOCOM forces inside Somalia, Ethiopia and Kenya. This is not some
      veterinary program involving U.S. Special Forces in inoculation
      programs for nomadic herdswomen and their goats.

      There are at least 52,000 U.S. special operations forces on active
      duty and reserve military worldwide, including SEALs, Green Berets and
      commando-style troops from the 10th Mountain Division and others.

      Ethiopia seeks to control Somalia to gain access to a much-needed
      deepwater seaport. Ethiopia's oil concessions are contiguous with the
      oil reserves in Sudan, Somalia, Kenya and Yemen. Hunt Oil, the Chinese
      National Petroleum Company and many others are active in Ethiopia.[60]
      Hunt's $18-million refinery across the waters in Yemen was officially
      dedicated by then U.S. Vice-President G.H.W. Bush in April, 1986. In
      remarks during the event, Bush emphasized the critical value of
      supporting U.S. corporate efforts to develop and safeguard potential
      oil reserves in the region.[61]

      The U.S. military used and uses Ethiopian air bases modernized by
      infusions of millions of dollars of "AID" funds to launch attacks
      against Somalia. Ethiopia now has the largest standing army on the
      continent and this was achieved through the conversions of millions of
      dollars in "AID" to weapons and militarization; even "debt
      forgiveness"—where foreign "debt" was canceled—benefited the
      militarization of Ethiopia, and the same occurred in Uganda.[62] U.S.
      spy satellites were used provide intelligence to Ethiopian troops as
      they swept across the Oganden basin and Somalia. Presidents Bush and
      Zenawi both denied that the invasion was coordinated and well planned,
      and both denied the involvement of the U.S.

      The Ethiopian government retained former U.S. Republican house
      majority leader Dick Armey as a lobbyist in Washington to whitewash
      the Ethiopian regimes' crimes.[63]


      The Ogaden, Oromo and Anuak regions of Ethiopia have seen massive
      military occupation and state repression. The Ethiopian government of
      Meles Zenawi has perpetrated mass starvation and scorched earth policy
      in the region. There has been very little international media coverage
      and most is favorable the Zenawi regime or pressing the upside-down
      stories about "relief" and "starvation" that serve the Western
      "humanitarian" business sector. The Ogaden basin is a bloodbath today.
      Applying the same legal standards as in Darfur, all three Ethiopian
      regions qualify as ongoing genocides against indigenous people.[64]
      Failure to apply the genocide standards constitutes genocide denial.

      The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1778 (2007) on 25
      September 2007 established the United Nations Mission in the Central
      African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT). According to the U.N.'s October
      2007 Expression Of Interest, "[i]n it's Presidential Statement of 30
      April 2007, the Security Council requested the Secretary General to
      `immediately begin appropriate contingency planning for a United
      Nations mission to Somalia'. At this early stage it is planned to have
      a U.N. logistics base at Mombassa, Kenya to support the main supply
      line from Mombassa to Kismayo, Mogadishu and Hobyo, which will serve
      as secondary logistics bases in Somalia. At this early stage the
      number and location of these sites is unknown, but it is envisaged
      that approximately 24,000 personnel may be required."

      Ethiopia's war in Somalia has taxed the government drawing widespread
      criticism. The U.S. is pressing for an African Union mission as a
      proxy force to replace the Ethiopian troops and further U.S.
      interests. Mombasa, Kenya is a U.S. military port. The U.S. war in
      Somalia is ongoing. More than 100 U.S. military "trainers" supervised
      "combat training" of two Burundian "African Union" battalions (1700
      troops) in Bujumbura, Burundi, in advance of their deployment in
      Somalia expected in November 2007. French military also provided
      training, while the U.S. and France both are providing logistical and
      telecommunications support. Burundian troops are also in Darfur.[65]
      On November 28, 2004, the Bush White House issued a document
      announcing a cooperative agreement with Burundi, Guyana and Liberia
      preventing the International Criminal Court from proceeding against
      U.S. personnel operating in these countries.[66]

      In March 2007 the Pentagon deployed an additional 150 SOCOM Forces in
      Uganda. The troops were part of the Combined Joint Task Force
      Horn-of-Africa, an "anti-terrorist naval force" deployed around the
      Horn of Africa with support points in Bahrain and Djibouti. Ugandan
      sources divulged that the SOCOM troops would be dispersed "around the
      country" to "support UPDF troops" and "provide support to distribute
      humanitarian aid." It was openly reported that the SOCOM are "possibly
      training the South Sudanese army, which has just signed an agreement
      for this with its Ugandan counterpart, strengthening Ugandan capacity
      to fight terrorism." The U.S. military has also modernized the old
      Entebbe airport for UPDF operations, and the Entebbe airport supports
      a small but permanent U.S. military contingent. [67]

      It is believed that U.S. SOCOM troops are operating in blood-drenched
      Eastern Congo. Ugandan opposition sources have reported that SOCOM
      forces in UPDF uniforms have joined the more than 2000
      Pentagon-trained UPDF forces sent by Museveni to Somalia. The UPDF
      troops operating in Somalia behind a "peacekeeping" propaganda front
      have been accused of widespread atrocities. More than 1000 people die
      daily in Eastern Congo where fighting since 1996 has claimed at least
      7 million lives. The Democratic Republic of Congo has seen multiple
      genocide campaigns, and multiple genocide denials are ongoing.

      SOCOM forces have been openly reported in Niger, where operations are
      billed as "humanitarian" and "human rights" training of Nigerien
      troops.[68] But the insurgency and "rebellion" by the Tuareg and
      Toubou nomads has always been about uranium and depopulation: Canadian
      and Chinese companies have recently gotten involved but Esso (Exxon),
      Japan and French corporations were exploiting the Agadez and Air
      regions in the 1970's and 1980's (at least), dumping radioactive
      sickness and social devastation on another indigenous population.[69]
      Niger is the poorest country in the world. Yet another genocide?

      Exxon, Elf and Hunt Oil are in Niger for oil. Barrick Gold is also in
      Niger, and in Guniea, Burkina Faso, Tanzania, Madagascar and Mali;
      through their partnership with Anglo-Ashanti, Barrick is responsible
      for atrocities and plunder in eastern Congo. Directors of the G.H.W.
      Bush-connected Barrick Gold include former U.S. Senator Howard Baker
      (R-TN), whose wife, Nancy Kassebaum Baker, has been an outspoken
      advocate for immediate action on Darfur.

      "I was in the Senate at the time of Rwanda," said Kassebaum Baker at a
      speech in 2006 where discussed Darfur. Kassebaum Baker served as
      chairwoman of the Foreign Relation Committee's Subcommittee on African
      Affairs. "We were all aghast at what was taking place there [Rwanda],
      but I must say no one really knew what to do about it," Kassebaum
      Baker said.[70]

      The Bakers are on the advisory board for the nationalist think-tank
      Partnership for a Secure America—another
      policy-formulating-perception-management-force behind the "Save
      Darfur" movement—along with a stellar cast of corporate executives
      involved in war and plunder in Africa.[71] Most notable of these are
      Frank G. Wisner, Richard Holbroke, Anthony Lake, Thomas Pickering,
      Carla Hills and Sam Nunn. Wisner was also on the National Security
      Council under Clinton, along with the International Crisis Group (ICG)
      Special Advisor and ENOUGH co-chair John Prendergast. Wisner's
      co-directors of the American International Group include: Marshall
      Cohen, a director of the Bush-connected Barrick Gold Corporation;
      Clinton Cabinet members William Cohen and Richard Holbrooke; and Carla
      Hills, NAFTA negotiator and director of Chevron-Texaco and the ICG.
      Partnership for a Secure America advisory board members Zbigniew
      Brzezinski, Pickering, Hills, and Kassebaum Baker are all on the Board
      of Trustees for the ICG—International Crisis Group—the leading flak
      organization pressing the "Save Darfur" and Lord's Resistance Army
      (Uganda) narratives.

      George Soros founded the International Crisis Group in 1995 and serves
      on the ICG executive committee, another who's who of establishment
      people entrenched in the production of militant establishment
      narratives and structural violence. The Crisis Group think-tank is
      funded by Soros' philanthropy think-tank the Open Society Institute,
      and it pushes the rhetoric of "peace" and "democracy" through
      hegemonic policy instruments advocating direct "humanitarian" [read:
      military] intervention. The Crisis Group executives have numerous
      interlocking ties with the International Rescue Committee, a
      Kissinger-connected flak organization. Other Crisis Group executives
      include Zbigniew Brzezinski, Wesley K. Clark, who led the NATO
      deconstructive bombing of Yugoslavia, and Joanne Leedom-Ackerman—a
      director of Human Rights


      George Soros is also an emeritus director of Refugees International,
      another "humanitarian" NGO behind the massive suffering in Africa.
      Other Refugees International directors emeritus include Judy Mayotte,
      an executive boardmember of the International Rescue Committee, Frank
      G. Wisner, and Richard Holbrooke. The current president of Refugees
      International is Kenneth H. Bacon, who, prior to his appointment in
      2001, had worked for seven years as assistant secretary for public
      affairs at the U.S Department of Defense. Beyond the global presence
      of RI in hot spots like Afghanistan and Iraq are their permanent
      missions in Somalia, Central Africa Republic, Rwanda, Uganda, Dem.
      Rep. of Congo, Ethiopia, Somalia, Chad, South Sudan and Darfur.
      Refugees International profited from the RPF/A forced exodus of
      refugees from Rwanda in 1994, and their involvement in the
      international war crimes behind the destruction of the Hutu refugee
      camps in Eastern Zaire, shelled by the RPF/A in 1996 as the U.S.
      opened its war there, or the subsequent genocidal massacres of Hutus,
      have never been investigated.

      Refugees International joined the Save Darfur Coalition in April to
      rally against the genocide in Darfur. According to the RI Annual
      report for 2006, "[o]ur supporters joined the tens of thousands of
      human rights activists, movie stars, athletes and politicians who
      converged on the U.S. Capitol in Washington, DC, to show the world
      that we will not stand idly by while genocide unfolds." [72]


      The Darfur region of western Sudan has been a hotbed of clandestine
      activities, gunrunning and indiscriminate violence for decades. The
      Cold War era saw countless insurgencies launched from the remote
      deserts of Darfur. Throughout the 1990's factions allied with or
      against Chad, Uganda, Ethiopia, Congo, Libya, Eritrea and the Central
      African Republic operated from bases in Darfur, and it was a regular
      landing strip for foreign military transport planes of mysterious origin.

      In 1990, Chad's President Idriss Déby launched a military blitzkrieg
      from Darfur and overthrew President Hissan Habre; Déby then allied
      with his own tribe against the Sudan government. Sudanese rebels today
      have bases in Chad, and Chadian rebels have bases in Darfur, with
      Khartoum's backing.[GN1] When the regime of Ange-Félix Patassé
      collapsed in the Central African Republic in March 2003, soldiers fled
      to Darfur with their military equipment. Khartoum supported the West
      Nile Bank Front, a rebel army operating against Uganda from Eastern
      Congo, commanded by Taban Amin, the son of the infamous Ugandan
      dictator, Idi Amin, who heads Uganda's dreaded Internal Security

      France is deeply involved in covert operations and genocide in Africa.
      Central Africa Republic (C.A.R.), run by General François Bozizé, is a
      major base of French defense and intelligence operations linked to
      security regimes in the bloody dictatorships of Republic of Congo,
      Togo, Cameroon and Gabon, and France backs guerilla groups committing
      atrocities in Chad, Sudan, DR-Congo, Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi.
      C.A.R. is also a conduit for blood diamonds, and the back-up for
      France's nuclear policy, today heavily reliant on uranium exploitation
      in Niger: C.A.R. reportedly has massive uranium reserves. Like
      oil-cursed Equatorial Guinea, C.A.R. is also a bloodbath, completely
      off the international media screen.[73]

      Darfur is another epicenter of the modern-day international
      geopolitical scramble for Africa's resources. Conflict in Darfur
      escalated in 2003 in parallel with negotiations "ending" the south
      Sudan war. The U.S.-backed insurgency by the Sudan People's Liberation
      Army (SPLA), the guerilla force that fought the northern Khartoum
      government for 20 years, shifted to Darfur, even as the G.W. Bush
      government allied with Khartoum in the U.S. led "War on Terrorism."
      The Sudan Liberation Army (SLA)—one of some twenty-seven rebel
      factions mushrooming in Darfur—is allied with the SPLA and supported
      from Uganda. Andrew Natsios, former USAID chief and now U.S. envoy to
      Sudan, said on October 6, 2007 that the atmosphere between the
      governments of north and south Sudan "had become poisonous." This is
      no surprise given the magnitude of the resource war in Sudan and the
      involvement of international interests, but the investigation should
      center on the involvement and activities of USAID officials Andrew
      Natsios, Roger Winter and Jendayi Frazer.

      Roger Winter, USAID chief in Khartoum today, is directly linked to the
      Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army and U.S. military campaign that
      destabilized Rwanda and decapitated the leadership of Rwanda and
      Burundi. USAID's affiliations with the Department of Defense are now
      openly advertised with the propaganda peddling AFRICOM—the Pentagon's
      new Africa Command. AFRICOM combines U.S. CENTCOM, PACIFICOM and EUCOM
      operations in Africa; it is nothing new, merely the consolidation and
      expansion of widespread and ongoing involvement.[74]

      Darfur is reported to have the fourth largest copper and third largest
      uranium deposits in the world.[75] Darfur produces two-thirds of the
      world's best quality gum Arabic—a major ingredient in Coke and Pepsi.
      Contiguous petroleum reserves are driving warfare from the Red Sea,
      through Darfur, to the Great Lakes of Central Africa. Private military
      companies operate alongside petroleum contractors and "humanitarian"
      agencies. Sudan is China's fourth biggest supplier of imported oil,
      and U.S. companies controlling the pipelines in Chad and Uganda seek
      to displace China through the U.S. military alliance with "frontline"
      states hostile to Sudan: Uganda, Chad and Ethiopia.

      There are claims in the Arab community that Israel provides military
      training to Darfur rebels from bases in Eritrea, but insiders in
      Eritrea dispute this. However, Israel has a deep history of
      intelligence and military relations with both Eritrea and Ethiopia,
      and Israel reportedly has a naval and air base on Eritrea's Dahlak and
      Fatma islands, from which German-made Dolphin-class submarines patrol
      the Red Sea with long-range nuclear cruise missiles.[76] Eritrea
      reportedly serves as Israel's outpost for spying on enemies Saudi
      Arabia, Yemen, and Sudan.[77]

      Africa Research Bulletin in 1998 reported that Israel had military
      bases in Eritrea on the Dahlak islands and in the Mahal Agar Mountains
      near Sudan. They also reported a communications listening station and
      that Mossad, the Israeli secret service, "is operating a string of
      previously top secret outposts in the Horn of Africa" used to monitor
      hostile states and service Israeli submarines operating in the area. [78]

      One source in Eritrea claims that reports about Dahlak Island and
      Israeli training bases are "old, dried-up bullshit. No foreign bases
      in Eritrea, not now, not ever, especially Israel. We have normal
      relations with Israel, but even trade matters have decreased
      dramatically. The charges of a base in Dahlak are old, going back over
      ten years. There are remnants of an old U.S., then soviet base in
      Dahlak, but Dahlak these days is a marine preserve.[79]

      An intelligence insider in Washington D.C. reports that a journalist
      who wrote an article for Vanity Fair on the Israeli subs with nuclear
      cruise missiles had confirmed the base in Dahlak; the journalist wrote
      Jane's Intelligence Weekly, "so he had good sources." The source
      reports that Vanity Fair killed the story so as to not upset its
      Jewish advertisers, Bergdorf, Goodman and Saks.[80]

      In May 2003, the Combined Joint Task Force Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA)
      hosted an Eritrean delegation aboard the CJTF-HOA amphibious Joint
      Command ship the U.S.S. Mount Whitney. The Eritrean delegation
      included President Asaias Afwerki, Minister of Defense, Gen. Sebhat
      Ephraim, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Ali Said Abdell, top
      commanders of Eritrean ground, naval and air for<br/><br/>(Message over 64 KB, truncated)
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