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As Israeli Snipers Kill US Troops in Iraq, Boycott Grows

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    Israeli Snipers Killing US Troops In Iraq Source: Joanna Francis and CNN 11-11-6 http://rense.com/general74/ssno.htm Anderson Cooper of CNN showed this video
    Message 1 of 1 , Oct 1, 2007
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      Israeli Snipers Killing US Troops In Iraq
      Source: Joanna Francis and CNN

      Anderson Cooper of CNN showed this video of snipers killing U.S.
      troops in Iraq on his October 18, 2006 show. CNN says it obtained the
      video from a "representative" of an unnamed "insurgent leader." Bear
      in mind that Anderson Cooper used to work for the CIA. Richard
      Wilson's hypothesis: Israeli soldiers and/or Mossad agents are killing
      our soldiers in Iraq in order to enrage American troops so that the
      slaughter continues. Proof: At the very beginning of this video clip,
      you see a rifle with a video camera attached to it. This weapon is
      made by the Rafael company, an Israeli arms manufacturer, that also
      makes IEDs. If you watch the video all the way through, it explains
      how this rifle works. CNN stated that the camera used to film these
      shootings was not a mounted rifle camera. But as you watch the video,
      you see that with each shot fired, the camera recoils. That would only
      happen if it were mounted on the rifle. Why is this significant?
      Because this kind of rifle-camera is extremely sophisticated and not
      available to your average Iraqi insurgent. I mean, it's not exactly an
      easily obtainable Saturday night special! Something this sophisticated
      points to Mossad. Mossad is a master at false flag operations, e.g.,
      Oklahoma City, the attack on the USS Cole in Yemen, the bombing of the
      Israeli Embassy in Buenos Aires, the July 7, 2005 London bombings, the
      9-11 attacks in New York, the assassination of the Prime Minister in
      Beirut, the stoking of Muslim riots in France last year, the bombing
      of the Hassan al-Askari Mosque in Samarra, Iraq, etc. Israelis freely
      move among US and UK troops in Iraq, and have access to top-level US
      intelligence. Until July 2003, the head of all US forces in Iraq and
      Afghanistan was General Tommy Franks, a Zionist Jew. (He is now on the
      board of directors for Bank of America.) On November 7, 2006 another
      Zionist Jew became a principle liaison between Mossad and US forces in
      Iraq: Major General Richard F. Natonski of the Marine Corps. His title
      is Deputy Commandant for Plans, Policies and Operations. Because of
      this access, the "insurgents" (i.e., Mossad agents) know exactly where
      US vehicles will be and who will be inside them. This allows them to
      target for maximum false flag effect. For example, on July 23, 2005, a
      detachment of 19 female US Marines was sent to Fallujah to check Iraqi
      women for bombs. An IED blew up their truck. Two of the young American
      women were killed, five were critically wounded, and four were
      captured. The bodies of the four captured women turned up later in a
      garbage dump with their throats cut. Americans were outraged. Islamic
      clerics insisted that only Israelis could be so cold-blooded. And who
      was in charge of US forces in Fallujah at the time? None other than
      Major General Natonski, the Mossad liaison. Americans are supposed to
      believe that rag-tag "insurgents" use IEDs powerful enough to kill
      three US troops per day, on average. An American soldier even set up a
      blog on how "Intel" is betraying and targeting US troops. But
      sometimes Mossad bomb-makers accidentally blow themselves upin Iraq.
      According to Richard Wilson, Israeli sniping and IEDs are false flag
      operations. He says that on March 28, 2005, Americans arrested 19
      Mossad agents who fired twice on a US Marine checkpoint. The Marines
      beat up the Mossad agents and tore off their Star-of-David necklaces.
      (The US media incorrectly said the agents were Americans.) The Mossad
      agents said they were employees of Zapata Engineering, which helps the
      CIA conduct interrogations, and also manages US ammo dumps and US
      motor pools in Iraq. IEDs in Iraq are powerful enough to flip over a
      70-ton tank. Some of the models shoot depleted-uranium projectiles,
      and are triggered by electronic devices surreptitiously planted on US
      armored vehicles. Zapata Engineering (which employs Mossad agents)
      makes this exact kind of trigger, and oversees some of the US motor
      pools. Rumsfeld says the IEDs come from Iran, but Richard says they
      come from Mossad, and are not "improvised" at all. The Israeli
      company, Rafael (see above), makes IEDS, which are buried in the
      middle of a road. Beside the road is a device which emits a laser or
      radio signal. This device is manufactured by firms like Zapata
      Engineering, which is controlled by Zionist Jews. The IED mine,
      manufactured by Israel, is inert until a US vehicle (secretly planted
      with a triggering device) rolls over it. Whenever Mossad carries out
      these false-flag operations they produce a videotape or a recording
      from an "unnamed source" that is "close to al-Qaeda." Sometimes they
      say "the claim was posted on an Internet website, but its authenticity
      could not be verified." But Israelis would never kill anyone in cold
      blood, would they? After all, the USS Liberty massacre was "an accident!"


      Five children in one week
      Haaretz Editorial

      Three Palestinian children were killed by Israeli fire in the northern
      Gaza Strip on Wednesday. The three were cousins from the al-Ghazale
      family - Yihiye, 12, Mahmoud, 10, and Sara, 10. The Israeli public
      reacted to these killings, just like it did to the killing of two
      other children several days earlier, with near complete apathy. It
      might as well be an act of god, or an acceptable price that balances
      out the frustration at the continued Qassam rocket attacks.

      This indifference is dangerous because it does not encourage greater
      care in identifying targets. The automatic expressions of sorrow by
      government officials, and the argument that "the terrorists
      organizations send children deliberately to places where they become
      targets," does not suggest that anyone is attempting to learn the
      necessary lessons from the mistakes. This is all the more true when
      the targets are in areas housing civilians, and the risk is known in
      advance. Israel cannot behave like a terrorist organization that
      targets civilians, even when the shooting comes in response to an
      attack. After all, this is the main reason why Israel is encouraging
      the boycott of Hamas the world over.

      There is no dispute over the fact that the children were killed near
      rocket launchers. However, the people near rocket launchers are
      usually civilians, and not the operating crews. The crews operating
      the launchers do so from a distance, and later they send others,
      including children, to collect the launchers for further use. Even
      though the Palestinians claim that the children cannot lift such
      launchers because they are too heavy, the Israel Defense Forces thinks
      otherwise. It believes the launcher is light and the rocket is heavy,
      and therefore launchers can be collected by children.

      The Qassam rocket attacks against Sderot and the other communities
      bordering the Gaza Strip are fully controlled by Hamas, and can no
      longer be attributed to rogue, undisciplined gangs. Hamas subcontracts
      other groups and provides them with rockets, while it concentrates on
      the more "respectable" task of attacking military targets, but it is
      Hamas that controls the entire gamut of activities.

      Faced with the continued rocket attacks, which are showing no signs of
      abatement in spite of the ground incursions and the killings from the
      air, the IDF has no proven means of minimizing the fire. The killing
      of Palestinian children is certainly not contributing to the safety of
      the children in Sderot, but rather only increases the urge to avenge
      their deaths and to harm children on the other side.

      Were it possible to distinguish between Israel's attitude toward the
      Palestinians in the West Bank and those living in the Gaza Strip, and
      were it clear to the Palestinians that in places where there is less
      terrorism, Israel takes a more considerate attitude toward the
      civilians, then maybe they would understand that ending the attacks is
      worthwhile. While there are signs that the atmosphere in the West Bank
      is changing - the rescue of an IDF officer by Palestinian security
      forces is an expression of this - but talk of making the daily life of
      civilians easier by decreasing the number of roadblocks has, for now,
      proven to be empty words.


      Israel kills 12 Gazans, including two children, in 24 hours
      Al Mezan

      Palestinian children view a destroyed car belonging to Hamas after it
      was targeted in an Israeli air strike in the Gaza Strip, 20 August
      2007. An Israeli missile assassinated six Hamas gunmen and wounded
      another, Palestinian hospital staff said. (Hatem Omar/MaanImages)

      The Israeli Occupation Force (IOF) has escalated its aggression in the
      Gaza Strip. Twelve Palestinians, including two minors, were killed in
      Gaza in the past 24 hours. In addition, the Israel's Naval Forces
      opened fire at fishermen and arrested eight of them in the town of
      Rafah today.

      According to Al Mezan's field investigations, at approximately 5pm on
      Monday 20 August 2007, an Israeli air raid targeted a car near the
      entrance of a former national security site in middle Gaza, killing six.

      At approximately 1:45pm on Tuesday 12 August 2007, an Israeli warplane
      fired a missile at a crowd about half a kilometer from the borderline
      east of al-Qarara area in the southern Gaza town of Khan Younis. Three
      Palestinians were killed in this attack. They were identified as:
      42-year-old Muhammad Abu Salem;

      23-year-old Shadi Mustafa al-Saqqa; and

      29-year-old Awad Ibrahim al-Masri.
      They were killed from shrapnel to different parts of their bodies.

      It was also reported that, at approximately 6pm on the same day, the
      IOF fired a ground-to-ground missile and killed two children near the
      Agricultural School in the town of Beit Hanoun, north of the Gaza
      Strip. They were identified as:
      11-year-old Fadi Mansour al-Kafarneh; and

      12-year-old Abdul-Qadir Yousif Ashour.
      In addition, 13-year-old Ahmed Said Al Baa' was moderately wounded by
      shrapnel to his left leg.

      At approximately 7:55am on Wednesday 22 August 2007, the IOF fired a
      missile that landed in an open area, east of al-Sheikh Zayid town in
      Beit Lahia. Earlier at approximately 2am the IOF fired a missile at a
      crowd east of al-Shija'aiya neighborhood in the east of Gaza City,
      killing 22-year-old Yahia Omar Habib and critically injuring another

      At approximately 9am today, the Israeli Naval Forces opened fire at
      fishing boats on Rafah beach and arrested eight fishermen, amongst
      them five minors. Al Mezan's fieldworker reported that their names were:
      48-year-old Kamel Rajab Abu Odeh;

      18-year-old Khalil Kamil Abu Odeh;

      14-year-old Abdul-Rahman Muhammad al-Qun;

      14-year-old Iyad Bassim Abu Slaymeh;

      22-year-old Ahmad Muhammad al-Najjar;

      16-year-old Muhammad Farahat Ashour;

      17-year-old Yousif Abdullah al-Najjar; and

      17-year-old Ali Hassan al-Najjar.
      According to field investigations, an Israeli gunship opened fir at
      the fishermen's boats and caused damage to fifteen of them. Moreover,
      it fired an artillery shell that hit the house of a fisherman --
      Abdul-Hadi al-Qun -- in the area. No injuries were reported.

      Al Mezan Center strongly condemns the military escalation by the IOF,
      who have used indiscriminate, disproportionate force and conducted
      extra-judicial assassinations in Gaza. The Center condemns the killing
      and detention of children with the strongest words.

      Since the start of August 2007, 22 Palestinians have been killed and
      37 injured by IOF owing to the use of excessive and indiscriminate
      force in the Gaza Strip alone. Al Mezan asserts that these conducts
      represent grave breaches of international humanitarian law and
      international human rights law.

      Regrettably, these conducts have continued under full silence from the
      part of the international community, which has failed to observe its
      legal and moral obligations towards Palestinian civilians in the
      Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). Al Mezan therefore renews its
      calls upon the international community to intervene and bring to an
      end the human rights violations conducted by IOF, and to provide
      effective protection for the civilian population of the OPT.


      An important marker has been passed
      John Pilger

      Those calling for a boycott of Israel were once distant voices. Now
      the discussion has gone global. It is growing inexorably and will not
      be silenced.

      From a limestone hill rising above Qalandia refugee camp you can see
      Jerusalem. I watched a lone figure standing there in the rain, his son
      holding the tail of his long tattered coat. He extended his hand and
      did not let go. "I am Ahmed Hamzeh, street entertainer," he said in
      measured English. "Over there, I played many musical instruments; I
      sang in Arabic, English and Hebrew, and because I was rather poor, my
      very small son would chew gum while the monkey did its tricks. When we
      lost our country, we lost respect. One day a rich Kuwaiti stopped his
      car in front of us. He shouted at my son, "Show me how a Palestinian
      picks up his food rations!" So I made the monkey appear to scavenge on
      the ground, in the gutter. And my son scavenged with him. The Kuwaiti
      threw coins and my son crawled on his knees to pick them up. This was
      not right; I was an artist, not a beggar . . . I am not even a peasant

      "How do you feel about all that?" I asked him.
      "Do you expect me to feel hatred? What is that to a Palestinian? I
      never hated the Jews and their Israel . . . yes, I suppose I hate them
      now, or maybe I pity them for their stupidity. They can't win. Because
      we Palestinians are the Jews now and, like the Jews, we will never
      allow them or the Arabs or you to forget. The youth will guarantee us
      that, and the youth after them . . .".

      That was 40 years ago. On my last trip back to the West Bank, I
      recognised little of Qalandia, now announced by a vast Israeli
      checkpoint, a zigzag of sandbags, oil drums and breeze blocks, with
      conga lines of people, waiting, swatting flies with precious papers.
      Inside the camp, the tents had been replaced by sturdy hovels,
      although the queues at single taps were as long, I was assured, and
      the dust still ran to caramel in the rain. At the United Nations
      office I asked about Ahmed Hamzeh, the street entertainer. Records
      were consulted, heads shaken. Someone thought he had been "taken away
      . . . very ill". No one knew about his son, whose trachoma was surely
      blindness now. Outside, another generation kicked a punctured football
      in the dust.

      And yet, what Nelson Mandela has called "the greatest moral issue of
      the age" refuses to be buried in the dust. For every BBC voice that
      strains to equate occupier with occupied, thief with victim, for every
      swarm of emails from the fanatics of Zion to those who invert the lies
      and describe the Israeli state's commitment to the destruction of
      Palestine, the truth is more powerful now than ever. Documentation of
      the violent expulsion of Palestinians in 1948 is voluminous.
      Re-examination of the historical record has put paid to the fable of
      heroic David in the Six Day War, when Ahmed Hamzeh and his family were
      driven from their home. The alleged threat of Arab leaders to "throw
      the Jews into the sea", used to justify the 1967 Israeli onslaught and
      since repeated relentlessly, is highly questionable. In 2005, the
      spectacle of wailing Old Testament zealots leaving Gaza was a fraud.
      The building of their "settlements" has accelerated on the West Bank,
      along with the illegal Berlin-style wall dividing farmers from their
      crops, children from their schools, families from each other. We now
      know that Israel's destruction of much of Lebanon last year was
      pre-planned. As the former CIA analyst Kathleen Christison has
      written, the recent "civil war" in Gaza was actually a coup against
      the elected Hamas-led government, engineered by Elliott Abrams, the
      Zionist who runs US policy on Israel and a convicted felon from the
      Iran-Contra era.

      The ethnic cleansing of Palestine is as much America's crusade as
      Israel's. On 16 August, the Bush administration announced an
      unprecedented $30bn military "aid package" for Israel, the world's
      fourth biggest military power, an air power greater than Britain, a
      nuclear power greater than France. No other country on earth enjoys
      such immunity, allowing it to act without sanction, as Israel. No
      other country has such a record of lawlessness: not one of the world's
      tyrannies comes close. International treaties, such as the Nuclear
      Non-Proliferation Treaty, ratified by Iran, are ignored by Israel.
      There is nothing like it in UN history.

      But something is changing. Perhaps last summer's panoramic horror
      beamed from Lebanon on to the world's TV screens provided the
      catalyst. Or perhaps cynicism of Bush and Blair and the incessant use
      of the inanity, "terror", together with the day-by-day dissemination
      of a fabricated insecurity in all our lives, has finally brought the
      attention of the international community outside the rogue states,
      Britain and the US, back to one of its principal sources, Israel.

      I got a sense of this recently in the United States. A full-page
      advertisement in the New York Times had the distinct odour of panic.
      There have been many "friends of Israel" advertisements in the Times,
      demanding the usual favours, rationalising the usual outrages. This
      one was different. "Boycott a cure for cancer?" was its main headline,
      followed by "Stop drip irrigation in Africa? Prevent scientific
      co-operation between nations?" Who would want to do such things? "Some
      British academics want to boycott Israelis," was the self-serving
      answer. It referred to the University and College Union's (UCU)
      inaugural conference motion in May, calling for discussion within its
      branches for a boycott of Israeli academic institutions. As John
      Chalcraft of the London School of Economics pointed out, "the Israeli
      academy has long provided intellectual, linguistic, logistical,
      technical, scientific and human support for an occupation in direct
      violation of international law [against which] no Israeli academic
      institution has ever taken a public stand".

      The swell of a boycott is growing inexorably, as if an important
      marker has been passed, reminiscent of the boycotts that led to
      sanctions against apartheid South Africa. Both Mandela and Desmond
      Tutu have drawn this parallel; so has South African cabinet minister
      Ronnie Kasrils and other illustrious Jewish members of the liberation
      struggle. In Britain, an often Jewish-led academic campaign against
      Israel's "methodical destruction of [the Palestinian] education
      system" can be translated by those of us who have reported from the
      occupied territories into the arbitrary closure of Palestinian
      universities, the harassment and humiliation of students at
      checkpoints and the shooting and killing of Palestinian children on
      their way to school.

      British initiatives

      These initiatives have been backed by a British group, Independent
      Jewish Voices, whose 528 signatories include Stephen Fry, Harold
      Pinter, Mike Leigh and Eric Hobsbawm. The country's biggest union,
      Unison, has called for an "economic, cultural, academic and sporting
      boycott" and the right of return for Palestinian families expelled in
      1948. Remarkably, the Commons' international development committee has
      made a similar stand. In April, the membership of the National Union
      of Journalists (NUJ) voted for a boycott only to see it hastily
      overturned by the national executive council. In the Republic of
      Ireland, the Irish Congress of Trade Unions has called for divestment
      from Israeli companies: a campaign aimed at the European Union, which
      accounts for two-thirds of Israel's exports under an EU-Israel
      Association Agreement. The UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food,
      Jean Ziegler, has said that human rights conditions in the agreement
      should be invoked and Israel's trading preferences suspended.

      This is unusual, for these were once distant voices. And that such
      grave discussion of a boycott has "gone global" was unforeseen in
      official Israel, long comforted by its seemingly untouchable myths and
      great power sponsorship, and confident that the mere threat of
      anti-Semitism would ensure silence. When the British lecturers'
      decision was announced, the US Congress passed an absurd resolution
      describing the UCU as "anti-Semitic". (Eighty congressmen have gone on
      junkets to Israel this summer.)

      This intimidation has worked in the past. The smearing of American
      academics has denied them promotion, even tenure. The late Edward Said
      kept an emergency button in his New York apartment connected to the
      local police station; his offices at Columbia University were once
      burned down. Following my 2002 film, Palestine is Still the Issue, I
      received death threats and slanderous abuse, most of it coming from
      the US where the film was never shown. When the BBC's Independent
      Panel recently examined the corporation's coverage of the Middle East,
      it was inundated with emails, "many from abroad, mostly from North
      America", said its report. Some individuals "sent multiple missives,
      some were duplicates and there was clear evidence of pressure group
      mobilisation". The panel's conclusion was that BBC reporting of the
      Palestinian struggle was not "full and fair" and "in important
      respects, presents an incomplete and in that sense misleading
      picture". This was neutralised in BBC press releases.

      The courageous Israeli historian, Ilan Pappé, believes a single
      democratic state, to which the Palestinian refugees are given the
      right of return, is the only feasible and just solution, and that a
      sanctions and boycott campaign is critical in achieving this. Would
      the Israeli population be moved by a worldwide boycott? Although they
      would rarely admit it, South Africa's whites were moved enough to
      support an historic change. A boycott of Israeli institutions, goods
      and services, says Pappé, "will not change the [Israeli] position in a
      day, but it will send a clear message that [the premises of Zionism]
      are racist and unacceptable in the 21st century . . . They would have
      to choose."



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