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Scott Ritter: America's Submission to Israel

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    The Final Act of Submission By Scott Ritter http://www.truthdig.com/report/item/the_final_act_of_submission/ 04/14/07 In the months leading up to President
    Message 1 of 1 , Apr 15, 2007
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      The Final Act of Submission
      By Scott Ritter
      http://www.truthdig.com/report/item/the_final_act_of_submission/


      04/14/07 In the months leading up to President Bush's ill-fated
      invasion of Iraq, I traveled around the world speaking to various
      international groups, including many parliamentary assemblies. I spoke
      about democracy and the need of any nation or group of nations
      espousing democracy as a standard to embrace the ideals and values of
      justice and due process in accordance with the rule of law. I spoke of
      international law, especially as it was manifested in the charter of
      the United Nations (a document signed and adopted by all of the
      countries I visited).

      Invariably, my presentation focused on the nation in question, whether
      it was Italy, Denmark, the Netherlands, Japan or Great Britain, and
      the status of its relationship with the United States. As an American,
      I said, I appreciated each nation's embrace of the United States as a
      friend and ally. However, as a strong believer in the rule of law, I
      deplored the trend among America's so-called friends to facilitate a
      needless confrontation which would severely harm the U.S. in the long
      run. These nations were hesitant to stand up to the United States even
      though they knew the course of action planned for Iraq was wrong.

      Such permissive submission was deplorable, and invariably led to a
      comment from me about the status of genuine sovereignty in the face of
      American imperial power. If a nation was incapable of defending its
      sovereign values and interests, then it should simply acknowledge its
      status as a colony of the United States, pull down its disgraced
      national flag and raise the Stars and Stripes.

      Now the tables have turned. Americans, through the will of the people
      as expressed in the November 2006 election, voiced their
      dissatisfaction with the conduct of the American war in Iraq, and
      empowered a new Democratic-controlled Congress to reassert itself as a
      separate but equal branch of government—especially when it came to
      matters pertaining to war and the threat of war.

      This new Democratic leadership has failed egregiously. Not only has
      the speaker of the House, Nancy Pelosi, been unable to orchestrate any
      meaningful legislation to bring the war in Iraq to an end, but in
      mid-March she carelessly greased the tracks for a whole new conflict.
      By excising language from a defense appropriations bill which would
      have required President Bush to seek the approval of Congress prior to
      initiating any military attack on Iran, Pelosi terminated any hope of
      slowing down the Bush administration's mad rush to war.

      Despite the fact that Congress was only stating through this language
      a simple reflection of constitutional mandate, Speaker Pelosi and
      others felt that the inclusion of such verbiage put the security of
      the state of Israel at risk by eliminating important "policy options"
      for the president of the United States. In short, Israeli national
      security interests trumped the Constitution of the United States.

      I consider myself to be a friend of Israel, a status which has been
      demonstrated repeatedly through words and deeds from January-February
      1991, when I was involved in the effort to stop Iraq Scud missiles
      from striking Israel during the 1991 Gulf War, to the period between
      October 1994 and June 1998 when I served as the lead liaison between
      the United Nations weapons inspectors and Israeli intelligence,
      working to find a final accounting of Iraq's proscribed weapons of
      mass destruction. I know only too well the precarious reality of
      Israel's security situation, and am sympathetic to its need to
      proactively deal with threats before they manifest themselves in a
      manner which threatens Israel's ability to survive as a nation-state.

      However, as an American who served on active duty in time of war as an
      officer of Marines, I also remember the oath I took to "uphold and
      defend the Constitution of the United States of America against all
      enemies, foreign and domestic." As such, I am troubled by the recent
      actions of Speaker Pelosi and other members of Congress who have not
      only abrogated their collective responsibility to uphold and defend
      the Constitution but have taken actions which, under normal
      circumstances and involving any other nation, would border on
      treasonous. Our collective duty as Americans must center on defending
      the very document, the Constitution, which defines who we are and what
      we are as a people and a nation. To have our elected representatives
      flagrantly push aside their constitutional responsibilities in the
      name of the security interests of another nation is unthinkable. And
      yet it has just happened, apparently without consequence.

      Sadly, the new Democratic Congress has cemented its status as yet
      another iteration of a system which long ago sold its soul to special
      interests. Democrats can cackle about Republican scandals, including
      the Jack Abramoff affair, which brought down Rep. Tom DeLay among
      others. But history will show that the Pelosi-led sellout to Israeli
      special interests endangered the viability and security of America as
      a sovereign state governed by the rule of law more than Jack Abramoff
      ever could.

      In this time of constitutional crisis, the American people need to
      wake up and demand that the basic tenets of the Constitution be
      adhered to. Congress is solely empowered by the Constitution to
      declare war. Demanding that the president of the United States adhere
      to this prerequisite is a logical and patriotic stance. Allowing any
      non-American interest, even one possessing such highly charged
      political and emotional sensitivities as Israel, to dictate otherwise
      represents nothing more than a capitulation of sovereignty. We the
      people need to rally around this defense of sovereignty. We must
      demand not only that Congress reassert its constitutional
      responsibilities and authority by demanding the president obey the
      letter of the law when it comes to war, whether against Iran or any
      other nation, but also to place in check the anti-American activities
      of one of the most powerful lobbies in Washington, D.C., the
      American-Israeli Public Affairs Committee.

      For decades AIPAC has operated in the shadows of American foreign
      policy decision-making, exerting its influence on elected officials
      away from the public scrutiny of the very constituents who elected
      those officials to begin with. It is impossible to hold someone
      accountable for actions that are kept secret, and as such AIPAC's
      ability to secretly influence American foreign and national security
      policies represents a flagrant insult and threat to the very essence
      of American democracy. I am not advocating the dissolution of AIPAC.
      However, I am demanding that AIPAC be treated as any other
      representative of a foreign nation is treated. It should have to
      register as an agent of a foreign power so that the totality of its
      interactions with American officials can become a part of the public
      record. We require this of all other nations, including our good
      friends the British.

      To state that AIPAC, and by extension Israel, is above the law in this
      regard is to acknowledge the reality that American national
      sovereignty no longer matters when it comes to the state of Israel. So
      be it. But then we are, collectively, no better than those nations I
      mocked prior to the invasion of Iraq in 2003 as "colonies" of the
      United States. So if we are to continue to permit AIPAC to operate as
      an undeclared agent of a foreign nation, and to influence American
      foreign and national security policymaking at the expense of our
      Constitution, then we should acknowledge our true status as nothing
      more than a colony of Israel, pull down the Stars and Stripes and
      raise the Star of David over our nation's capitol. While representing
      the final act of submission, it would also be the first truly honest
      act that occurred in Washington, D.C., in many years.

      Scott Ritter has had an extensive and distinguished career in
      government service. He is an intelligence specialist with a 12-year
      career in the U.S. Marine Corps including assignments in the former
      Soviet Union and the Middle East. Rising to the rank of Major, Ritter
      spent several months of the Gulf War serving under General Norman
      Schwarzkopf with US Central Command headquarters in Saudi Arabia,
      where he played an instrumental role in formulating and implementing
      combat operations targeting Iraqi mobile missile launchers which
      threatened Israel.

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