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Sharansky Tells Cheney What to Say

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  • World View
    This is Suzanne Nicole, webmaster for Alfred Lilienthal. Sharansky is no friend of democracy and freedom from fear in a free society. He is a ultra-Zionist
    Message 1 of 1 , Nov 5 4:58 PM
      This is Suzanne Nicole, webmaster for Alfred Lilienthal. Sharansky
      is no friend of democracy and freedom from fear in a free society.
      He is a ultra-Zionist liar and schemer. He is one of the key figures
      and directors from Israel of the NeoCon cabal in the US that is
      determining Cheney and Bush's policies. Since early 2003, this
      detailed expose of Sharansky has been on our Greater Israel webpage.
      Dr. Lilienthal is partially blind at age 91, but I read the articles
      to him and describe maps and pictures to him, and we add bits of
      commentary that he agrees to before material goes onto his
      webpages. ...On our Greater Israel webpage with a huge amount of
      detailed evidence that the Zionist-NeoCon plan for the Middle East
      is not democracy but division and destruction of all the surrounding
      Muslim nations.



      (From an Israeli newspaper that often
      reveals more truth than US media)

      U.S. official to Israel:
      We'll deal with Syria, Iran after Iraq war
      By Aluf Benn and Sharon Sadeh, Haaretz Correspondents, Haaretz
      Service and Agencies
      Monday, February 17, 2003

      U.S. Undersecretary of State John Bolton said in meetings with
      Israeli officials on Monday that he has no doubt America will
      attack Iraq, and that it will be necessary to deal with threats
      from Syria, Iran and North Korea afterwards. (maybe not that last
      part... about North Korea... any time soon)

      Bolton, who is undersecretary for arms control and international
      security, is in Israel for meetings about preventing the spread of
      weapons of mass destruction.

      In a meeting with Bolton on Monday, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon
      said that Israel is concerned about the security threat posed by
      Iran. It's important to deal with Iran even while American attention
      is turned toward Iraq, Sharon said.

      Bolton also met with Foreign Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and
      Housing and Construction Minister Natan Sharansky.

      NOTE: Netanyahu and Sharansky along with Sharon are all well known
      for their avowal of the right of settlement and eventual claim to
      the West Bank and Gaza as part of Greater Israel -- although Sharon
      is currently lying that he is willing to enter into a peace process
      again after Iraq and other Arab nations are vanquished by the U.S.
      military. Is Bush such a fool, or does he know he is cooperating
      with these criminals?


      The man behind the Bush Zionists in U.S. --
      Sharansky in Israel
      (who tells Cheney and Wolfowitz what to tell Bush to say)

      Date: Fri Jul 5, 2002

      Subject: Coincidence? Parts of Bush speech match Sharansky proposal

      A Sound Bite So Good, the President Wishes He Had Said It
      By Dana Milbank
      July 2, 2002
      Washington Post

      [excerpt of article follows]

      Is Natan Sharansky working in the White House speechwriting office?

      Sharansky, Israel's housing minister and deputy prime minister, is
      the former Soviet dissident and head of a right-wing Russian-
      immigrant party. But by coincidence -- or something more -- the
      Israeli-Palestinian peace plan Sharansky published in the Jerusalem
      Post on May 3 sounds a lot like the peace proposal Bush delivered
      in the Rose Garden on June 24.

      "The time has come for new leadership" for the Palestinians,
      Sharansky wrote. "The Palestinians must be encouraged to form an
      open and free society that is not burdened by the fear, hatred, and
      terror that have been sown in recent years by Arafat and his

      Here's Bush's version: "Peace requires a new and different
      Palestinian leadership so that a Palestinian state can be born. I
      call on the Palestinian people to elect new leaders, leaders not
      compromised by terror."

      Sharansky wrote that his seven-point plan "cannot happen overnight"
      and called for a "three-year transition period."

      Bush, in turn, said a final agreement "could be reached within
      three years from now."

      Sharansky envisioned an "international coordinating body" headed by
      the United States that could, with a Palestinian Administrative
      Authority, "develop the infrastructure for democratic life among
      the Palestinians." There would also be an "international economic
      fund" for industry and infrastructure.

      And Bush? "I've asked Secretary Powell to work intensively with
      Middle Eastern and international leaders to realize the vision of a
      Palestinian state, focusing them on a comprehensive plan to support
      Palestinian reform and institution building." The president said the
      United States would work with the World Bank and international
      donors on "a major project of economic reform and development."

      Finally, Sharansky argued that only a "free and open" society "can
      serve as a solid guarantee for normal relations between the two
      peoples." For this reason, "we owe it to ourselves and to our
      future to help the Palestinians help themselves."

      Bush, seven weeks later, submitted that "a stable, peaceful
      Palestinian state is necessary to achieve the security that Israel
      longs for." Israel should "take concrete steps to support the
      emergence of a viable, credible Palestinian state," he added.

      The Sharansky and Bush plans are not entirely the same; notably
      absent from Sharansky's version was Bush's call for Israel to freeze
      its settlements in Palestinian territory. Still, Sharansky themes
      began to tumble from the lips of Bush officials.

      Speechwriting director Michael Gerson did not return a phone call
      asking about the coincidence.


      The following article shows how Sharansky's influence came to Bush
      through Cheney, Perle, Wolfowitz, and other Zionist sympathizers
      (these can be either Christian fundamentalists or Jewish dual
      loyalists) in the Bush administration. Sharansky speaks in public
      about "democracy" but actually is a leader of right-wing elements
      in Israel that believe in the ethnic superiority of Jews and
      eventual take-over of all Palestinian territory through expansion
      of Zionist settlements and eventual transfer out of all non-Jewish
      residents from the West Bank and Gaza.


      Date: Mon Jul 8, 2002
      Subject: Sharansky discusses his role in Bush's speech

      July 15, 2002
      Sharansky's Quiet Role
      What pushed Bush to demand that Arafat must go? Part of the answer
      lies on a forest path in Colorado

      By Dan Ephron and Tamara Lipper

      Natan Sharansky, one time Soviet dissident and now an Israeli
      cabinet minister, had been hammering at the same themes for years
      in lectures and private meetings with U.S. officials: peace would
      never be possible without democracy. Suddenly something clicked at
      a conference of conservative heavyweights in Beaver Creek, Colo.,
      last month.

      VICE PRESIDENT DICK Cheney was there, taking notes. So was Paul
      Wolfowitz, the deputy Defense secretary. The two Americans had been
      working with others on a major Middle East policy speech for the
      president, and though they had both met Sharansky many times
      before, his address struck a chord. Dump the region's dictators, and
      make democracy a precondition for peace. "It was pretty much the
      talk of the conference," says Richard Perle, an influential
      Pentagon adviser who helped bring Sharansky to the forum. Two days
      later President George W. Bush announced the United States was fed
      up with the Palestinian leadership and effectively ended the era of
      American engagement with Arafat.

      Score one for Sharansky and his crusade to alter the course of
      American diplomacy. Bush's speech, possibly the most significant
      Middle East policy announcement by the United States in a decade,
      was hardly his doing alone. Arafat fatigue in the Bush
      administration had been on the rise at least since January, when
      U.S. officials believe the Palestinian leader lied to Bush about
      an arms shipment from Iran. Israeli intelligence kept up a steady
      stream of information linking Arafat to the financing of suicide
      attacks. By the time Cheney and other delegates arrived at the June
      20 conference, Bush advisers had been working on the address for
      weeks and written nearly 30 drafts, according to one official.
      Sharansky may have strengthened the resolve of officials who
      argued against wording that would keep lines open to Arafat. The
      decision to drop the Palestinian leader was made shortly before
      Bush spoke out. "Sharansky provided an important bit of last-minute
      affirmation," says Perle.

      Palestinians object that Arafat is no dictator. He was elected in a
      1996 ballot deemed free and fair by observers. And though his
      regime has jailed political opponents and trampled free speech,
      Israelis have hardly done better. Palestinians never had full civil
      rights during decades of Israeli rule.

      Sharansky is hoping he had a hand in reshaping U.S. policy. At the
      conference, he says, he spoke privately with Cheney for more than
      an hour Saturday, two days before the Bush announcement. "More than
      half our talk was devoted to what would be said in the speech," he
      says. Later Saturday, Sharansky and Wolfowitz were due at a dinner
      reception, but as an observant Jew, Sharansky said he couldn't drive
      on the Sabbath. Instead, he and Wolfowitz trudged through a forest
      on foot to get to the dinner, their bodyguards in tow. "It gave us
      a chance to talk about everything—Arafat, international terrorism,
      Iraq and Iran and, of course, Jewish history, our roots and so on,"
      Sharansky says.

      That coziness reflects a meeting of minds between Sharansky and
      Bush's chief ideologues. Sharansky reads the Bush speech as a
      broader policy statement about dictators everywhere and says the
      United States should withdraw support not only for Arafat but for
      regimes like the one in Saudi Arabia. That might be going too far
      for Washington, where officials say Bush had mainly Palestinians
      and Israelis in mind. But as far as the Israelis are concerned,
      it's a big step in the right direction.

      With Daniel Klaidman in Washington


      NOTE: Zionist leaders in the foreign state of Israel,
      in other words, can and do determine U.S. Foreign Policy.

      Sharansky's motive is obviously not democracy for the Arab people.
      Read next about the deception behind Sharansky's influence on
      the "Bush doctrine" of using U.S. military force to "liberate"
      first Iraq and then force "progress" upon the several other Arab


      Anatoly (Natan) Sharansky



      Israel's great dissembler
      12 March 2001

      We have chosen to profile Anatoly Sharansky, the Israeli deputy
      prime minister and leader of Yisra'el Ba'aliyah, the Russian
      immigrants' party in Israel, because he encapsulates the paradox of
      the Jewish inhabitants of Israel, a paradox that is the hallmark of
      Zionists throughout the world. That is, how can a people that has
      suffered so much over the ages, from pogroms in Europe to Nazi
      genocide, emulate their historical oppressors and be so lacking in
      empathy with their victims, the Palestinian Arabs? (We salute the
      tiny minority of Jews in Israel and elsewhere who have risked
      opprobrium by consistently speaking out for Palestinian rights.)
      Anatoly Sharansky (we shall call him by his birth name, Anatoly,
      rather than Natan, the name given to him by the Israeli ambassador
      to West Germany upon his release from prison) was born in Ukraine
      and educated in Russia as a mathematician. In 1973 he applied for an
      exit visa to Israel, but, like all Soviet citizens who had worked
      in the military-industrial complex, he was refused on security
      grounds. He then became involved in an Israeli-sponsored worldwide
      campaign to put pressure on the Kremlin to give special treatment
      to Soviet Jewish citizens by allowing them to emigrate to Israel,
      irrespective of whether or not they had worked in the defence
      sector. In 1977 he was arrested on suspicion of spying for the US,
      and in the following year he was found guilty as charged and
      sentenced to 13 years imprisonment.

      He was released in 1986 in a US-Soviet spy exchange. Prior to his
      emigration to Israel, Sharansky liked to portray himself as a symbol
      of the struggle for human rights, and since then he has made much of
      his status as a former "victim of totalitarian oppression".
      However, his belief in human rights, nurtured at the height of the
      Cold War, appears to have been heavily tainted with the culture of
      the Soviet-American power struggle, which justified the cynical use
      of practically anything as ammunition in the superpower rivalry for
      global dominance. Unlike most of us, Sharansky apparently does not
      believe that human rights are universal and indivisible, that is,
      applicable to all human beings everywhere and irrespective of their
      race, colour or creed. Not only does he oppose any Israeli
      concessions that may eventually lead to the realization of the
      Palestinians' right to self determination, but he advocates policies
      that could only mean the dispossession of more Palestinians living
      in Israel, and the illegally occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip. No
      wonder that he was one of the very few people to have amicable
      relations with the former ultra right-wing prime minister, Binyamin
      Netanyahu. Sharansky began his political career in Israel by
      becoming head of the Zionist Forum, an organization dedicated to
      lobbying on behalf of Soviet immigrants.

      However, not content with being a mere "welfare worker", in 1995 he
      founded the Yisra'el Ba'aliyah party, with the immediate aim of
      bringing in another million Jewish immigrants from the former
      Soviet Union and of encouraging a further million Jewish citizens
      of the United States and the European countries to immigrate to
      Israel. For him, the value of peace with the Palestinians is
      measured solely by the extent to which it would work towards
      achieving the overriding goal of encouraging Jewish citizens of
      other states to immigrate to Israel. Thus, addressing the founding
      congress (http://www.jewishsf.com/bk950616/1olim.htm) of Yisra'el
      Ba'aliyah in June 1995, he said:

      "Without the hope for peace, you cannot convince people to come
      here." That the "ingathering of the Jews", that is, the bringing
      into Israel and the occupied territories of millions of foreign Jews
      who, like Sharansky himself, had no link whatsoever to those lands,
      could only mean the dispossession of more Palestinians from the
      land of their ancestors is a fact that could hardly have escaped
      our human rights hero. Or perhaps, having been brought up in a
      society where ideology and the class struggle dictated one's view
      of life and where all conflicts were seen as a zero-sum game, with
      victors and vanquished, be they a class or a superpower, he was
      blinded by his own ideology, Zionism. For almost in the same breath
      as reiterating his commitment to the "ingathering" of millions of
      foreign Jews, Sharansky is perfectly at ease with publicly
      objecting to any hint of allowing Palestinians to take up residence
      in the territories administered by the Palestinian National
      Authority or to the right of refugees to return to those
      territories, even if they had families living there. Indeed, the
      impact of the Soviet system on Sharansky's mind appears to have
      gone much deeper. Thus, like the Soviet habit of remoulding the
      history books to suit themselves, our human rights hero insists
      that any Israeli withdrawal from the occupied territories should be
      made contingent on, among other things, the Palestinians rewriting
      their school books
      (http://www.cdn-friends-icej.ca/isreport/sharansky.html) "to remove
      all language that denies the legitimacy of Israel and Zionism".
      [NOTE: Palestinian textbooks typically avoid this issue altogether.]

      In other words, Palestinian children should be taught that their
      uprooting from the land of their forefathers by foreigners from the
      former Soviet Union, Europe and the United States was perfectly
      legitimate. Sharansky resigned as Israeli interior minister in
      former Prime Minister Ehud Barak's government over rumours
      (http://www.freeman.org/m_online/jun00/sharansky.htm) that Barak was
      contemplating some trivial "concessions" over Jerusalem, territory
      and the refugees at the Camp David talks with Palestinian leaders
      in July 2000. But, judging by the unpopularity among Israelis

      (http://www.redress.btinternet.co.uk/oslo.htm) of making any
      concessions to the people they had uprooted, and given his solid
      support among the Russian immigrants, Sharansky must now have his
      vision firmly fixed on the position of Israeli prime minister. In
      the meantime, it would do him well to learn from the history of his
      Slav cousins in the Balkans. For while the Zionists have the
      dubious honour of being the twentieth century's first ethnic
      cleansers, Sharansky's kith and kin in the Balkans (let us not
      forget that our human rights hero is a Russian, albeit of the
      Jewish religion), have taken that tradition to its logical
      conclusion, with tragic consequences for themselves and their

      His blind ambition aside, Sharansky has a responsibility to his
      compatriots and co-religionists in Israel because, as in the
      Balkans, the burden of history weighs heavily on the shoulders of
      the indigenous people of Palestine whose continuing misfortunes are
      unlikely to let them forget the architects of their plight. As a
      Russian, Sharansky should know more than anyone else that great
      powers, even nuclear ones, come and go and that the fall can be
      sudden and cruel. But, with his contradictions and double standards,
      our human rights hero is unlikely to learn anything. Rather, when
      the time comes to write his obituary Anatoly Sharansky will most
      probably be remembered as Israel's great Russian dissembler, with
      his years as a so-called "human rights campaigner" not warranting
      even a footnote.

      NOTE: This is the man behind the nonsense of Bush's promotion
      campaign for "democracy" in the Arab world. Is it little wonder
      that "the Arab street" and some Arab leaders suspect that the real
      goal is the expansion of Greater Israel?




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