The Challenge of Jewish-Zionist Power in an Era of Global Struggle
- The Challenge of Jewish-Zionist Power in an Era of Global Struggle
An address by Mark Weber, director of the Institute for Historical
Review, delivered at an IHR meeting in New York City on July 16, 2005.
During World War II, Henry Luce, the publisher of Time and Life
magazines, coined the term "The American Century" to refer to the
twentieth century. And in the years since then the term has been used
many times. In the decades since the end of World War II, the United
States has indeed been the world's foremost military, economic and
financial power, and the most important cultural factor.
But that title is not the only one that's been given to that century.
A few months ago Princeton University Press issued a remarkable book
by a Jewish scholar, Yuri Slezkine, that explains why the Twentieth
Century is, or has been, the century of preeminent Jewish influence
and power. In fact, the book is entitled The Jewish Century.
In that spirit, the prominent French Jewish writer Alain Finkielkraut
was moved to write in 1998, in an essay published in the prestigious
Paris daily Le Monde: "Ah, how sweet it is to be Jewish at the end of
this 20th century! We are no longer History's accused, but its
darlings. The spirit of the times loves, honors, and defends us,
watches over our interests; it even needs our imprimatur. Journalists
draw up ruthless indictments against all that Europe still has in the
way of Nazi collaborators or those nostalgic for the Nazi era.
Churches repent, states do penance..." / 1
But that was then, and this is now. There are good reasons to believe
that both American power and Jewish power have crested. The twentieth
century what has been called "the American Century" and "the Jewish
century" is passing, both literally and figuratively, into history.
Although the US is still the world's most important military and
economic factor, its relative military and economic power in the world
has been declining over the past 20-30 years, and will continue to
decline in the years ahead. In the Middle East, Israel is still the
foremost military power in the region. It is the only state in the
area with a nuclear arsenal, for example. All the same, Israel's
stature in the world, and more generally Jewish-Zionist
power, are declining from the high point of the 1980s and 1990s.
Tony Judt, another Jewish writer, put it well in an essay published
last year in The Nation. He wrote: / 2
"Following the invasion of Lebanon, and with gathering intensity since
the first intifada of the late 1980s, the public impression of Israel
has steadily darkened. Today it presents a ghastly image: a place
where sneering 18-year-olds with M-16s taunt helpless old men
("security measures"); where bulldozers regularly flatten whole
apartment blocks ("rooting out terrorists"); where helicopters fire
rockets into residential streets ("targeted killings"); where
subsidized settlers frolic in grass-fringed swimming pools, oblivious
of Arab children a few meters away who fester and rot in the worst
slums on the planet; and where retired generals and Cabinet ministers
speak openly of bottling up the Palestinians "like drugged roaches in
a bottle" (former Israeli Chief of Staff Rafael Eytan) and cleansing
the land of its Arab cancer (former Housing Minister Effi Eitam).
" Israel is utterly dependent on the United States for money, arms and
diplomatic support. One or two states share common enemies with
Israel; a handful of countries buy its weapons; a few others are its
de facto accomplices in ignoring international treaties and secretly
manufacturing nuclear weapons. But outside Washington, Israel has no
friends -- at the United Nations it cannot even count on the support
of America's staunchest allies. Despite the political and diplomatic
in-competence of the PLO [Palestine Liberation Organization]... ;
despite the manifest shortcomings of the Arab world at large... ;
despite Israel's own sophisticated efforts to publicize its case, the
Jewish state today is widely regarded as a -- the -- leading threat to
world peace. After thirty-seven years of military occupation, Israel
has gained nothing in security. It has lost everything in domestic
civility and international respectability, and it has forfeited the
moral high ground forever."
What is emerging is a new bi-polar world, with the United States and
Israel on one side, and the rest of the world on the other. This new
alignment of forces, this shift in power relationships in the world,
is strikingly reflected in the United Nations, where, time and time
again, votes on issues in both the General Assembly and the Security
Council pit the United States and Israel on one side, and virtually
the entire rest of the world on the other.
On October 21, 2003, for example, there was a vote in the UN General
Assembly on a resolution condemning Israel's so-called "security
barrier," a grotesque thing, parts of it larger and more formidable
than the Berlin Wall, that Israel has built on occupied Palestinian
territory. Supporting the resolution were 144 countries, representing
nearly the entire world's population. Twelve countries abstained. Just
four countries opposed the resolution. They were: Israel, the United
States, the Marshall Islands and Micronesia. The latter two member
states, small island countries in the Pacific ocean with a combined
population of 180,000, are utterly dependent on the US. And on
December 9, 2003, the members of the UN General Assem-bly considered a
resolution re-affirming the principle of Pal-estinian sovereignty. It
received the backing of 142 states, including all the nations of
Europe and South America. In this case as well, just four countries
voted against the resolution: Israel, the US, the Marshall Islands and
This reminds me of a story. A senior citizen whose brain didn't work
as well or as quickly as it once did, was driving on the freeway when
his cell phone rang. He answered it, and heard his wife urgently
warning him, "Charles, I just heard on the news that there's a car
going the wrong way on the freeway. Please be careful!" Charles
immediately replied: "Honey, it's not just one car. It's hundreds of
Well, like Charles, President Bush and Israeli premier Aerial Sharon
insist that everyone else is recklessly going the wrong way. And as
the United States and Israel increasingly regard the rest of the world
as "out of step," most of humanity views the US and Israel with
mounting distrust, hostility and fear.
United States support for Israel did not come about because Americans
are markedly more intelligent, humane or enlightened than, say,
Norwegians, Japanese or Irish. No, the US-Israel alliance is, rather,
a consequence, a result, of the Jewish-Zionist grip on American
political and cultural life. Awareness of this fact is growing
everyone. And along with that, ever more people understand the crucial
factor behind the US invasion of Iraq was concern for Israel and its
Jewish-Zionist plans to overthrow the Iraqi regime by force were
already in place well before George W. Bush became president. A group
a cabal -- of high-level, pro-Israel "neoconservative" Jews in the
Bush administration -- including Paul Wolfowitz, Dep-uty Secretary of
Defense; Richard Perle of the Pentagon's Defense Policy Board; David
Wurmser in the State Department; and Douglas Feith, the Pentagon's
Undersecretary for Policy played a decisive role in prodding the
United States into war in Iraq. / 3
This is so widely understood by Washington insiders that US Senator
Ernest Hollings was moved last year to declare that Iraq was invaded,
as he put it, to "secure Israel," and that "everybody" his word --
knows it. Referring to the cowardly reluctance of his Congressional
colleagues to openly acknowledge this reality, Hollings said that
"nobody is willing to stand up and say what is going on." With few
exceptions, members of Congress uncritically support Israel and its
policies due to what Hollings called, "the pressures that we get
politically." / 4
In Britain, a veteran member of the House of Commons candidly declared
in May 2003 that pro-Israel Jews had taken control of America's
foreign policy, and had succeeded in pushing the US and Britain into
war in Iraq. "A Jewish cabal have taken over the government in the
United States and formed an unholy alliance with fundamentalist
Christians," said Tam Dalyell, a Labour party deputy known as "Father
of the House" because he is the longest-serving Member of Parliament.
"There is far too much Jewish influence in the United States," he
added. / 5
By supporting Israel and its policies, the United States betrays not
only its own national interests, but the principles it claims to
embody and defend. The truth is, that if the United States held Israel
to the same standards that it has applied to Iraq, Serbia, and other
countries, American bombers and missiles would be blasting Tel Aviv,
and we'd be putting Israeli prime minister Sharon behind bars for war
crimes and crimes against humanity.
Americans have already paid a high price for the US alliance with
Israel. This includes tens of billions of dollars in economic and
military aid to the Jewish state, the cost of the Iraq war and
occupation, now more than $200 billion, and the deaths of more than
fifteen hundred Americans there. Directly and indirectly, America's
"special relationship" with Israel has also generated unprecedented
distrust, fear and loathing of the United States around the world.
In the years to come, the cost of the US alliance with Israel is
certain to rise much more. As some Jewish leaders have openly
acknowledged, the Iraq war is merely part of a long-range effort to
install Israel-friendly regimes across the Middle East. Norman
Podhoretz, a prominent Jewish writer and an ardent supporter of
Israel, has been for years editor of Commentary, the influential
Zionist monthly. In the September 2002 issue he wrote: "The regimes
that richly deserve to be overthrown and replaced are not confined to
the three singled-out members of the axis of evil [Iraq, Iran, North
Korea]. At a minimum, the axis should extend to Syria and Lebanon and
Libya, as well as `friends' of America like the Saudi royal family and
Egypt 's Hosni Mubarak, along with the Palestinian Authority, whether
headed by Arafat or one of his henchmen." / 6
Now the world watches anxiously as the danger grows of war with Iran.
Israel has threatened to attack Iran if it builds a nuclear reactor,
and Iran has vowed to retaliate forcefully against any such assault.
The US could easily be drawn into such a conflict, which would be much
more destructive than the Iraq war.
There are some who object to the power of the "Jewish lobby" because
it supports, or, rather, makes possible, Israel 's oppression of
Palestinians. Others object because they are un-happy with this or
that aspect of the lobby's agenda. But to me this seems beside the
point. Apart from the harmful consequences of this or that particular
policy enforced by the Jewish lobby is the injustice and danger
inherent in permitting any distinct minority group or interest
to wield immense, disproportionate power and influence -- and
especially in the country that is the world's foremost military,
economic and financial power, and most important cultural factor.
Imagine the response, for example, if Mormons, or evangelical
Christians, or African-Americans, or the tobacco companies, were to
secure a grip on the American media and on America 's political life
comparable to that held by Jews.
In reality, the Jewish hold on American life is far more dangerous
than one that, in theory, might be held by any of the other groups
I've mentioned. There are two main reasons for this:
First, Jews in America have, manifestly, a staunch loyalty to a
foreign country, Israel, that since its founding in 1948 has been
embroiled in seemingly endless crises and conflicts with its
neighbors, and which is now an formidable military power with a large
Second, because of the distrustful and even adversarial way that Jews
view the rest of us. This latter remark may seem overstated, so I'll
try to explain.
It is not merely that such great power is wielded by a small minority
group, it's that it is wielded by a group that, more than any other,
has a pronounced sense of separateness from the rest of humanity, and
which, accordingly, views its interests as quite distinct from those
of everyone else. This Us vs. Them attitude, this mindset that sees
Jews as dis-tinct from, and superior to, the rest of humanity, is
deeply rooted in the Jewish psyche.
It is laid out in the Hebrew scriptures, the Torah, or, as most
Christians call it, the Old Testament. / 7 In the book of
Deuteronomy, for example, we read: "For you are a people holy to the
Lord your God. The Lord your God has chosen you to be a people for his
own possession, out of all the peoples that are on the face of the
earth." Jews or Hebrews are also referred to as a People that Shall
Dwell Alone, or, in another translation, as "a people dwelling alone,
and not reckoning itself among the nations." In the book of Exodus, we
read of the Jews as a people "distinct... from all other people that
are upon the face of the earth." In another passage, we are told, God
says to his chosen people: "This day I will begin to put the dread and
fear of you upon the peoples that are under the whole heaven, who
shall hear the report of you and shall tremble and be in anguish
because of you."
The ancient Jewish sense of alienation from, and abiding distrust of,
non-Jews is also manifest in a remarkable essay published in April
2002 in the Forward, the prominent Jewish community weekly. Entitled
"We're Right, the Whole World's Wrong," it is written by Rabbi Dov
Fischer, an attorney and a member of the Jewish Community Relations
Committee of the Jewish Federation of Los Angeles. Rabbi Fischer is
also national vice president of the Zionist Organization of America. /
8 So this essay was not written by an obscure or semi-literate
scribbler, but rather by a prominent Jewish community figure. And it
did not appear in the some marginal periodical, but rather in what is
perhaps the most literate and thoughtful Jewish weekly in America, and
certainly one of the most influential.
In his essay, Rabbi Fischer tells readers: "If we Jews are anything,
we are a people of history. .... Our history provides the strength to
know that we can be right and the whole world wrong." He goes on:
"We were right, and the whole world was wrong. The Crusades. The blood
libels and the Talmud burnings in England and France, leading those
nations to expel Jews for centuries. The Spanish and Portuguese
Inquisition. The ghettos and the Mortara case in Italy. Dreyfus in
France. Beilis in Russia and a century's persecution of Soviet Jewry.
"The Holocaust. Kurt Waldheim in Austria. Each time, Europe stood by
silently -- or actively participated in murdering us -- and we alone
were right, and the whole world was wrong.
"Today, once again, we alone are right and the whole world is wrong.
The Arabs, the Russians, the Africans, the Vatican proffer their
aggregated insights into and accumulated knowledge of the ethics of
massacre. And the Europeans. Although we appreciate the half-century
of West European democracy more than we appreciated the prior
millennia of European brutality, we recognize who they are, what they
have done -- and what's what. ...
"We remember that the food they [Europeans] eat is grown from soil
fertilized by 2,000 years of Jewish blood they have sprinkled onto it.
Atavistic Jew-hatred lingers in the air into which the ashes rose from
"Yes, once again, we are right and the whole world is wrong. It
doesn't change a thing, but after 25 centuries it's nice to know."
I can't resist mentioning that some of the Rabbi's remarks here are
stupefying distortions of history. To speak, as he does, for example,
of "a century's persecution of Soviet Jewry" is a breathtaking
falsehood. For one thing, the entire Soviet period lasted 72 years,
not 100. And during at least some of that period, above all during the
first ten years of the Soviet era, Jews wielded tremendous, if not
dominant power in the Bolshevik regime. Or did Rabbi Fischer forget
such figures as Leon Trotsky, com-mander in chief of the young Soviet
state's Red Army, Grigori Zinoviev, head of the Communist
International, or Yakov Sverdlov, the first Soviet president. / 9
The Rabbi's essay is noteworthy not so much for his distortions of
fact, as it is for what it reveals of the mentality of the man who
wrote it, and of the literate Jews who published and read it -- and
for what it says about our times.
For example, Fischer pins blame for "the Holocaust" -- that is, for
the event that Jews routinely regard as the single most horrible crime
in history, collectively on non-Jewish humanity. This view, which has
gained wider acceptance in recent decades, represents a drastic
re-writing of history. During World War II itself, of course, Jews did
not dare say to non-Jewish Americans that they actually shared blame
and guilt with "the Nazis" for murdering innocent Jews in Europe.
During the war, Jews said just the opposite.
During World War II, and for about some years after, the official
story, the "party line," if you will, was that responsibility and
blame for the horrors of the Nazi era lay with Hitler and his "Nazi
henchmen." The official story in those days was that most Europeans --
French, Austrians, Poles, Hungarians, and so forth, and even most
Germans were victims of the evil Nazis. In recent decades the circle
of guilt -- the list of perpe-trators -- has grown steadily, so that
not merely Hitler, or "the Nazis," or "the Germans," but now the
French, the Hungarians, Poles, Ukrainians, the Vatican -- in short,
all of Europe, indeed all non-Jewish humanity -- is held to be
collectively responsible for this allegedly greatest of all human crimes.
The most direct and obvious victims of Jewish-Zionist power are, of
course, the Palestinians who live under Israel's harsh rule. But we
Americans are also victims. Through the Jewish-Zionist grip on the
media, and the organized Jewish-Zionist corruption of our political
system, we are pressured, seduced, cajoled, and deceived into propping
up the Jewish state, providing it with billions of dollars yearly and
state-of-the-art weaponry, and even sacrificing American lives.
But it is also the truth that we Americans share some responsibility
for all this. We have allowed immense power, affecting every aspect of
our lives and our future, to be wielded by members of an
ethnic-religious minority group who view the American people as future
enemies and potential murderers. Put another way, Americans have
permitted people who regard them with profound distrust to play a
major role in determining how we live our lives, and in determining
our future both as individuals and as a nation. To permit such power
to pass into the hands of people who clearly do not have our best
interests at heart -- indeed, do not even trust us -- is, to put it
I want to emphasize here that to deal candidly with the reality of
Jewish-Zionist power is not, as some may claim, "anti-Semitism" or
"hate." We do not wish harm to any individual, Jewish or not, because
of his or her ancestry, religion or background. At the same time, we
should not let smears or malicious accusations, no matter how
vehemently expressed, keep us from saying the truth, or doing what is
One of the most important centers of Jewish-Zionist power is the Simon
Wiesenthal Center. Headquartered in Los Angeles, it reports a
membership of more than 300,000 and an annual income of $27 million,
including $10 million in taxpayer funds. The Center and its head,
Rabbi Marvin Hier, wield considerable political power. According to
the Los Angeles Times Magazine, "Hier has accrued unprecedented clout
in the Legislature, on Capitol Hill, in the city's boardrooms and even
in Hollywood." / 10 The Center's imposing "Museum of Tolerance" in
West Los Angeles, which presents a relentlessly Jewish-Zionist version
of history, reportedly draws 350,000 visitors yearly, including tens
of thousands of school children.
Although it claims to promote "tolerance," the Center's real agenda is
a narrowly Jewish-Zionist one. It is a staunch supporter of Israel and
its Jewish supremacist regime. It fervently defends Israel's policies
of oppression, occupation, dispossession, and institutionalized
discrimination against non-Jews. The Center supports Israeli policies
that violate United Nations Security Council resolutions. It applauds
Israel 's "security fence," a hideous barrier that is part of a
long-term Zionist effort to seize land of non-Jews, and which the
International Court of Justice says is illegal.
While the Center denounces violence and terrorism against Jews, it
sanctions Zionist terrorism. It has publicly honored two Israeli
leaders Menachem Begin and Yitzhak Shamir each of whom has a
well-documented record as a terrorist.
The Center has a long record of reckless propaganda for war. For years
it had been pressing for an American attack against Iraq, backing its
warmongering with alarmist claims about the supposed danger posed by
the Baghdad regime. As long ago as November 1990, Rabbi Hier was
telling readers of a piece he wrote that appeared in Newsweek
magazine: "I think the United States should go in. Maybe not tomorrow,
but very soon Three years from now, Iraq will have nuclear weapons."
In the Spring 1991 issue of its glossy magazine, Response, the Center
was claiming that Iraq was killing Iranian prisoners in German-built
gas chambers. The Center's magazine went on to claim that German firms
were producing Zyklon B gas in Iraq, "the chemical used by the Germans
to murder millions of Jews during the Nazi Holocaust." Iranian
prisoners of war, the Center's magazine said, were being killed with
Zyklon B "in gas chambers specially designed for the Iraqis by the
German company Rhema Labortechnik An eyewitness reported the [Iraqi]
gas chambers were tiled to look like operating rooms, with a separated
observation room for each gas chamber with reinforced glass
visibility." / 12
Of course, these fantastic claims had no basis in reality.
In a statement issued in October 2002, several months before the US
invasion of Iraq, the Wiesenthal Center insisted that war was
necessary because the Saddam Hussein regime had been "continuing to
stockpile weapons of mass destruction." Moreover, the Center went on
to assert: "For while there are other tyrants, Saddam alone stands as
a menace to world order and stability. While there are others who
possess chemical and biological weapons of mass destruction, only
Saddam has shown an eagerness to use them." / 13
As the world now knows, these claims were not true.
In the view of Dr. Frank Knopfelmacher, a prominent Australian Jewish
scholar, the Wiesenthal Center foments "ethnic hatred." Australia
government officials, he says, should have "banned the members of the
Simon Wiesenthal Center from entering Australia and should have
deported those who were here." / 14
Through its Museum, its glossy magazine, Response, and other
propaganda materials, the Center relentlessly exploits painful
memories of the Holocaust and Jewish suffering during World War II to
raise millions of dollars annually. In a book entitled One, by One, by
One, author Judith Miller, the New York Times journalist who has been
in the news a lot lately, wrote: "The enormous success of the Simon
Wiesenthal Center has given new meaning to what was once a macabre
in-house joke ... 'There is no business like Shoah business'." / 15
("Shoah" is the Hebrew term for Holocaust.)
A few years ago, the director of Israel's Yad Vashem Holocaust center
said: "Rabbi Hier and the Wiesenthal Center are, in my opinion, the
most extreme of those who utilize the Holocaust. The Jewish people
does many vulgar things, but the Wiesenthal Center [has] raised it to
a complete level: The optimum use of sensitive issues in order to
raise money " / 16
The Wiesenthal Center has been a major player in what American Jewish
scholar Norman Finkelstein calls the "shakedown" campaign by Israel
and organized Jewry to extort billions of dollars from European
countries and corporations. Finkelstein, author of the bestselling
study, The Holocaust Industry, calls the Center "a gang of heartless
and immoral crooks, whose hallmark is that they will do anything for a
dollar." / 17
At a time of belt-tightening by California and other states, with
money short for schools and highways, it is all the more outrageous
that millions of dollars in taxpayer funds go to support this wealthy
bastion of Jewish-Zionist power, and its bigoted, self-serving agenda.
The Wiesenthal Center deserves the scorn and contempt of every decent
* * * *
A few of those who are here this evening have come, perhaps, out of
simple curiosity, or to meet others who are attending. But for most of
us, we are here this evening because we care. We care about what is
right and wrong. We care about what is true and not true. We care
about the past and, more importantly, we care about the future. We
care about the world we live in. We feel a sense of responsibility for
the world we've inherited, and for the world of the future. We want to
make a difference to make this a better world a world that, even
beyond our own lifetimes, is more just and right.
Some of us may feel a special concern for the cause of peace, mindful
of the destruction, suffering, and death of war. Some may feel a
special concern for justice, perhaps especially for the people who
have lived for decades under Zionist occupation. Some of us may feel a
special concern for the welfare and future of his or her own culture,
race or nation, while others may feel a responsibility for the future
of all mankind.
Regardless of the particular causes or principles that most move us,
that are closest to our hearts, no issue is of greater urgency than
breaking the Jewish-Zionist grip on American political, social and
cultural life. As long as this power remains entrenched, there will be
no end to the systematic Jewish distortion of history and current
affairs, the Jewish-Zionist domination of the US political system,
Zionist oppression of Palestinians, the bloody conflict between Jews
and non-Jews in the Middle East, and the Israeli threat to peace.
Throughout history Jews have time and again wielded great power to
further group interests that are separate from, and often contrary to,
those of the non-Jewish populations among whom they live. This creates
an inherently unjust and unstable situation that, as history shows,
Now we are engaged in a great, global struggle -- in which two
distinct and irreconcilable sides confront each other. A struggle that
pits a self-assured and diabolical power that feels ordained to rule
over others, on one side, and all other nations and societies --
indeed, humanity itself -- on the other.
This struggle is not a new one. It is the latest enactment of a great
drama that has played itself out again and again, over centuries, and
in many different societies, cultures and historical eras. In the past
this drama has played itself out on a local, national, regional, or,
sometimes, continental stage. Today this is a global drama, and a
It is a struggle for the welfare and future not merely of the Middle
East, or of America, but a great historical battle for the soul and
future of humanity itself. A struggle that calls all of us here this
evening and many more across the country and around the world who
share a sense of responsibility for the future of humankind.
Some of those here this evening have already done much. But so much
more still needs to be done. To expose and stand against this
insidious power is often difficult and disheartening work, but it is
absolutely necessary. During this momentous historical era, we pledge
to carry on in this struggle, for the sake not only of our own nation
and heritage, but for all humanity.
1. A. Finkielkraut, "Mgr Stepinac et les deux douleurs de l'Europe,"
Le Monde, Oct. 7, 1998, p. 14. Quoted in: R. Faurisson, "Paying
Tribute to Jewish Power: `Ah, How Sweet It Is To Be Jewish '," The
Journal of Historical Review, Nov.-Dec. 1998, pp. 11-12. Posted at:
2. Tony Judt, "Rootless Cosmopolitan," The Nation, July 19-26, 2004,
3. M. Weber, " Iraq : A War for Israel." Posted at:
4. M. Weber, "'Iraq was Invaded to Secure Israel,' Says Senator
Hollings, and 'Everybody Knows It'," July 16, 2004.
5. F. Nelson, "Anger Over Dalyell's 'Jewish Cabal' Slur," The Scotsman
(Edinburgh), May 5, 2003; M. White, "Dalyell Steps Up Attack On Levy,"
The Guardian (London), May 6, 2003. Quoted in: M. Weber, " Iraq : A
War for Israel." (cited above).
6. N. Podhoretz, "In Praise of the Bush Doctrine," Commentary, Sept.
2002. Posted, for example, at:
7. The four biblical quotations here are from Deuteronomy 7: 6,
Numbers 23: 9, Exodus 33: 16, and Deuteronomy 2: 25. See also:
Deuteronomy 6: 10-11, 14: 2, 23: 10-20, 33: 29, Genesis 27: 28-29,
Isaiah 60: 10-14, 61: 5-6, Joshua 24: 13, Psalms 2: 8.
8. Dov Fischer, "We're Right, the Whole World's Wrong," Forward (New
York), April 19, 2002, p 11.
9. See: M. Weber, "The Jewish Role in the Bolshevik Revolution and
Russia's Early Soviet Regime," The Journal of Historical Review,
Jan.-Feb. 1994. Posted at: http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v14/v14n1p-4_Weber.html
10. "The Unorthodox Rabbi," Los Angeles Times Magazine, July 15,
1990, p. 9.
11. Marvin Hier, "Crisis in the Gulf," Newsweek, Nov. 26. 1990.
Facsimile in Christian News, Nov. 26, 1990, p. 4.
12. "German Firms Produce Zyklon B in Iraq," Response: The Wiesenthal
Center World Report, Spring 1991, pp. 2, 4.
13. Simon Wiesenthal Center news release of Oct. 7, 2002. " Wiesenthal
Center Supports Congressional Resolution on Iraq." Posted at:
14. The Australian, July 31, 1990. Cited in "Influential Australian
Jewish Figure Condemns `Nazi Hunters' and Simon Wiesenthal Center,"
IHR Newsletter, April 1991, p. 5.
15. Judith Miller, One by One, by One: Facing the Holocaust (New York:
Simon and Schuster/ Touchstone, 1990), p. 237.
16. Ha'aretz (Israel), Dec. 16, 1988. Reported in: David Sinai, "News
We Doubt You've Seen," The Jewish Press (Brooklyn, New York), Dec. 23,
17. "A Conversation with Professor Norman Finkelstein." Conducted by
Don Atapattu, Dec. 13, 2001. Posted at
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