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The Challenge of Jewish-Zionist Power in an Era of Global Struggle

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    The Challenge of Jewish-Zionist Power in an Era of Global Struggle Mark Weber http://www.ihr.org/other/thechallenge.html An address by Mark Weber, director of
    Message 1 of 1 , Aug 4, 2005
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      The Challenge of Jewish-Zionist Power in an Era of Global Struggle
      Mark Weber
      http://www.ihr.org/other/thechallenge.html


      An address by Mark Weber, director of the Institute for Historical
      Review, delivered at an IHR meeting in New York City on July 16, 2005.

      During World War II, Henry Luce, the publisher of Time and Life
      magazines, coined the term "The American Century" to refer to the
      twentieth century. And in the years since then the term has been used
      many times. In the decades since the end of World War II, the United
      States has indeed been the world's foremost military, economic and
      financial power, and the most important cultural factor.

      But that title is not the only one that's been given to that century.
      A few months ago Princeton University Press issued a remarkable book
      by a Jewish scholar, Yuri Slezkine, that explains why the Twentieth
      Century is, or has been, the century of preeminent Jewish influence
      and power. In fact, the book is entitled The Jewish Century.

      In that spirit, the prominent French Jewish writer Alain Finkielkraut
      was moved to write in 1998, in an essay published in the prestigious
      Paris daily Le Monde: "Ah, how sweet it is to be Jewish at the end of
      this 20th century! We are no longer History's accused, but its
      darlings. The spirit of the times loves, honors, and defends us,
      watches over our interests; it even needs our imprimatur. Journalists
      draw up ruthless indictments against all that Europe still has in the
      way of Nazi collaborators or those nostalgic for the Nazi era.
      Churches repent, states do penance..." / 1

      But that was then, and this is now. There are good reasons to believe
      that both American power and Jewish power have crested. The twentieth
      century – what has been called "the American Century" and "the Jewish
      century" – is passing, both literally and figuratively, into history.

      Although the US is still the world's most important military and
      economic factor, its relative military and economic power in the world
      has been declining over the past 20-30 years, and will continue to
      decline in the years ahead. In the Middle East, Israel is still the
      foremost military power in the region. It is the only state in the
      area with a nuclear arsenal, for example. All the same, Israel's
      stature in the world, and – more generally – Jewish-Zionist
      power, are declining from the high point of the 1980s and 1990s.

      Tony Judt, another Jewish writer, put it well in an essay published
      last year in The Nation. He wrote: / 2

      "Following the invasion of Lebanon, and with gathering intensity since
      the first intifada of the late 1980s, the public impression of Israel
      has steadily darkened. Today it presents a ghastly image: a place
      where sneering 18-year-olds with M-16s taunt helpless old men
      ("security measures"); where bulldozers regularly flatten whole
      apartment blocks ("rooting out terrorists"); where helicopters fire
      rockets into residential streets ("targeted killings"); where
      subsidized settlers frolic in grass-fringed swimming pools, oblivious
      of Arab children a few meters away who fester and rot in the worst
      slums on the planet; and where retired generals and Cabinet ministers
      speak openly of bottling up the Palestinians "like drugged roaches in
      a bottle" (former Israeli Chief of Staff Rafael Eytan) and cleansing
      the land of its Arab cancer (former Housing Minister Effi Eitam).

      " Israel is utterly dependent on the United States for money, arms and
      diplomatic support. One or two states share common enemies with
      Israel; a handful of countries buy its weapons; a few others are its
      de facto accomplices in ignoring international treaties and secretly
      manufacturing nuclear weapons. But outside Washington, Israel has no
      friends -- at the United Nations it cannot even count on the support
      of America's staunchest allies. Despite the political and diplomatic
      in-competence of the PLO [Palestine Liberation Organization]... ;
      despite the manifest shortcomings of the Arab world at large... ;
      despite Israel's own sophisticated efforts to publicize its case, the
      Jewish state today is widely regarded as a -- the -- leading threat to
      world peace. After thirty-seven years of military occupation, Israel
      has gained nothing in security. It has lost everything in domestic
      civility and international respectability, and it has forfeited the
      moral high ground forever."

      What is emerging is a new bi-polar world, with the United States and
      Israel on one side, and the rest of the world on the other. This new
      alignment of forces, this shift in power relationships in the world,
      is strikingly reflected in the United Nations, where, time and time
      again, votes on issues in both the General Assembly and the Security
      Council pit the United States and Israel on one side, and virtually
      the entire rest of the world on the other.

      On October 21, 2003, for example, there was a vote in the UN General
      Assembly on a resolution condemning Israel's so-called "security
      barrier," a grotesque thing, parts of it larger and more formidable
      than the Berlin Wall, that Israel has built on occupied Palestinian
      territory. Supporting the resolution were 144 countries, representing
      nearly the entire world's population. Twelve countries abstained. Just
      four countries opposed the resolution. They were: Israel, the United
      States, the Marshall Islands and Micronesia. The latter two member
      states, small island countries in the Pacific ocean with a combined
      population of 180,000, are utterly dependent on the US. And on
      December 9, 2003, the members of the UN General Assem-bly considered a
      resolution re-affirming the principle of Pal-estinian sovereignty. It
      received the backing of 142 states, including all the nations of
      Europe and South America. In this case as well, just four countries
      voted against the resolution: Israel, the US, the Marshall Islands and
      Micronesia.

      This reminds me of a story. A senior citizen whose brain didn't work
      as well or as quickly as it once did, was driving on the freeway when
      his cell phone rang. He answered it, and heard his wife urgently
      warning him, "Charles, I just heard on the news that there's a car
      going the wrong way on the freeway. Please be careful!" Charles
      immediately replied: "Honey, it's not just one car. It's hundreds of
      them!"

      Well, like Charles, President Bush and Israeli premier Aerial Sharon
      insist that everyone else is recklessly going the wrong way. And as
      the United States and Israel increasingly regard the rest of the world
      as "out of step," most of humanity views the US and Israel with
      mounting distrust, hostility and fear.

      United States support for Israel did not come about because Americans
      are markedly more intelligent, humane or enlightened than, say,
      Norwegians, Japanese or Irish. No, the US-Israel alliance is, rather,
      a consequence, a result, of the Jewish-Zionist grip on American
      political and cultural life. Awareness of this fact is growing
      everyone. And along with that, ever more people understand the crucial
      factor behind the US invasion of Iraq was concern for Israel and its
      interests.

      Jewish-Zionist plans to overthrow the Iraqi regime by force were
      already in place well before George W. Bush became president. A group
      – a cabal -- of high-level, pro-Israel "neoconservative" Jews in the
      Bush administration -- including Paul Wolfowitz, Dep-uty Secretary of
      Defense; Richard Perle of the Pentagon's Defense Policy Board; David
      Wurmser in the State Department; and Douglas Feith, the Pentagon's
      Undersecretary for Policy – played a decisive role in prodding the
      United States into war in Iraq. / 3

      This is so widely understood by Washington insiders that US Senator
      Ernest Hollings was moved last year to declare that Iraq was invaded,
      as he put it, to "secure Israel," and that "everybody" – his word --
      knows it. Referring to the cowardly reluctance of his Congressional
      colleagues to openly acknowledge this reality, Hollings said that
      "nobody is willing to stand up and say what is going on." With few
      exceptions, members of Congress uncritically support Israel and its
      policies due to what Hollings called, "the pressures that we get
      politically." / 4

      In Britain, a veteran member of the House of Commons candidly declared
      in May 2003 that pro-Israel Jews had taken control of America's
      foreign policy, and had succeeded in pushing the US and Britain into
      war in Iraq. "A Jewish cabal have taken over the government in the
      United States and formed an unholy alliance with fundamentalist
      Christians," said Tam Dalyell, a Labour party deputy known as "Father
      of the House" because he is the longest-serving Member of Parliament.
      "There is far too much Jewish influence in the United States," he
      added. / 5

      By supporting Israel and its policies, the United States betrays not
      only its own national interests, but the principles it claims to
      embody and defend. The truth is, that if the United States held Israel
      to the same standards that it has applied to Iraq, Serbia, and other
      countries, American bombers and missiles would be blasting Tel Aviv,
      and we'd be putting Israeli prime minister Sharon behind bars for war
      crimes and crimes against humanity.

      Americans have already paid a high price for the US alliance with
      Israel. This includes tens of billions of dollars in economic and
      military aid to the Jewish state, the cost of the Iraq war and
      occupation, now more than $200 billion, and the deaths of more than
      fifteen hundred Americans there. Directly and indirectly, America's
      "special relationship" with Israel has also generated unprecedented
      distrust, fear and loathing of the United States around the world.

      In the years to come, the cost of the US alliance with Israel is
      certain to rise much more. As some Jewish leaders have openly
      acknowledged, the Iraq war is merely part of a long-range effort to
      install Israel-friendly regimes across the Middle East. Norman
      Podhoretz, a prominent Jewish writer and an ardent supporter of
      Israel, has been for years editor of Commentary, the influential
      Zionist monthly. In the September 2002 issue he wrote: "The regimes
      that richly deserve to be overthrown and replaced are not confined to
      the three singled-out members of the axis of evil [Iraq, Iran, North
      Korea]. At a minimum, the axis should extend to Syria and Lebanon and
      Libya, as well as `friends' of America like the Saudi royal family and
      Egypt 's Hosni Mubarak, along with the Palestinian Authority, whether
      headed by Arafat or one of his henchmen." / 6

      Now the world watches anxiously as the danger grows of war with Iran.
      Israel has threatened to attack Iran if it builds a nuclear reactor,
      and Iran has vowed to retaliate forcefully against any such assault.
      The US could easily be drawn into such a conflict, which would be much
      more destructive than the Iraq war.


      There are some who object to the power of the "Jewish lobby" because
      it supports, or, rather, makes possible, Israel 's oppression of
      Palestinians. Others object because they are un-happy with this or
      that aspect of the lobby's agenda. But to me this seems beside the
      point. Apart from the harmful consequences of this or that particular
      policy enforced by the Jewish lobby is the injustice and danger
      inherent in permitting any distinct minority group or interest
      to wield immense, disproportionate power and influence -- and
      especially in the country that is the world's foremost military,
      economic and financial power, and most important cultural factor.
      Imagine the response, for example, if Mormons, or evangelical
      Christians, or African-Americans, or the tobacco companies, were to
      secure a grip on the American media and on America 's political life
      comparable to that held by Jews.

      In reality, the Jewish hold on American life is far more dangerous
      than one that, in theory, might be held by any of the other groups
      I've mentioned. There are two main reasons for this:

      First, Jews in America have, manifestly, a staunch loyalty to a
      foreign country, Israel, that since its founding in 1948 has been
      embroiled in seemingly endless crises and conflicts with its
      neighbors, and which is now an formidable military power with a large
      nuclear arsenal.

      Second, because of the distrustful and even adversarial way that Jews
      view the rest of us. This latter remark may seem overstated, so I'll
      try to explain.

      It is not merely that such great power is wielded by a small minority
      group, it's that it is wielded by a group that, more than any other,
      has a pronounced sense of separateness from the rest of humanity, and
      which, accordingly, views its interests as quite distinct from those
      of everyone else. This Us vs. Them attitude, this mindset that sees
      Jews as dis-tinct from, and superior to, the rest of humanity, is
      deeply rooted in the Jewish psyche.

      It is laid out in the Hebrew scriptures, the Torah, or, as most
      Christians call it, the Old Testament. / 7 In the book of
      Deuteronomy, for example, we read: "For you are a people holy to the
      Lord your God. The Lord your God has chosen you to be a people for his
      own possession, out of all the peoples that are on the face of the
      earth." Jews or Hebrews are also referred to as a People that Shall
      Dwell Alone, or, in another translation, as "a people dwelling alone,
      and not reckoning itself among the nations." In the book of Exodus, we
      read of the Jews as a people "distinct... from all other people that
      are upon the face of the earth." In another passage, we are told, God
      says to his chosen people: "This day I will begin to put the dread and
      fear of you upon the peoples that are under the whole heaven, who
      shall hear the report of you and shall tremble and be in anguish
      because of you."

      The ancient Jewish sense of alienation from, and abiding distrust of,
      non-Jews is also manifest in a remarkable essay published in April
      2002 in the Forward, the prominent Jewish community weekly. Entitled
      "We're Right, the Whole World's Wrong," it is written by Rabbi Dov
      Fischer, an attorney and a member of the Jewish Community Relations
      Committee of the Jewish Federation of Los Angeles. Rabbi Fischer is
      also national vice president of the Zionist Organization of America. /
      8 So this essay was not written by an obscure or semi-literate
      scribbler, but rather by a prominent Jewish community figure. And it
      did not appear in the some marginal periodical, but rather in what is
      perhaps the most literate and thoughtful Jewish weekly in America, and
      certainly one of the most influential.

      In his essay, Rabbi Fischer tells readers: "If we Jews are anything,
      we are a people of history. .... Our history provides the strength to
      know that we can be right and the whole world wrong." He goes on:


      "We were right, and the whole world was wrong. The Crusades. The blood
      libels and the Talmud burnings in England and France, leading those
      nations to expel Jews for centuries. The Spanish and Portuguese
      Inquisition. The ghettos and the Mortara case in Italy. Dreyfus in
      France. Beilis in Russia and a century's persecution of Soviet Jewry.

      "The Holocaust. Kurt Waldheim in Austria. Each time, Europe stood by
      silently -- or actively participated in murdering us -- and we alone
      were right, and the whole world was wrong.

      "Today, once again, we alone are right and the whole world is wrong.
      The Arabs, the Russians, the Africans, the Vatican proffer their
      aggregated insights into and accumulated knowledge of the ethics of
      massacre. And the Europeans. Although we appreciate the half-century
      of West European democracy more than we appreciated the prior
      millennia of European brutality, we recognize who they are, what they
      have done -- and what's what. ...

      "We remember that the food they [Europeans] eat is grown from soil
      fertilized by 2,000 years of Jewish blood they have sprinkled onto it.
      Atavistic Jew-hatred lingers in the air into which the ashes rose from
      the crematoria...

      "Yes, once again, we are right and the whole world is wrong. It
      doesn't change a thing, but after 25 centuries it's nice to know."

      I can't resist mentioning that some of the Rabbi's remarks here are
      stupefying distortions of history. To speak, as he does, for example,
      of "a century's persecution of Soviet Jewry" is a breathtaking
      falsehood. For one thing, the entire Soviet period lasted 72 years,
      not 100. And during at least some of that period, above all during the
      first ten years of the Soviet era, Jews wielded tremendous, if not
      dominant power in the Bolshevik regime. Or did Rabbi Fischer forget
      such figures as Leon Trotsky, com-mander in chief of the young Soviet
      state's Red Army, Grigori Zinoviev, head of the Communist
      International, or Yakov Sverdlov, the first Soviet president. / 9

      The Rabbi's essay is noteworthy not so much for his distortions of
      fact, as it is for what it reveals of the mentality of the man who
      wrote it, and of the literate Jews who published and read it -- and
      for what it says about our times.

      For example, Fischer pins blame for "the Holocaust" -- that is, for
      the event that Jews routinely regard as the single most horrible crime
      in history, collectively on non-Jewish humanity. This view, which has
      gained wider acceptance in recent decades, represents a drastic
      re-writing of history. During World War II itself, of course, Jews did
      not dare say to non-Jewish Americans that they actually shared blame
      and guilt with "the Nazis" for murdering innocent Jews in Europe.
      During the war, Jews said just the opposite.

      During World War II, and for about some years after, the official
      story, the "party line," if you will, was that responsibility and
      blame for the horrors of the Nazi era lay with Hitler and his "Nazi
      henchmen." The official story in those days was that most Europeans --
      French, Austrians, Poles, Hungarians, and so forth, and even most
      Germans – were victims of the evil Nazis. In recent decades the circle
      of guilt -- the list of perpe-trators -- has grown steadily, so that
      not merely Hitler, or "the Nazis," or "the Germans," but now the
      French, the Hungarians, Poles, Ukrainians, the Vatican -- in short,
      all of Europe, indeed all non-Jewish humanity -- is held to be
      collectively responsible for this allegedly greatest of all human crimes.

      The most direct and obvious victims of Jewish-Zionist power are, of
      course, the Palestinians who live under Israel's harsh rule. But we
      Americans are also victims. Through the Jewish-Zionist grip on the
      media, and the organized Jewish-Zionist corruption of our political
      system, we are pressured, seduced, cajoled, and deceived into propping
      up the Jewish state, providing it with billions of dollars yearly and
      state-of-the-art weaponry, and even sacrificing American lives.

      But it is also the truth that we Americans share some responsibility
      for all this. We have allowed immense power, affecting every aspect of
      our lives and our future, to be wielded by members of an
      ethnic-religious minority group who view the American people as future
      enemies and potential murderers. Put another way, Americans have
      permitted people who regard them with profound distrust to play a
      major role in determining how we live our lives, and in determining
      our future both as individuals and as a nation. To permit such power
      to pass into the hands of people who clearly do not have our best
      interests at heart -- indeed, do not even trust us -- is, to put it
      mildly, irresponsible.

      I want to emphasize here that to deal candidly with the reality of
      Jewish-Zionist power is not, as some may claim, "anti-Semitism" or
      "hate." We do not wish harm to any individual, Jewish or not, because
      of his or her ancestry, religion or background. At the same time, we
      should not let smears or malicious accusations, no matter how
      vehemently expressed, keep us from saying the truth, or doing what is
      right.

      One of the most important centers of Jewish-Zionist power is the Simon
      Wiesenthal Center. Headquartered in Los Angeles, it reports a
      membership of more than 300,000 and an annual income of $27 million,
      including $10 million in taxpayer funds. The Center and its head,
      Rabbi Marvin Hier, wield considerable political power. According to
      the Los Angeles Times Magazine, "Hier has accrued unprecedented clout
      in the Legislature, on Capitol Hill, in the city's boardrooms and even
      in Hollywood." / 10 The Center's imposing "Museum of Tolerance" in
      West Los Angeles, which presents a relentlessly Jewish-Zionist version
      of history, reportedly draws 350,000 visitors yearly, including tens
      of thousands of school children.

      Although it claims to promote "tolerance," the Center's real agenda is
      a narrowly Jewish-Zionist one. It is a staunch supporter of Israel and
      its Jewish supremacist regime. It fervently defends Israel's policies
      of oppression, occupation, dispossession, and institutionalized
      discrimination against non-Jews. The Center supports Israeli policies
      that violate United Nations Security Council resolutions. It applauds
      Israel 's "security fence," a hideous barrier that is part of a
      long-term Zionist effort to seize land of non-Jews, and which the
      International Court of Justice says is illegal.

      While the Center denounces violence and terrorism against Jews, it
      sanctions Zionist terrorism. It has publicly honored two Israeli
      leaders – Menachem Begin and Yitzhak Shamir – each of whom has a
      well-documented record as a terrorist.

      The Center has a long record of reckless propaganda for war. For years
      it had been pressing for an American attack against Iraq, backing its
      warmongering with alarmist claims about the supposed danger posed by
      the Baghdad regime. As long ago as November 1990, Rabbi Hier was
      telling readers of a piece he wrote that appeared in Newsweek
      magazine: "I think the United States should go in. Maybe not tomorrow,
      but very soon… Three years from now, Iraq will have nuclear weapons."
      / 11

      In the Spring 1991 issue of its glossy magazine, Response, the Center
      was claiming that Iraq was killing Iranian prisoners in German-built
      gas chambers. The Center's magazine went on to claim that German firms
      were producing Zyklon B gas in Iraq, "the chemical used by the Germans
      to murder millions of Jews during the Nazi Holocaust." Iranian
      prisoners of war, the Center's magazine said, were being killed with
      Zyklon B "in gas chambers specially designed for the Iraqis by the
      German company Rhema Labortechnik… An eyewitness reported the [Iraqi]
      gas chambers were tiled to look like operating rooms, with a separated
      observation room for each gas chamber with reinforced glass
      visibility." / 12

      Of course, these fantastic claims had no basis in reality.

      In a statement issued in October 2002, several months before the US
      invasion of Iraq, the Wiesenthal Center insisted that war was
      necessary because the Saddam Hussein regime had been "continuing to
      stockpile weapons of mass destruction." Moreover, the Center went on
      to assert: "For while there are other tyrants, Saddam alone stands as
      a menace to world order and stability. While there are others who
      possess chemical and biological weapons of mass destruction, only
      Saddam has shown an eagerness to use them." / 13

      As the world now knows, these claims were not true.

      In the view of Dr. Frank Knopfelmacher, a prominent Australian Jewish
      scholar, the Wiesenthal Center foments "ethnic hatred." Australia
      government officials, he says, should have "banned the members of the
      Simon Wiesenthal Center from entering Australia and should have
      deported those who were here." / 14

      Through its Museum, its glossy magazine, Response, and other
      propaganda materials, the Center relentlessly exploits painful
      memories of the Holocaust and Jewish suffering during World War II to
      raise millions of dollars annually. In a book entitled One, by One, by
      One, author Judith Miller, the New York Times journalist who has been
      in the news a lot lately, wrote: "The enormous success of the Simon
      Wiesenthal Center has given new meaning to what was once a macabre
      in-house joke ... 'There is no business like Shoah business'." / 15
      ("Shoah" is the Hebrew term for Holocaust.)

      A few years ago, the director of Israel's Yad Vashem Holocaust center
      said: "Rabbi Hier and the Wiesenthal Center are, in my opinion, the
      most extreme of those who utilize the Holocaust. The Jewish people
      does many vulgar things, but the Wiesenthal Center [has] raised it to
      a complete level: The optimum use of sensitive issues in order to
      raise money…" / 16

      The Wiesenthal Center has been a major player in what American Jewish
      scholar Norman Finkelstein calls the "shakedown" campaign by Israel
      and organized Jewry to extort billions of dollars from European
      countries and corporations. Finkelstein, author of the bestselling
      study, The Holocaust Industry, calls the Center "a gang of heartless
      and immoral crooks, whose hallmark is that they will do anything for a
      dollar." / 17

      At a time of belt-tightening by California and other states, with
      money short for schools and highways, it is all the more outrageous
      that millions of dollars in taxpayer funds go to support this wealthy
      bastion of Jewish-Zionist power, and its bigoted, self-serving agenda.
      The Wiesenthal Center deserves the scorn and contempt of every decent
      person.

      * * * *

      A few of those who are here this evening have come, perhaps, out of
      simple curiosity, or to meet others who are attending. But for most of
      us, we are here this evening because we care. We care about what is
      right and wrong. We care about what is true and not true. We care
      about the past and, more importantly, we care about the future. We
      care about the world we live in. We feel a sense of responsibility for
      the world we've inherited, and for the world of the future. We want to
      make a difference – to make this a better world – a world that, even
      beyond our own lifetimes, is more just and right.

      Some of us may feel a special concern for the cause of peace, mindful
      of the destruction, suffering, and death of war. Some may feel a
      special concern for justice, perhaps especially for the people who
      have lived for decades under Zionist occupation. Some of us may feel a
      special concern for the welfare and future of his or her own culture,
      race or nation, while others may feel a responsibility for the future
      of all mankind.

      Regardless of the particular causes or principles that most move us,
      that are closest to our hearts, no issue is of greater urgency than
      breaking the Jewish-Zionist grip on American political, social and
      cultural life. As long as this power remains entrenched, there will be
      no end to the systematic Jewish distortion of history and current
      affairs, the Jewish-Zionist domination of the US political system,
      Zionist oppression of Palestinians, the bloody conflict between Jews
      and non-Jews in the Middle East, and the Israeli threat to peace.

      Throughout history Jews have time and again wielded great power to
      further group interests that are separate from, and often contrary to,
      those of the non-Jewish populations among whom they live. This creates
      an inherently unjust and unstable situation that, as history shows,
      never endures.

      Now we are engaged in a great, global struggle -- in which two
      distinct and irreconcilable sides confront each other. A struggle that
      pits a self-assured and diabolical power that feels ordained to rule
      over others, on one side, and all other nations and societies --
      indeed, humanity itself -- on the other.

      This struggle is not a new one. It is the latest enactment of a great
      drama that has played itself out again and again, over centuries, and
      in many different societies, cultures and historical eras. In the past
      this drama has played itself out on a local, national, regional, or,
      sometimes, continental stage. Today this is a global drama, and a
      global clash.

      It is a struggle for the welfare and future not merely of the Middle
      East, or of America, but a great historical battle for the soul and
      future of humanity itself. A struggle that calls all of us here this
      evening – and many more across the country and around the world – who
      share a sense of responsibility for the future of humankind.

      Some of those here this evening have already done much. But so much
      more still needs to be done. To expose and stand against this
      insidious power is often difficult and disheartening work, but it is
      absolutely necessary. During this momentous historical era, we pledge
      to carry on in this struggle, for the sake not only of our own nation
      and heritage, but for all humanity.

      ------------------------------------------------------------------------

      Notes

      1. A. Finkielkraut, "Mgr Stepinac et les deux douleurs de l'Europe,"
      Le Monde, Oct. 7, 1998, p. 14. Quoted in: R. Faurisson, "Paying
      Tribute to Jewish Power: `Ah, How Sweet It Is To Be Jewish…'," The
      Journal of Historical Review, Nov.-Dec. 1998, pp. 11-12. Posted at:
      http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v17/v17n6p11_Faurisson.html

      2. Tony Judt, "Rootless Cosmopolitan," The Nation, July 19-26, 2004,
      p. 34.

      http://www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=20040719&c=6&s=judt

      3. M. Weber, " Iraq : A War for Israel." Posted at:
      http://www.ihr.org/leaflets/iraqwar.shtml

      4. M. Weber, "'Iraq was Invaded to Secure Israel,' Says Senator
      Hollings, and 'Everybody Knows It'," July 16, 2004.
      http://www.ihr.org/news/040716_hollings.shtml

      5. F. Nelson, "Anger Over Dalyell's 'Jewish Cabal' Slur," The Scotsman
      (Edinburgh), May 5, 2003; M. White, "Dalyell Steps Up Attack On Levy,"
      The Guardian (London), May 6, 2003. Quoted in: M. Weber, " Iraq : A
      War for Israel." (cited above).

      6. N. Podhoretz, "In Praise of the Bush Doctrine," Commentary, Sept.
      2002. Posted, for example, at:
      http://www.ourjerusalem.com/opinion/story/opinion20020904a.html

      7. The four biblical quotations here are from Deuteronomy 7: 6,
      Numbers 23: 9, Exodus 33: 16, and Deuteronomy 2: 25. See also:
      Deuteronomy 6: 10-11, 14: 2, 23: 10-20, 33: 29, Genesis 27: 28-29,
      Isaiah 60: 10-14, 61: 5-6, Joshua 24: 13, Psalms 2: 8.

      8. Dov Fischer, "We're Right, the Whole World's Wrong," Forward (New
      York), April 19, 2002, p 11.
      http://www.forward.com/issues/2002/02.04.19/oped3.html


      9. See: M. Weber, "The Jewish Role in the Bolshevik Revolution and
      Russia's Early Soviet Regime," The Journal of Historical Review,
      Jan.-Feb. 1994. Posted at: http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v14/v14n1p-4_Weber.html


      10. "The Unorthodox Rabbi," Los Angeles Times Magazine, July 15,
      1990, p. 9.

      11. Marvin Hier, "Crisis in the Gulf," Newsweek, Nov. 26. 1990.
      Facsimile in Christian News, Nov. 26, 1990, p. 4.

      12. "German Firms Produce Zyklon B in Iraq," Response: The Wiesenthal
      Center World Report, Spring 1991, pp. 2, 4.

      13. Simon Wiesenthal Center news release of Oct. 7, 2002. " Wiesenthal
      Center Supports Congressional Resolution on Iraq." Posted at:
      http://www.wiesenthal.com/site/apps/s/content.asp?c=fwLYKnN8LzH&b=253162&ct=286230

      14. The Australian, July 31, 1990. Cited in "Influential Australian
      Jewish Figure Condemns `Nazi Hunters' and Simon Wiesenthal Center,"
      IHR Newsletter, April 1991, p. 5.

      15. Judith Miller, One by One, by One: Facing the Holocaust (New York:
      Simon and Schuster/ Touchstone, 1990), p. 237.

      16. Ha'aretz (Israel), Dec. 16, 1988. Reported in: David Sinai, "News
      We Doubt You've Seen," The Jewish Press (Brooklyn, New York), Dec. 23,
      1988.

      17. "A Conversation with Professor Norman Finkelstein." Conducted by
      Don Atapattu, Dec. 13, 2001. Posted at
      http://www.counterpunch.org/finkelstein1.html


      +++++++++++

      A Classic book for sale: The Riddle of the Jew's Success
      F. Roderich-Stoltheim (Theodor Fritsch)


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