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Invest In Stolen Property

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  • World View
    Invest In Stolen Property Come invest in colonies and settlements; come buy land confiscated from Palestinians NY City April 1-3
    Message 1 of 1 , Apr 7 3:36 PM
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      Invest In Stolen Property


      "Come invest in colonies and settlements;
      come buy land confiscated from Palestinians"
      NY City April 1-3
      http://www.israelrealestateshow.com/

      ===

      Read more about Ikrit, that was ethnically cleansed in October 1948,
      and whose "present absentees" are in Galilee, citizens of Israel,
      treated like ghosts, and waiting to return.
      http://www.palestineremembered.com/Acre/Iqrit/index.html "

      ===
      Palestine is not for sale!
      Popular movement shuns attempts to curb resistance to the Apartheid
      Wall


      by Jamal Juma
      March 20, 2005
      http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=107&ItemID=7482


      Following the reports of Palestinian resistance during February
      and March, one cannot help but notice two striking features:

      Firstly, that there has been wide-scale escalation of popular
      resistance confronting the ever intensifying Israeli Occupation and
      Apartheid, which has come to encompass all areas of the West Bank.
      Hebron, Beit Surik, Saffa, Ni'lein and Budrus in particular, have
      been the scene of intense resistance over recent weeks. Moreover,
      the Ramallah demonstration on March 14th reflected the highpoint of
      mobilization against the Apartheid Wall currently happening across
      the West Bank.

      Secondly, the Palestinian struggle has escalated against a backdrop
      of political developments, all which are designed to make
      Palestinians passive subjects while the racist colonization of the
      Apartheid Wall project continues unabated on their land. We can
      summarize these developments as; the Sharm al-Sheikh conference; the
      announcement by the Occupation Forces that they were
      making "modifications" to the Apartheid Wall; the conference in
      London and the increasingly obvious attitude of the United Nations
      which has chosen to pursue the issue of the Apartheid Wall
      in "humanitarian" terms.

      There is no coincidence in this chain of recent events. To
      understand why struggle has intensified requires a consideration of
      the over-riding factor that permeates all recent political discourse
      and developments. That is the attempt to stifle Palestinian
      opposition to the Wall, and to shape its "normalization" into the
      demographics of the West Bank.

      The issue of the Wall was negated in the Sharm el-Sheikh meetings,
      only surfacing in a meek joint statement noting it to be
      a "controversial issue". Furthermore, the outcome of the conference
      stressed the need for a "calming" period in Palestinian resistance
      and activity. This was expected to occur while the Apartheid Wall
      and the settlements continued to expand. Indeed, the Occupation
      Forces have used the de-facto impasse to pick up the pace of
      its "third phase" of the Wall, which started in the south during
      November 2004. Particular fervor has gone into construction of the
      Apartheid Wall around Jerusalem and Bethlehem.

      The rhetoric of "calming down" and "ceasefire" (which assumes
      Palestinians and the Zionists are in war, and as if Palestinians do
      not confront their violence as people under Occupation), which does
      not deal with the Apartheid Wall and settlement construction as part
      of Israeli violence has no meaning. The implementation of the ICJ
      decision - for the dismantlement of the Wall - is not a negotiable
      or controversial issue but forms the basis of international law.


      By undermining the ICJ decision, and consolidating US/European
      desires to see a re-routing of the Wall's path, the Occupation
      Government announced a "modification" plan. Although some changes in
      the Wall route were made in individual villages, the Wall and its
      network of Jewish-only settlements and roads and military zones
      continues as before in the rest of the West Bank, annexing some 47%
      of it. It will still leave Palestinians in ghettos or semi-ghettos,
      linked together with tunnels and bridges under Occupation control.
      What is new in this fresh Wall route is that it is done under the
      title of a "disengagement plan" approved by Americans and Europeans
      who seem to consider it as part of the "road map".

      The Palestinian people were alert to the false impressions the
      Occupation Forces were attempting to create around its colonial
      project, which seeks to impose Apartheid upon them from the top.
      They realized how the Wall draws the features of the final
      settlement before even beginning negotiations. They totally reject
      the notion that isolated ghettos being created across the West Bank
      refer to any kind of "viable state". That the Wall is the bulldozer
      and catalyst of the expansionist Zionist colonial project in
      Palestine, is not hard to discern for Palestinians who have
      experienced decades of colonialism and destruction of livelihoods,
      dignity and communities.

      It has now been over a year since the opening session of the ICJ,
      and more than 8 months since its decision that the Wall should be
      halted and dismantled. While it was expected that Israel would
      reject the decision (it has never been prepared to abide by
      international law), it was more surprising that the call for the
      implementation of the ICJ decision had started to dissipate from
      official PA discourse. The Wall is pushed into the background as if
      it is just an illusion in the Palestinian consciousness. For the
      Europeans and Americans, the issue has been the Wall's path and not
      the Wall itself. Thus, the ICJ decision appears to have been
      annulled by all parties, except for the Palestinian people (the
      affected people), who are using every possible occasion to call for
      the respect of international law, and the full implementation of the
      ICJ decision.

      The process to normalize the Apartheid Wall - in contempt of
      international law - has been a discourse increasingly evident in the
      UN which prefers to treat it as a "humanitarian", and not political,
      issue. On his visit to the West Bank Kofi Annan reiterated previous
      UN announcements that a damage register office would be established
      for those affected by the Wall. This move is highly alarming in a
      context where UN pressure on Israel to stop the Apartheid Wall is
      completely missing. Is it money instead of respect for international
      law the UN seeks to provide for the Palestinian people? Moreover,
      the wealth of reports and statements by UN officials all emphasize
      the humanitarian implications, ignoring the real issue of the Wall's
      existence, thus serving to legitimize the de-facto construction of
      the Apartheid Wall.

      The concrete ramifications of the sell out of the Palestinian
      people, land and struggle had its debut in the Conference held in
      London last month. Foreign ministers, the World Bank and Annan met
      with officials of the Palestinian Authority to lecture
      about "internal reforms", "security matters" and, above all, money.
      Up to $1.2 billion has been promised to the Palestinian authority.
      This was slightly more than the minimum amount ($900 million)
      calculated by the World Bank in its report of December 2004 which
      appeared to be a do-it-yourself guide book on how to administer an
      entire people in an open air prison with detailed analysis of the
      financial necessities of life behind the Apartheid Wall. The
      bottleneck of the World Bank feasibility study – the hi-tech gates
      in the Apartheid Wall – has been solved with the Bank volunteering
      to stump up the money and it is now competing with a US standing
      offer to fund the project. However, despite the meticulous
      calculations of the world's most important finance experts, and
      the "generosity" of the donor community – the Palestinian people are
      not putting their land and lives for sale.

      The Palestinian popular resistance has responded to these
      developments with escalating grassroots mobilization in various
      locations. In Jerusalem the people of Beit Hanina, Beit Surik,
      Biddu, Dahya and Ram struggle against the Wall being built to
      isolate Jerusalem from the West Bank. Land has been confiscated for
      settlement expansion and the Judaization of Jerusalem in a
      systematic campaign of ethnic cleansing.

      The third phase of the Wall has led to further construction and land
      confiscation in Hebron, Yatta and the Old City, and in turn
      catalyzed residents into struggle against the Apartheid Wall.

      In West Ramallah, and in Safa and Beli'n clashes have emerged on a
      daily basis over the last two weeks with Palestinians shot at,
      injured, detained and tear gassed.

      The demonstration on March 14th 2005, organized by the Anti-
      Apartheid Wall Campaign, was the crowning moment in a "month of
      continuous struggle". The huge attendance of people in the
      demonstration, from all areas of the West Bank, reflected the
      popular movement against the Wall. Slogans and statements revealed
      the deep anger of the people at the unrelenting construction of the
      Apartheid Wall, and widespread opposition to political developments
      designed to demobilize and pacify resistance to the Occupation.

      Rejection of the deceitful "modifications to the Wall", were
      emphasized in calls for the restoration of international law and
      dismantlement of the Wall. Criticism was also directed at the
      official PA position and discourse which has not sought to use the
      ICJ decision.

      However, it was Annan, and the branches of the UN in Palestine,
      which received the lion's share of people's anger on March 14th.
      Annan failed to utter one word about the necessity to respect
      international law, and his focus on the register office, suggested
      the issue is humanitarian and can be solved with few dollars.
      Moreover, the recent OCHA report came to the same conclusion. The
      inability to treat the Apartheid Wall as a political issue – one
      that is intrinsic to the Zionist colonial project for the West Bank –
      is a deeply disturbing development within the United Nations.

      What Anan and the UN have stated simply mirrors the rhetoric of the
      Zionists. They too consider the issue as "humanitarian", and
      show "understanding" to deal with it! They too act in contempt of
      the ICJ decision as does Annan and the UN report. We are left to
      ponder - what exactly is the responsibility of the Secretary-General
      of the United Nations? Is it to adopt the Israeli –American position
      in relation to UN decisions, founded on a basis of double standards?
      Or is it to facilitate the implementation of international law, and
      support the Palestinian people in their legitimate struggle for
      justice, sovereignty and freedom.

      Jamal Juma' Coordinator of the Palestinian grassroots Anti-Apartheid
      Wall Campaign – www.stopthewall.org

      *********************************************************************

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