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Gideon Levy: The IDF's shooting range

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  • ummyakoub
    The IDF s shooting range By Gideon Levy - Ha aretz Feb 15, 2004 http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/394153.html It sometimes seems the Gaza Strip has become
    Message 1 of 1 , Mar 3, 2004
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      The IDF's shooting range

      By Gideon Levy - Ha'aretz Feb 15, 2004

      http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/394153.html

      It sometimes seems the Gaza Strip has become the central shooting
      range of the Israel Defense Forces, the IDF's firing zone and
      training field. The weapons in use there are of dubious legality, the
      rules of engagement lack the element of restraint, and punitive
      measures that Israel would not conceive of inflicting in the West
      Bank are par for the course, in a region that produces far less
      terrorism than the West Bank.

      The operation last Wednesday, in the Sajiyeh quarter of Gaza City, in
      which 15 Palestinians were killed - including at least seven
      civilians - was the latest illustration, for the time being, of what
      Israel allows itself to do in Gaza. Fifteen dead for the sake of
      liquidating one Hamas man who wasn't very senior in the organization
      is an intolerable price. In Gaza, though, it has become routine: Once
      every week or two, the IDF moves in, kills, demolishes and pulls out,
      and no one knows exactly what it was all in aid of. Why do wanted
      individuals have to be liquidated now in Gaza altogether? Is it only
      to bring about more revenge terrorism?

      The fact that not one terrorist attack against Israel has originated
      from the Gaza Strip, because of the fence there, only heightens these
      questions. One begins to suspect that the IDF is behaving like this
      in Gaza simply because it can do whatever it fancies there.

      The Gaza Strip and the West Bank have always been differentiated in
      the Israeli consciousness. Whereas Ramallah and Bethlehem are
      considered cities inhabited by people, Gaza has always been portrayed
      as a "nest of terrorists." The fact that nearly 1.5 million people
      live there, among them farmers and intellectuals, merchants and
      craftsmen, religious and secular people - just like anywhere else
      - has been deliberately distorted here. Try to tell an Israeli that
      the beaches of the Gaza Strip are among the most beautiful in the
      Middle East and that the majority of the Gazans are cordial,
      especially warm people. Who will believe that? The demonization to
      which Gaza has been subjected, going back to the period before the
      occupation, has made it possible to behave differently there. Just as
      in the Israeli-occupied areas of Lebanon, which were remote and where
      almost everything was allowed, the occupation of Gaza, too, has
      always been marked by a sense of anarchy, dating back to the
      operations carried out there by Ariel Sharon and Meir Dagan (the
      current head of the Mossad) in the 1970s.

      According to the Palestinian Human Rights Monitoring Group, there
      were five liquidations in the Gaza Strip in the past four months, as
      compared with only one in the West Bank. Why this ratio? Is it
      because the Gazans are more dangerous, or because more is allowed in
      Gaza?

      The streets of Rafah resemble the set of a violent war movie. It's
      the Grozny of Gaza. To date, Israel has demolished hundreds of homes,
      including 40 in one day two weeks ago. The declared pretext - the
      arms-smuggling tunnels from Sinai - can't justify destruction on this
      scale. The IDF would never dare carry out demolitions of this scope
      in the West Bank. Suffice it to recall how Jenin became a worldwide
      symbol two years ago, in Operation Defensive Shield. In Rafah the
      suffering is greater than in Jenin, but no one takes an interest.
      There are hardly any foreign correspondents there, and of course no
      Israeli journalists. It's not by chance that peace activists Rachel
      Corrie and Tom Hurndall and the cameraman James Miller were killed
      there.

      It's there that Israel renews its arsenal, too. The miniature black
      steel darts that scattered in every direction in September 2002, in
      the vineyard of the Hagin family, killing a mother, two sons and
      their cousin who were picking grapes, were semi-flechette shells - an
      illegal antipersonnel weapon generally fired from tanks. At least
      twice the IDF used the destructive shell, whose scattered darts I saw
      stuck in the sides of buildings a great distance from the place where
      the family members were killed. The IDF has not dared to use
      flechette shells in the West Bank. Similarly, the bombing of
      population centers from the air has been authorized on a number of
      occasions in Gaza. The air force, even under the command of the
      unrestrained Major General Dan Halutz, would not have the temerity to
      drop a half-ton bomb on a crowded residential area in Ramallah. But
      it's okay in Gaza, as in the liquidation of Hamas activist Saleh
      Shehadeh in July 2002 with a one-ton bomb.

      The rules of engagement are different in Gaza, too. In November 2001
      the deputy military judge advocate general admitted that there is
      a "vast difference" in the guidelines for opening fire between
      Central Command (the West Bank) and Southern Command (the Gaza
      Strip). Why should this be so? In the area of the isolated Gaza Strip
      settlement of Netzarim and along the fence around the Gaza Strip, the
      order is to shoot anything that moves, with no prior warning. The
      latest victims were a group of children who approached the fence in
      the A-Salem neighborhood of Rafah on the weekend. A 10-year-old boy
      was killed and three of his friends were wounded because the soldiers
      saw them as "suspicious figures."

      Testimony of the "anything goes" atmosphere was given by a senior IDF
      officer back in 1998, during a tour of the Gaza Strip by
      representatives of human rights organizations. Asked whether Gaza
      Strip terrorists were more dangerous, he replied, "No, but here we
      can do more."

      -------------------------------------------
      Twilight Zone / Drawing the line

      By Gideon Levy - Ha'aretz Feb 18, 2004

      http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/395847.html

      The intercity road between Tul Karm and Nablus is cut off by a locked
      iron gate. In front of the gate there is a blurred yellow line.
      Whoever crosses the line has his car confiscated immediately. Why?

      A yellow line on black asphalt. The line is already blurred and
      faded, barely visible. It is located at a distance of several dozen
      meters from the yellow iron gate. One line in front of the gate, and
      one line on the other side. There are no signs or traffic signals.
      The gate, closed with a heavy iron lock, cuts off the Tul Karm-Nablus
      road and turns it into a dead end, in both directions. On both sides
      of the yellow gate, behind the yellow lines, yellow taxis await
      travelers who will go around the gate on foot. None of the drivers
      dares to cross the yellow line. We inadvertently pass it by a few
      meters, and the drivers are frightened, although there isn't a single
      soldier in the area. What are they afraid of?

      It turns out that Big Brother sees everything. And in fact, a few
      moments later a jeep turns up and soldiers jump out. "Does anyone
      have a knife? I'm taking the air out of their tires," says one of the
      soldiers. A new cab driver, who is not yet familiar with the
      procedures, had dared to let a passenger off beyond the yellow line.
      He loses his livelihood on the spot. He crossed the line, and the
      soldiers confiscate the keys to his cab. By what right? By what
      authority? And for what reason?

      Questions that have no answer on the occupation roads, questions that
      nobody even bothers to ask any more. That's what the soldier decided,
      and that's that. And when will the unfortunate driver get the keys to
      his cab back? Nobody knows. Maybe on Wednesday. Maybe tomorrow. Maybe
      the next time the jeep makes its rounds. Whenever the soldier
      decides, if he remembers.

      A white city: On Sunday, Nablus was covered in snow. Snow on Mt.
      Gerizim and snow on Mt. Ebal, and in the middle, the battered city
      looked like an Alpine landscape. Even the Balata refugee camp looked
      for a moment like St. Moritz.

      The ambulance driver walks from work in the city to his home in the
      village of Beit Fourik. The separation and blocking ditches dug by
      Israel on the sides of the roads, to ensure the imprisonment of the
      residents, were filled with water. The village children roll up their
      pants and enter the large puddle at the outskirts of Beit Fourik.
      Now, in the freezing wind, they have a unique opportunity to splash
      in the water. "Don't despair," it says in Hebrew on a van that is
      stuck there.

      The memorial to the fallen at the entrance to Beit Fourik. An Israeli
      flag is painted in black on the wall of the site, and all the
      tombstones are broken. The names of dozens of fallen from Beit Fourik
      are scattered like gravel on the floor.

      If anyone has any doubt as to who desecrated their holy place, here
      is the evidence: a sooty tin can among the fragments of the
      tombstones: "30 cardboard boxes, 6 rolls of rubber in a box." The
      defense forces. In the village, they say that about three months ago,
      the soldiers came to Beit Fourik and smashed the memorial wall.

      The roads of the West Bank are completely deserted. The Palestinians,
      it seems, have relinquished the right of movement. Three cars are
      waiting in line at the Shavei Shomron checkpoint. The settlers
      bypass, as usual. Three Palestinian cars have 25 minutes' wait. The
      driver of the cab in front of us smokes three cigarettes before his
      turn comes. The soldiers do what they want. They're in no hurry.

      The cab driver drove a few meters backward from time to time, a few
      meters forward, as though to flex his muscles, to pretend to himself
      that he is a free driver in his country. But in fact he waited with
      exemplary obedience for the soldier to signal to him. Scattered
      showers slowly began. "As the desert longs for rain," sings the band
      on the radio. There are already 10 cars in the line.

      The yellow gate suddenly appears. You drive unaware on the Nablus-Tul
      Karm road, the main highway, and suddenly - the locked gate on the
      road. Permanently. In the middle of nowhere. Without soldiers.
      Shortly before reaching Anabta. But every cloud has a silver lining:
      On the other side of the gate there is already a checkpoint
      marketplace, stalls selling coffee for a shekel and kebab for five
      shekels. The seller of coffee-for-a-shekel worked for 10 years at the
      Sabrina plant in Ramat Hahayal. Now he's here, at the Arcaffe of the
      locked gate, and his coffee is excellent.

      The row of taxis is parked on either side of the gate; some are
      headed toward Tul Karm and its satellite towns, and others toward
      Nablus and its satellites. The row of cabs begins at a distance of
      several dozen meters from the gate. We park the car closer to the
      gate. When we ask, we understand why we're the only ones: the blurred
      line on the road. It's forbidden to cross it. There must be order,
      and the order here is maintained very carefully. With soldiers, and
      without soldiers, too. Has self-discipline developed here? It turns
      out that it's not only that. One of the drivers points toward the
      high mountain that towers above us, as though hiding a secret. A
      watchtower can be seen on the distant summit. There sit the soldiers
      watching, day and night, to see whether anyone has crossed the yellow
      line in front of the gate. The drivers say that if someone crosses
      the line, ajeep comes immediately and confiscates the keys to the
      car, or slashes the four tires, or both.

      The coffee is steaming. Children run quickly to and fro, pushing iron
      carts to transport the baggage of the harassed passengers from one
      yellow line to the other, from one yellow cab to the other, for a few
      agorot. They assail every approaching cab, competing with one another
      for the baggage. Here they are transporting two car engines - they're
      having a good day today. A man on crutches hobbles with difficulty
      alongside the gate, leaning on the iron for support, almost falling
      into the abyss next to him. An acquaintance from the Tul Karm refugee
      camp arrives as well: He left Bethlehem at 10 A.M. on his way home.
      Now it's already 3 P.M. "In that time one could get to France." A
      passerby says that on Friday it took him longer: He left here at 10
      A.M. and reached Ramallah only at 6 P.M.

      Suddenly an IDF jeep arrives. Immediately there is great tension at
      the gate. The passengers and the drivers are nervous; they rush to
      get away, to avoid getting into trouble. From the jeep emerge three
      reserve soldiers, husky types wearing black stocking caps, carrying
      rifles, assailing the passengers and the drivers who want to get home
      safely. The bearded one begins to shout. He roars in his unique way
      at the people who try to get away from him quickly. One of the
      soldiers shouts in Arabic, in accordance with the new policy of
      humanitarian gestures at the checkpoints. "Get your car out of here,
      fucking Israelis," says the bearded soldier, the huskiest of the
      three: "Go on, get a move on."

      "You want us to break your camera?" the Arabic speaker asks politely.

      Suddenly the unbelievable happens, and attention is diverted from our
      car, which is not properly parked, to a much more severe violation. A
      yellow cab approaches the gate; it drives slowly, stops, and lets off
      a passenger next to the gate, to the amazement of the soldiers. They
      can't believe their eyes. Letting off a passenger beyond the line?
      The Arabic speaker loses no time, quickly jumps up from his place,
      runs in the direction of the cab with his rifle cocked,
      shouting: "Pull up at the side and get out, pull up immediately and
      get out."

      From the cab emerges an embarrassed young man, wearing jeans, an
      attractive sweater, a kaffiyeh around his neck, still not
      understanding what the fuss is about, but already aware that he's in
      big trouble. The soldier takes his ID card from his hand, indicates
      that he should park his cab at the side and bring his keys. "That's
      it, I'm confiscating his cab," reports the soldier proudly to his
      friends. "What, is there a wedding here? You can go, the bride has
      already given birth," he says, scattering the curious onlookers.

      "If my picture is in the paper, they don't remain alive," continues
      the Arabic-speaking soldier in Hebrew to his friend. "What did you
      write down?" he asks me. "Soon we'll see if it's any of my business."
      His friend tries to explain calmly: "You interfered with checkpoint
      procedures."

      The taxi driver stands at the side, his eyes downcast, waiting for
      orders from the soldier. Submissive, he hands his cab keys to the
      soldier. The soldier shoves them into his pocket. Where in civilian
      life could he run things like this? But does the IDF instruct its
      soldiers to confiscate cars that are illegally parked or that stop in
      a place that is off limits?

      The IDF spokesman:

      "There is no IDF instruction to confiscate keys. The complaints
      regarding the incident described will be investigated."

      The driver's face is pale. Samar Abdullah from Safarin. Until
      recently he worked in construction in Israel. He has a permit, but
      because he slipped a disc in his back he stopped working. Three
      months ago he bought this taxi, an old Mercedes. Usually he travels
      on the Beit Lid-Safarin route. Today is the first time he arrived at
      this gate. He has no idea when he'll get his taxi back, and how he'll
      get home now. Five children are waiting at home.

      ----------------------------------------------------------------------
      'NO JOBS, NO HOPE, NO LIFE, NO FREEDOM': PALESTINIANS AND
      THE 'SECURITY' BARRIER
      Maxine Frith, Independent, 2/24/04
      http://news.independent.co.uk/world/middle_east/story.jsp?
      story=494530

      The young paramedic picked up a blood-soaked school homework sheet
      from the remains of the latest bus bomb and said: "This is why we
      need this wall. There were children on that bus doing their homework
      on the way to school and then they are blown up. How can I see the
      Palestinians as human beings when they do things like this? The wall
      will save lives. How can anyone argue against something that could
      save a child's life?"

      A few miles away, Nebal Mara'beh, 10, sat quietly on her father's
      knee. She had fallen seriously ill with a fever last week. Her
      parents had wanted to take her to a doctor but they could not. They
      live in the Palestinian village of Ras Tira; virtual prisoners
      because they have been left on the Israeli side of the fence; cut off
      from their relatives, jobs, farmland, schools and doctors on the West
      Bank; denied permission to travel and work in Israel.

      Nebal's father, Tawfiq, said: "We went to the soldiers on the wall
      and asked them to open the gate so we could take our daughter to a
      doctor. They refused. In the end, the doctor had to come to the wall
      at night and try to diagnose our daughter from the other side of the
      gate. Last month, a woman had to give birth by the wall because the
      soldiers wouldn't let her through the gate. Her baby died.

      "We are encaged here. I cannot get to my land on the other side of
      the wall because the gate is only opened three times a day and we
      have to queue for hours to get through. It is closed at 4pm, so we
      have no time to do our work.

      "Last year, I grew olives and wheat on my land. This year, it is just
      grass. We get food parcels but life is very hard. I talked to my
      father and our grandfather, who remember 1967, and they say that they
      have never seen things as bad as this."

      Ras Tira is one of five Palestinian villages which have been stranded
      on the "wrong" side of the security wall, and their plight goes to
      the heart of the argument over the legality of what the Israeli
      government is doing. The 700km wall - part wall, part fence which in
      places stands eight metres high - is not being built along the "green
      line" that marks the 1967 boundary between Israel and the occupied
      territories, but further into the West Bank.

      While the Israelis claim that the wall is purely for security
      reasons, its opponents say it is, in effect, grabbing more land from
      the Palestinians and being used to protect illegal Jewish
      settlements. The wall runs like a scar through the landscape, at some
      points twice the height of the Berlin wall, and is patrolled by
      Israeli soldiers. Some sections have CCTV cameras and barbed wire; in
      places like Ras Tira it is little more than a fence, but it still
      imprisons Palestinians in their own homes. There are heavy fines for
      being caught crossing the wall and frequent reports of Israeli
      soldiers beating those they find trying to do so.

      Yaseen Mararba, the leader of the village council in Ras Tira,
      said: "One morning we woke up and we saw bulldozers come in and start
      to build the wall. I think we found it hard to believe what was
      happening. Even when we saw it with our own eyes we didn't want to
      believe it. The Israelis say they are doing it for security but it is
      only making people more angry. The men have nothing to do; no jobs to
      go to. It is destroying lives and families."

      Nebal's elder sister, Ma'areb, is 13 and wants to be an accountant
      when she grows up but, at the moment, is frightened of going to
      school. She said with typical adolescent shyness: "We have to queue,
      sometimes for two hours, to get through the gate to school. The
      soldiers search us and I hate it. They make us open our coats and I
      feel humiliated. It's horrible. Last week, one boy was waiting for so
      long at the gate and he threw a stone at the wall. The Israeli
      soldiers took him and beat him very badly."

      She shrugged when asked how she feels. "It is our life," she
      said. "It happens all the time."

      Across the valley from Ras Tira lies the Jewish settlement of Giva't
      alfei Menashe. The Palestinians claim that the settlers take pot
      shots at them with their guns. Mr Mararba said: "How can we see the
      Israelis as human beings who want peace when they treat us like this?
      They don't want peace. If they do, they should take down this wall
      and stop caging us like animals."

      The wall separates Jerusalem from the eastern suburb of Abu Dis,
      making daily life extremely difficult for the Palestinians who live
      in the city. Activists have taken their fight against the wall to the
      Israeli Supreme Court, prompting the government to dismantle small
      sections in order to let pedestrians pass through. But many
      Palestinians believe that this is merely cosmetic; a public relations
      exercise timed to coincide with The Hague hearing which opened
      yesterday, and that the barriers will go up again soon.

      Along one part of the wall, seven-feet high ugly concrete blocks
      which make up the wall are covered with graffiti urging peace and
      demanding the barrier is dismantled. Amal, 17, said: "They are
      separating Palestinians from Palestinians. How does this help the
      peace process? They are making people more angry. More people will
      want to become suicide bombers because they have no jobs, no hope, no
      life, no freedom." Ironically, some Israelis oppose to the wall
      because it, in effect, accepts that the West Bank and occupied
      territories are separate from Israel.

      Some Jewish settlements are on the "wrong side" of the wall, and are
      determined to stay put.

      While the Israelis cope with the carnage of the bus bomb, the
      Palestinians have to suffer daily indignities and denials of human
      rights, such as health and education, because of the wall. Dominic
      Nutt of the aid agency Christian Aid, said: "The wall is only
      increasing the problems endured by the Palestinians.People are being
      denied basic rights, and the wall will not bring security and peace
      to the area."

      ---------------------------------------------------------------------
      Eyes Wide Open': Israeli Video On Palestinian Sufferings

      By Samer Khuwayira, IOL Correspondent

      http://www.islam-online.net/English/News/2004-02/19/article06.shtml

      NABLUS, February 19 (IslamOnline.net) - To some Israelis, daily
      Palestinian suffering under Israeli occupation is an unacceptable
      fact of life that they refuse and need to highlight with different
      methods, the latest of which is using music video to denounce such
      oppressive practices.

      The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied
      Territories, B'Tselem, has produced a song and music video as part of
      the organization's campaign against Israel's siege policy.

      The music video features footage taken at roadblocks and checkpoints
      within the West Bank and shows the daily reality of Israel's siege
      policy, B'Tselem's website said.

      The song - "Eyes Wide Open" - is a remake of a popular Israeli song,
      featuring well-known Israeli artists. The song's lyrics speak of the
      need to acknowledge the reality around us, the website added.

      "You have to see the wrong in order to fight it... Don't put on
      glasses/Rose colored or gray/Look with your eyes/Eyes wide open," the
      song says.

      The video clip is performed by Arab and Israeli artists in an attempt
      to reduce the sufferings faced by Palestinians in the occupied lands
      and inform the Israeli public opinion of such sufferings.

      The tape will be available for Israeli and Palestinian public within
      the forthcoming days as a way to "condemn the Israeli military
      barriers and convince the Israeli public opinion that such barriers
      are illegitimate and unfair," the center said.

      The number of copies to be distributed among the Arab and Israeli
      public, according to the center, is estimated at 100.000.

      "Hebrew Song"

      The Arab section coordinator at B'Tselem website Suhad Saqallah said
      that the video deals with the sufferings faced by the Palestinians
      due to the roadblocks and checkpoints through a popular Israeli song
      entitled "Seoum", which means "Eyes wide open."

      "The song is performed by seven Israeli singers who oppose the notion
      of barriers and the policy adopted by the occupation authorities
      against the Palestinians. Some words have been modified by the
      website itself to suit the issue of Israeli practices on the
      barriers," she added.

      The original song has been written by the Israeli song writer Nathan
      Alterman and previously performed by an Israeli singer called Eric
      Einstein.

      The song will be accompanied by several shots for the Israeli
      roadblocks established on the Palestinian lands as well as some
      quotes from Israeli military officers and soldiers who denounce the
      policy of siege around Palestinian cities.

      B'Tselem website underlined that "all such scenes are realistic and a
      genuine expression of events."

      The human rights center wishes that this project will have its
      repercussion on the international arena in an attempt to change
      current policies that lead to such barriers.

      Part Of A Campaign

      "This project is a part of a huge campaign against the barriers and
      the permanent siege imposed on Palestinians," Saqallah pointed out,
      adding that the campaign basically focus on the barriers held deep in
      the West Bank and Gaza Strip, separating towns and villages in the
      two regions.

      The video clip campaign has been launched on February 7, 2004, and
      will last for six weeks, the media coordinator added, pointing out
      that she will adopt several other methods to activate the project,
      including publishing ads in Israeli papers and online in three
      languages: Arabic, Hebrew and English.

      "Since September 2000, the Israeli army has erected an extensive
      network of checkpoints, road blocks, trenches and other obstacles - a
      virtual siege around every Palestinian community in the West Bank.
      Most West Bank roads are now reserved exclusively for Jewish travel,"
      the website said.

      "Most checkpoints and physical obstacles do not prevent entry into
      Israel; they prevent travel between Palestinian cities and villages
      within the West Bank. They disrupt every aspect of Palestinian daily
      life. Children cannot get to schools, adults cannot reach jobs, and
      patients cannot get medical treatment. The restrictions on movement
      have contributed to a collapse of the Palestinian economy," it added.

      The checkpoints do not target only those who pose a security threat
      to Israel; they target everyone. In fact, those most harmed are
      people physically unable to bypass the obstacles: families with small
      children, pregnant women, the sick and the elderly, it explains.

      "When over two million people cannot travel even a few miles down the
      road, cannot conduct any aspect of their daily lives without
      encountering innumerable obstacles, such restrictions are no longer
      legitimate security measures - they are collective punishments."

      This isn't security. It's humiliation, the website concluded.

      Israeli Public Participation

      Meanwhile, B'Tselem spokesman Nauam Hophtcher said that the
      organization seeks to get public figures involved in the campaign
      against the barriers.

      "We exert constant efforts to talk Israeli prominent public figures
      into participating in our activities. Several artists have positively
      responded. Our objective is to convey a strong and clear-cut message
      to the greatest possible number of Israelis," she said.

      Hence, the participation of popular Israeli figures is an integral
      part of the campaign," he added.

      "We should be watchful and see the whole facts. We can not keep
      violating the rights of three millions people. Depriving them from
      the means to earn their living and get medical treatment is
      unbearable," Israeli actor Yussi Boulak, who has actually joined the
      campaign, said.

      The video clip director Eric Dvidovic has expressed his delight for
      such participation, saying "I am very happy that I got this
      opportunity to link my art to the principles I adhere to."

      Similar Other Calls

      "Eyes Wide Open" art work comes to stress the call made by the head
      of the civil administration in the West Bank brigadier General Elan
      Baz and published by Israeli Yedout Aharonot newspaper on Friday,
      January 23, to demolish the separation roadblocks and checkpoints.

      "Facilities could and should be provided to the Palestinians,
      including the dismantling of the internal barriers," he said.

      Permanently-existing Israeli barriers in the West Bank and Gaza
      Strip, which amount to 50, pose a nightmare that chases Palestinian
      citizens and university students since the outbreak of Al-Aqsa
      uprising against Israeli occupation in September 28, 2000.

      B'Tselem was established in 1989 by a group of prominent academics,
      attorneys, journalists, and Knesset members. It endeavors to document
      and educate the Israeli public and policymakers about human rights
      violations in the Occupied Territories, combat the phenomenon of
      denial prevalent among the Israeli public, and help create a human
      rights culture in Israel.

      B'Tselem in Hebrew literally means "in the image of," and is also
      used as a synonym for human dignity.

      Eyes Wide Open
      Lyrics: Nathan Alterman - Music: Miki Gavrielov - Adaptation: Eldar
      Lidor

      There are those who see everything through rose-colored glasses.
      That's not healthy everyone says - it's even very dangerous.
      There are those who see everything through a gray fog.
      It's just a different form of the same disease.

      Don't put on glasses Rose-colored or gray.
      Look with your eyes -Eyes wide open.

      Don't say that we're still just a minority here in this land.
      Here, there is room for optimism.
      Don't say "Zion, rejoice in song and dance"
      Here, a bit of pessimism is warranted.

      Don't put on glasses Rose-colored or gray.
      Look with your eyes -Eyes wide open.


      Get news and commentary from the newspaper
      But come to us to get a dose of satisfaction.
      You have to see the wrong in order to fight it.
      You have to safeguard the good to take some comfort in it.

      Don't put on glasses Rose-colored or gray.
      Look with your eyes -Eyes wide open.

      *********************************************************************

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