non Malawi news
- Antibiotic hope for children with Aids
19 November 2004 07:13
Deaths among children infected with HIV in Africa could be almost halved if all those with symptoms were put on a simple, cheap and readily available antibiotic, new research has established.
The positive results of a study of children in Zambia, carried out by the British Medical Research Council (MRC) and funded by the Department for International Development, are a rare breath of hope in the pandemic.
While the antibiotic, called co-trimoxazole, will not prevent children eventually developing Aids, it could give many of them extra years of healthy life before they need the powerful and toxic anti-retroviral drugs that suppress HIV in the blood.
"This is a breakthrough in medical research which can help to save children's lives all over the world," Hilary Benn, the international development secretary, said on Thursday.
"Each day as many as 1 300 children die from HIV and Aids-related illnesses globally. The trial ... has shown how this widely available, affordable antibiotic drug can almost halve child deaths by warding off potentially fatal illnesses in children whose immune systems are weakened because of HIV."
The results of the trial, published in this week's Lancet medical journal, have persuaded the World Health Organisation and Unicef to change their policies and recommend the use of co-trimoxazole in all children with HIV.
In the study, 541 children aged between one and 14 were given the antibiotic or a placebo. The trial was stopped early when it became clear that substantially fewer children on the antibiotic were dying. After 19 months, 74 (28%) children on co-trimoxazole had died, compared with 112 (42%) of those on the placebo.
All those who took part are now taking co-trimoxazole.
People infected with HIV usually die of the infections that the body cannot fight off because the virus has destroyed their immune system. The antibiotic appears to keep the infections at bay.
Di Gibb of the MRC, who led the trial, said the drug was cheap and widely available -- the researchers had got their supplies from a local generics company in Lusaka.
"It could be dispensed right down at the grassroots level," Dr Gibb said. "Any child we think has HIV and has symptoms should go on it."
She said the children suffered no ill-effects from the antibiotic. "I think they could take it really for quite a long time." - Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2004
Mozambique: Elections Overshadowed By Memories of War
UN Integrated Regional Information Networks
November 18, 2004
Posted to the web November 18, 2004
Joaquim Chissano, president of Mozambique since 1986, is to step down following presidential and parliamentary elections that are still overshadowed by memories of the civil war between the FRELIMO government and the former rebel movement, RENAMO.
Due to the two-term limit imposed on the presidency by the post-war constitution, the ruling FRELIMO candidacy passes to Armando Guebuza, who was the party's chief negotiator at the 1990 Rome peace talks that ended the 16-year war. Afonso Dhlakama, a veteran leader of RENAMO, will be contesting his third presidential poll on 1-2 December.
"Party dynamics are very slow - it can take 15 or 20 years to find a new leader," said Inacio Chire, a political analyst at Eduardo Mondlane University.
"The war factor is still significant in the collective consciousness, but this is the last opportunity that this generation has. Without having anything against them, it's time for some new tendencies, new philosophies, within the parties."
On the streets of the capital Maputo, too, people still cite memories of the war as the main factor influencing which party they will vote for.
"We spent a long time in the war, and FRELIMO survived," said 31-year-old secretary Fatima Paruque. "FRELIMO didn't make war - it was RENAMO that wanted war and not dialogue. FRELIMO has continued the policy of a minimum wage, built houses, and helped the victims of the floods and the war."
Others pointed to corruption. "The government is stealing, and only a few people are benefiting from the country's growth," said Chinho, a 27-year-old unemployed graduate in Chamanculo, a run-down neighbourhood adjacent to central Maputo.
"We need international observers," Chinho added. "As things are at the moment, the government can alter the final result, and they don't want to hand over [power] to another party."
A total of eight presidential candidates and 25 parties and coalitions are standing for election.
Considered to have the best prospects of breaking the bipartisan pattern of post-war politics is the Peace, Democracy and Development Party (PDD), which also has links to the war era: its leader and presidential candidate is Raul Domingos, who was formerly RENAMO's number two, and Guebuza's opposite number at the Rome peace talks.
Most analysts believe the PDD has a realistic chance of breaking through the threshold of 5 percent of the parliamentary vote needed to send a representative to the national assembly, and predict that the PDD's showing is likely to be strongest in RENAMO's traditional north-central stronghold. Domingos commands the same ethnic and regional loyalties as RENAMO, but is widely thought of as a more able and charismatic politician than his former boss, Dhlakama.
A Guebuza victory is likely to result in changes in the style rather than the substance of leadership.
"Every presidential candidate makes promises to the party, so it is the party which determines policy," said Manuel Tome, who heads FRELIMO's parliamentary bench. "But there may be changes in style - Guebuza is very quick to make things happen and to take decisions; Chissano was unbelievably patient."
Eight million Mozambicans are registered to vote, including unknown numbers of dead citizens who have not been removed from the voters' roll. But National Electoral Commission (CNE) spokesman Felipe Mandlate dismissed the possibility that this could lead to electoral fraud.
"Voters' cards are issued to individuals to provide security. Each person has to identify himself, and an ink mark on the finger prevents people from voting more than once," he said.
Those who are eligible will vote at 60,000 polling stations spread throughout a vast country with limited road infrastructure. Local and foreign observers may monitor every stage of the vote counting, from the opening of the ballot boxes to the delivery of results to the counting centres in the provincial capitals.
Former US president Jimmy Carter will lead a delegation of observers from his Atlanta-based Carter Center. The European Union, which is contributing -12 million (US $15.6 million) to funding the election, is also sending a team, while a coalition called the Electoral Observatory will coordinate monitoring by Mozambican civil society groups.
Controversy continues over the CNE's refusal to allow monitoring of the final process of tabulation and verification of the results from polling stations, which takes place in the provincial capitals and then in Maputo.
Mandlate told IRIN that the CNE's position reflected current national legislation and was not negotiable, but all the observer groups insist that dialogue is continuing, and have expressed confidence that an acceptable solution will be found.
Reaping profits from hard ground
BBC News in Nampula
A few cents more a kilo doesn't sound very much, but to farmers in rural Mozambique it can be life changing.
Since joining a farmers' association in 1996, Antonio Guillerme has made enough money to buy a radio, a bicycle, clothes for his wife and to send his children to school.
While his house does not have a steel roof, it is better than the one he had before.
Farmers in rural Africa frequently complain of being ripped off by middlemen, and their small plots, a few acres each, mean it is difficult to have a voice with buyers who want both volume and quality. But Mr Guillerme is one of thousands of farmers in northern Mozambique to have benefited from an aid project called Clusa which put them in associations, increasing their bargaining power and linking them with buyers.
United in strength
Clusa began work in 1995 in Nampula, one of the country's poorest provinces, where there are few formal job opportunities. There are now some 800 associations, with 25 to 30 farmers each, and anecdotal evidence and surveys suggest that association members have seen their incomes rise.
Billions of dollars are spent on aid projects every year, most of it Western taxpayers' money, and critics argue that there is often little to show for it. If Clusa is a success, how has it done it?
Its donors include USAID, Oxfam, the European Union, the Japanese government, the Mozambican government and the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation.
It has attracted close to $7m (£3.7m) since 2001, the bulk of which was from USAID, a reminder of the fact that aid does not come cheap and that one high-profile donor can lead to the cooperation of another.
Crucially, Clusa started to plan a handover almost as soon as it began.
In a small office behind the Clusa building is Ikuru, an organisation partly-owned by the farmers.
In time, this farmer-run organisation will carry out much of Clusa's work, Ikuru's manager Clusa Raposo says.
If this transition does work, then it will signal the project's success, as it will have continued after the original backers have ended their involvement.
One of the biggest challenges facing the aid industry is to create sustainable projects which can thrive without outsider financial support.
Trainers came from within the community and set up demonstration plots to show farmers how it was done.
Effort was made to ensure all farmers got involved in the association, to the extent of teaching members to read and write.
High levels of illiteracy meant control of the association's finances and administration could have been concentrated in the hands of a few, Alvara da Graca da Fonseca Veloso, the deputy director of the project, said.
The farmers signed the contract, saw the produce weighed and got the agreed money. The end result was that - in stark contrast to unsuccessful aid projects elsewhere - the farmers controlled the associations, Mr Raposo says.
Cutting out the middleman
And the buyers are happy too.
Antonio Filipe Miranda buys about 10% of the cashew nuts he needs for his processing factory from these farmers' associations.
"It is no good to negotiate with someone who is weak and has poor quality, the intention is to negotiate with someone who has quality, volume and who can understand business," he says.
The farmers' associations borrow money from microfinance institutions and much of this flows through Gapi, a development finance institution.
Gapi's regional director Gilberto da Silva Miranda says that about 98% of the money has been paid back. Under this system of solidarity credit, if one farmer cannot meet his share, then the others have to cough up.
"Even without guarantees, they managed to pay much better than people with ties and shoes," he says.
There is still plenty of work to be done.
The farmers want to make more money and buyer Mr Miranda wants to be able to buy in bulk.
Most small holdings are scattered, with farmers owning half an acre here and half an acre there - a difficult environment in which to increase output.
Gapi says it is risky to lend money to farmers to increase production, preferring to lend money to hire a truck to deliver their produce or employ workers instead.
Taking Nampula's farmers to the next step will not be easy, but a foundation has been put in place.
What happens next will testify to the strength of that foundation.
Tsvangirai branded 'state enemy number one'
President Robert Mugabe's government has labelled opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai as state enemy number one, the official Zimbabwe media reported on Thursday.
Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa also issued a veiled threat of unspecified action to be taken against Tsvangirai, the head of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), when he returns from a lengthy international tour.
Chinamasa was quoted in the state-controlled daily Herald newspaper as telling Parliament on Wednesday that Tsvangirai was the government's worst enemy for lobbying for sanctions on his fellow countrymen.
"I can't think of any other description other than to say state enemy number one," he said.
"If Mr Tsvangirai called for sanctions, I don't expect he would want to return to this country," he added, without elaborating.
The former national trade union leader has been on an international tour for nearly three weeks. Government officials returned his passport after his acquittal on treason charges last month.
A campaign of smart sanctions against Mugabe and his political inner circle began in 2001 in retaliation against the Zimbabwe government's violent repression of its opponents and the lawless seizure of white-owned farm land.
The United States, the European Union, Australia, New Zealand and Switzerland banned Mugabe and senior ruling party and government officials from travelling to their countries, and from holding bank accounts there. There are also bans on arms supplies to Zimbabwe.
Tsvangirai was banned from travelling for two years when he was forced to surrender his passport for the length of the treason trial in which he was accused of plotting to assassinate 80-year-old Mugabe. The judge said the state had provided no evidence to support the charges.
He left Harare on October 23 for talks with Southern African leaders, flew on to West Africa where he met the leaders of Nigeria, Senegal, Ghana and Burkina Faso, and then to Europe. He was reported on Wednesday to be in Sweden from where he will go on to Denmark, Norway and The Netherlands. He was also due to meet European Union leaders and the EU secretariat.
In London, he would address members of the estimated 1,2-million Zimbabwean diaspora who had fled economic collapse and political repression to live in Britain.
MDC deputy Secretary General Gift Chimanikire said the party wanted to explain their view of the democratisation of Zimbabwe and the need for the restoration of the rule of law.
Tsvangirai has also been urging international leaders to force Mugabe to stick to internationally accepted guidelines for parliamentary elections set for March next year.
Tsvangirai was widely regarded as the winner of presidential elections in 2002, but Mugabe won with 1,5-million votes against Tsvangirai's 1,1-million. Independent observers, including the Commonwealth, dismissed Mugabe's win as the result of violent intimidation. - Sapa-DPA
- MDC cries foul after counting votes
Terry Leonard | Johannesburg, South Africa
06 April 2005 12:26
Zimbabwe's main opposition party said on Wednesday an investigation
into last week's parliamentary election indicates massive electoral
fraud in at least 30 seats won by the ruling Zanu-PF party.
The main opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) said in 11
races the winning Zanu-PF candidate got more votes in the official
returns than the government's own electoral commission said were cast in
In each case, the MDC said its candidate had an unassailable lead,
polling more than half the official total of votes cast.
However, the official returns showed 183 000 more votes than the
electoral commission said were cast.
"This election was stolen. The results are in no way an accurate
reflection of the sovereign wishes of the people of Zimbabwe," MDC
spokesperson Paul Themba Nyathi said in a statement.
President Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF party was declared the winner of 78
of Parliament's 120 elected seats. The MDC got 41 seats and one seat
went to an independent candidate, former information minister Jonathan
Moyo. Under Zimbabwe law, Mugabe appoints another 30 MPs.
Nyathi said the MDC limited its analysis to the 30 seats because the
electoral commission refused to release figures for other races, a
decision he said "indicates widespread irregularities" in those other
In races in urban areas where the MDC was widely expected to hold its
seats, Nyathi said very few discrepancies were identified.
"This raises further suspicions that there was a calculated plan to
ensure that the MDC won a sufficient number of seats to provide the
electoral process, and the end result, with a veneer of legitimacy,"
The MDC comparison of official final returns in the 30 races with the
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission's official numbers for votes cast found
what Nyathi called "serious and unaccountable gaps" between the two
figures. In the 30 races alone, if found it could not account for more
than 183 000 ballots.
Nyathi said the preliminary findings have been submitted to observer
missions from South Africa and the Southern African Development
"Regrettably, these observer missions have so far shown a chronic lack
of interest in such compelling statistics and instead have maintained
their respective positions that the elections reflected the 'will of the
people'," said Nyathi.
South Africa's mission endorsed the election despite serious objections
of some mission members. South African President Thabo Mbeki, government
officials and some observers had said ahead of the poll they saw no
reason why it would not be free and fair.
The United States and Britain, which were not among the observers
hand-picked by Mugabe to assess the election, condemned the vote and
said the process had been tilted heavily in favour of the ruling party.
Both countries participated in the diplomatic observer mission in
British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw said the elections "were
fundamentally flawed and further weaken Mugabe's legitimacy".
"Some say this is about Africa versus the West. It is not," said Straw.
"It is about democracy versus dictatorship. Other Africans, too, have
been saying enough is enough." -- Sapa-AP
Zanu-PF threatens to seize companies
Michael Hartnack | Harare, Zimbabwe
06 April 2005 02:26
President Robert Mugabe's ruling Zanu-PF party has threatened to seize
commercial companies it says are trying to provoke food riots in the
wake of last week's parliamentary elections.
"Some of the manufacturers could have unilaterally increased prices
with the ulterior motive of inducing people to blame the government and
trigger food riots," the head of the party's women's league, Nyasha
Chikwinya, said in an article published on Wednesday in the state-owned
daily newspaper, The Herald.
Trade Minister Samuel Mumbengegwi issued a statement saying
manufacturers and retailers who had raised prices of staples such as
sugar, salt, soap and cooking oil by up to 25% since the March 31 poll
"should revert to previous levels because the increases were not
"We have been understudying the running of the companies from the days
of  food riots and shortages. Enough is enough. This cannot go on
any longer," said Chikwinya.
In 2002, reacting to foreign pressure, the government stopped militants
from invading companies after the seizure of 5 000 white-owned farms.
Some of the invaded premises belonged to South African subsidiaries,
protected by international investment agreements.
The government has been failing for months to set new maximum prices in
the face of hyperinflation, which reached 620% last year before falling
back to an official 127% in March -- a figure many economists question.
Despite the country's chronic economic problems, with 70% unemployment
and 3,8-million of Zimbabwe's 11,6-million population now living abroad,
Zanu-PF claimed 78 parliamentary seats in last week's elections,
compared to 41 for the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change.
With Mugabe nominating a further 30 in the 150-seat parliament, he may
now amend the constitution at will.
Chikwinya said that under Zanu-PF management of the seized companies,
"we will produce good results and shame our detractors".
Appealing for an end to panic buying and hoarding, Mumbengegwi said
temporary absence of maize meal from stores was a result of temporary
"logistical problems" and "millers were now bringing the situation under
Mugabe (81), in power since the country won independence from Britain
in 1980, alleges Zimbabwe's economic problems stem from British
reprisals for his "fast track" redistribution of former white farms. But
critics say he has undermined production and exports, using agitation
for land reform as a smoke screen to intimidating opposition.
On the eve of the elections, his government raised the national
statutory minimum wage tenfold to Z$950,000 (about R128) a month, a move
unions predicted would lead to increased unemployment and illicit use of
child labour. -- Sapa-AP
Political violence shakes up Zanzibar
06 April 2005 11:11
Arsonists set fire to a Zanzibari opposition leader's home and
protesters attempted to raid a voter registration centre, as violence
flared months ahead of elections in the semi-autonomous archipelago.
The Zanzibar Electoral Commission suspended a voter registration drive
on Monday in Zanzibar town, the Indian Ocean archipelago's biggest town,
to try to calm rising tensions between ruling and opposition party
loyalists. The drive had begun on Sunday.
General elections in predominantly Muslim Zanzibar are scheduled for
October 23, and the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi, or Revolutionary Party,
is expected to face a stiff challenge from the opposition Civic United
Front. The ruling party labels opposition supporters Muslim
secessionists, while the opposition says the ruling party represents
only the interests of the mainland, which is largely Christian and
But suspending the registration drive appeared to do little to ease
tensions, and early on Tuesday, attackers used gasoline to set fire to
the home of Civic United Front leader Abbas Muhunzi, said George
Kizugutu, a senior police officer.
Muhunzi, his wife and five children escaped unhurt, although his
elderly father was beaten by assailants with iron bars. Neighbours said
the attackers were youths who wore red T-shirts and black trousers.
"It seems now Zanzibar is experiencing a kind of political bonfire,"
said Muhunzi, a member of Zanzibar's House of Representatives. He
appealed to the government to intervene and end "political thuggery" in
Zanzibar before "things get out of control".
Later on Tuesday, more than 400 people attempted to invade a suburban
registration centre, but were beaten back by police, said Rashid Ali
Suluhu, an election officer.
Police were investigating the attempted arson and remained on "alert"
on Tuesday night, setting up roadblocks in some areas.
Zanzibar, which united with the mainland to form the United Republic of
Tanzania in 1964, elects its own president and legislature.
The last vote, in 2000, was marred by irregularities, voter
intimidation and politically motivated violence.
Ruling and opposition party supporters have since become decidedly more
militant, with the government creating paramilitary militias to ensure
order and the opposition reportedly establishing "self-defence forces."
In recent months, six people have been killed in political violence.
Riot police have taken to marching through Zanzibar town, singing
martial songs in a show of force they say is meant to deter political
violence, but opposition leaders see as an attempt to intimidate their
The police were recently deployed from mainland Tanzania, where most
people are Christian. -- Sapa-AP
Mozambique: New Cholera Vaccine Shows Promise
UN Integrated Regional Information Networks
April 5, 2005
Posted to the web April 5, 2005
The success of the first mass immunisation campaign against cholera in
Mozambique's port city of Beira has prompted calls for greater access to
the oral vaccine.
From December 2003 to January 2004 about 50,000 residents in the poor
district of Esturro received two successive weekly doses of the oral
cholera vaccine, rBS-WC.
Researchers then assessed the effectiveness of the vaccine during an
outbreak in Beira between January and May 2004 and found that it was
highly effective, protecting between 78 and 84 percent of the recipients
from cholera for six months, with 50 percent being protected for three
Needle-administered cholera vaccines have generally provided about 50
percent protection for just two months. None of the 20 people who died
during the outbreak had received the vaccine.
Cholera is endemic in Mozambique and during the rainy season the cities
of Maputo and Beira are usually worst affected.
Researchers noted that while similar studies carried out in Bangladesh
and Peru had shown promise, the Mozambique trial was the first to target
a population with high HIV prevalence - around 30 percent. They inferred
from their findings that the vaccine could be effective in people with
the HI virus.
The high cost of the vaccine - US $2 per dose - and a lack of evidence
that it would work in people whose immune systems were compromised by
HIV had previously deterred researchers from using the new vaccine in
"The oral cholera vaccine could be an important tool for Mozambique in
the next two to three years, particularly in areas where populations are
at high risk of cholera, and where there is a high prevalence of people
living with HIV/AIDS. It can give these people new hope," coordinator of
the trials Marcelino Lucas told IRIN.
However, Lucas pointed out the study had not included HIV testing and
further research and monitoring was needed to assess the safety of the
vaccine among HIV-positive people.
Although cholera awareness campaigns are instrumental in preventing the
spread of the disease, they have had a limited impact because of poor
access to proper sanitation facilities and clean water.
The cholera bacterium, spread mainly through contaminated water or
food, causes severe diarrhoea and dehydration. Epidemics are linked to
poor hygiene, overcrowding, inadequate sanitation and unsafe water.
Despite government efforts, around 74 percent of Mozambique's rural
population does not have access to safe drinking water; access to
potable water in urban areas is slightly better, but more than half the
people living in towns and cities are without adequate sanitation.
Lucas said financing a sustainable supply of the vaccine was critical,
as the success of oral vaccines in Mozambique meant that much-needed
resources, previously spent on caring for the sick, could instead be
used for strengthening cholera prevention measures.
- Reports deepen doubt over Zim election
07 April 2005 08:10
Two reports issued on Wednesday reinforced concern that Zimbabwe
President Robert Mugabe's ruling Zanu-PF party won last week's
parliamentary election through fraud.
Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change
gave evidence of what it said was "serious and unaccountable gaps" with
more than 200 000 votes unaccounted for in the announcement of official
results before and after counting ballots last week.
Another report by 35 teams of observers from the United States embassy
said there were "several patterns of irregularities" that raised concern
about the freeness and fairness of the process.
It spoke of the "improper role" of uniformed police and ruling-party
polling agents in the supervision and conduct of polling stations,
taking control from officials of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
(ZEC), which was supposed to run the elections.
Police and Zanu-PF polling agents were counting votes in polling
stations and communicating results to regional centres, and presiding
officers confiscated notes from MDC polling agents and independent
observers, it said.
Some polling stations were "associated with the distribution of food",
Zanu-PF was given 78 seats in Parliament, while 41 went to the MDC. An
independent, former information minister Jonathan Moyo, got one seat.
With another unelected 30 seats appointed by Mugabe through a
constitutional provision, the ruling party received a landslide of more
than two-thirds of the 150-seat Parliament.
The poll has been condemned by United Nations Secretary General Kofi
Annan as well as the United States, British and Australian governments,
but it was pronounced "the legitimate expression of the will of the
people of Zimbabwe" by observer delegations from South Africa and the
14-nation Southern African Development Community.
Also on Wednesday, the MDC said "scores of party supporters had been
injured, some of whom were in hospital, after winning Zanu-PF led their
supporters in attacks of retribution around the country".
Nyathi said in a statement that MDC supporters had been attacked in at
least five constituencies, in one of which a Zanu-PF MP opened fire with
a pistol on a group, several people had their property destroyed by mobs
and at least one had his home burnt down.
MDC secretary general Welshman Ncube said copies of the MDC's
preliminary report on the discrepancies in voting numbers, as well of
videotapes of official election announcements on state television and in
copies of a local newspaper, were given on Wednesday morning to the ZEC,
which is appointed by Mugabe.
Late on Thursday night while votes were still being counted, a senior
ZEC official broadcast the total number of ballots cast in 72
constituencies. The announcements stopped at about midnight without
The next morning, however, the ZEC began broadcasting the results of
the count. Immediately, discrepancies emerged when the number of votes
for each candidate were added together and compared with the figures of
a few hours earlier.
"The MDC and the people know full well who the real winners are," said
MDC spokesperson Paul Nyathi. "This election was stolen." -- Sapa-DPA
Illegal Gun Manufacture Flourishing in Tanzania
The East African (Nairobi)
April 4, 2005
Posted to the web April 6, 2005
In spite of the restriction put on the manufacture of firearms in
Tanzania, authorities said last week that they have established that
illegal manufacturing, especially of handmade "Gobore guns" has been
The EastAfrican learnt that, up to 1967, muzzle-loading guns commonly
known as Gobore were being legally manufactured. Currently, Tanzania
does not manufacture firearms and does not provide firearms
manufacturing licenses, but it produces ammunition at Mzinga, in
"But the situation has changed in that, illicit manufacturing has been
going on and the quality of the Gobore gun has improved to a standard
that it can now use modern types of ammunition, said Dominic Hayuma,
senior assistant commissioner of police and also the co-ordinator of
Tanzania's national focal point on Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW).
He however did not say in which parts of the country these guns were
being manufactured or how many were in the country.
Authorities have, however, recovered some Gobores.
Experts say Tanzania needs to change legislation relating to Gobores to
conform to international conventions, and to transfer administrative
procedures of handling and controlling muzzle-loading guns from local
governments, which have failed to keep records and control the illicit
circulation of the guns to the police.
Tanzania has since 2001 destroyed 5,773 firearms recovered in five
locations across the country. The destruction includes burning the
firearms and cutting the metal part into pieces using a gun cruncher.
"In future, we intend to destroy the firearms in the region where we
find them," said Mr Hayuma, adding, "We will be visiting all regions and
destroying all confiscated guns there, because we are now equipped with
the necessary facilities."
Between 1995 and 2000, the Tanzania police was recovering an average of
400 firearms annually. But after the establishment of a national action
plan in 2001 to fight illicit arms - a plan that involved security
agencies, civil society and the public - recoveries have risen to as
high as 1,743 arms. Mbeya, Rukwa, Kagera and Kigoma are among the most
"Most of the illicit firearms that have been recovered are suspected to
have been brought into the country by refugees from Congo, Burundi and
Rwanda but some guns were brought in during the war with Idi Amin and
during the Mozambique liberation war," said Mr Hayuma.
Some firearms have been reportedly recovered from Somali poachers in
national parks in the north of the country.
In 2003, a non-governmental organisation Foundation Help issued a
report saying there was noticeable growth in the number of small arms
around Lake Victoria, especially on the Tanzanian side, "but these are
frequently in the wrong hands".
The report says that,in the Lake Victoria region of Tanzania, 75 per
cent of the illegal firearms come from the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, Burundi and Rwanda. "Most of the weapons come through Mwanza
airport, which acts as a conduit of arms. The planes that collect fish
for export in places like Russia, Ukraine and South Africa also bring in
small firearms on board," said the report, quoting an International
Action Network on Small Arms (IANSA) participants' survey in the
Mwanza acting Police Commander Goodluck Mongi was not available for
comment. However, a senior police officer in Mwanza disputed the claims.
He said the main source of firearms in Tanzania were the war-torn
countries of DRC and Burundi.
Mwanza airport manager Deogratius Malongo disputed the allegations.
"They need to substantiate their claims, because we have never come
across any plane from Russia, Ukraine or South Africa with arms on
board," he said.
IANSA is a UK-based NGO that is addressing small arms trafficking and
related problems around the world.