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Save Our Anti-Reptoid Program.

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  • antigray
    Save Our Anti-Reptoid Program. All is not lost as long as Obama is kept out of the White House. McCain can continue what our military is already doing to stop
    Message 1 of 1 , Nov 2 10:53 PM
      Save Our Anti-Reptoid Program.
      All is not lost as long as Obama is kept out of the White House.
      McCain can continue what our military is already doing to stop this
      alien program. The current anomalous political situation that I'm
      discussing here can be categorized as alien interference because our
      alien Repto Sapien cousins are interfering with us by means of using
      mind control on political parties, political leaders, and religions to
      accomplish their goals and control humanity. I've noticed that our
      military is under orders to thwart the alien program in war zones. So,
      the Reptoids want us to pull out our troops and let them start a big
      war unopposed.
      Below is a post of mine from a while back explaining how our military
      has been stopping the aliens from the harvesting casualties on the
      battle field.


      President Bush's Anti-Reptoid Agenda.
      President Bush and his people are operating in a mode that
      thwarts the Reptoid agenda.
      You can tell which leaders are run by the Reptoids by the death toll
      they generate. Hitler, Stalin, Pol Pot, Tojo, Saddam, etc., are
      examples of leaders who were under Reptoid control. I have a feeling
      Pres. Bush is aware of the Reptoid's using war to generate bodies for
      human harvest. We are not only trying to keep the death toll from
      collateral damage to an extreme minimum, we are keeping 24 hour
      armed guards on any bodies until they are claimed by the Iraqi
      families for burial. They did the same thing in the Gulf War to make
      sure the Reps got no bodies. Some bodies did vanish in Afghansitan
      I know our military leaders in the field are now aware of the problem
      and have taken steps to prevent the aliens from retrieving bodies.
      Check out the articles below. There were a lot of missing bodies in
      previous wars. There are also a hell of a lot of bodies missing from
      the Canadian Holocaust you probably never heard about till now (see
      US troops' big victory is strangely short of bodies
      By Dexter Filkins and Ian Fisher in Samarra, Iraq
      December 3, 2003

      The convoy that carries cash to two banks in Samarra had been attacked
      before, but this time the US troops were ready.

      They rumbled into the Baathist city of Samarra with tanks, Bradley
      fighting vehicles and armored Humvees. They even put snipers on the

      On cue, the guerillas attacked, but US commanders claim the Iraqis
      suffered a devastating defeat - 54 dead after a three-hour battle on
      Sunday in which the US suffered only five wounded.

      However, the figures are in doubt and

      as local Iraqis began dragging away the wreckage and counting their
      dead the question emerged:

      what happened to all the corpses?

      While US commanders said the Iraqi body count came from precise
      reports filed immediately after a close-range battle, hospital
      officials said on Monday that they could account for, at most, eight
      dead, and that most of those were civilians.

      On Monday morning, only two bodies - a grey-bearded old man and a
      middle-aged woman - lay on the bloody steel trays of the hospital morgue.

      More broadly, the battle that unfolded on Sunday underscored a dilemma
      that military officials have been weighing for months: how to increase
      pressure on the guerillas, who are still killing Americans and Iraqis,
      without alienating the people the Americans are trying to win over.

      The use of overwhelming military force, so effective against the
      guerillas, seemed to push many Iraqis away.

      "If I had a gun, I would have attacked the Americans myself," said
      Satar Nasiaf, 47, a shopkeeper who said he watched two Iraqi civilians
      fall to US fire. "The Americans were shooting in every direction."

      But Colonel Fred Rudesheim, US military overseer in Samarra, said he
      had not seen reports of civilian dead, and claimed that battles like
      this would win the support of ordinary Iraqis.

      "Attacks, in our view, are attacks against freedom-loving Iraqis that
      want to move on with life, versus those that are trying to drag them
      back to something akin to the former regime," he said.

      Sunday's battle showed that US forces are confronting an enemy that
      is increasingly sophisticated, carrying out bigger attacks involving
      more soldiers and greater levels of coordination and intelligence.

      US military officials said that the Samarra ambushes reflected a level
      of planning, scale and coordination that had not been seen among
      guerilla forces since the regime of Saddam Hussein was overthrown.

      "Are we looking at this one closely? Yes," Brigadier-General Mark
      Kimmitt said on Monday. "Is this something larger than we have seen
      over the past couple of months? Yes. Are we concerned about it? Yeah."
      Izzat Ibrahim al-Duri, one of Saddam's top lieutenants, may have been
      killed or captured in a US raid in the Iraqi city of Kirkuk, a member
      of the US-appointed Iraqi Governing Council said yesterday.

      Additionally, to prevent the reptilians from obtaining easy pickings
      off of battlefields like vultures, our military is now directed to
      keep all casualties to a minimum, and quickly bury all enemy dead so
      that they cannot easily be levitated up into the alien craft. Check
      out article below.

      What Bodies?
      November 2002
      by Patrick J. Sloyan
      Leon Daniel, as did others who reported from Vietnam during the 1960s,
      knew about war and death. So he was puzzled by the lack of corpses at
      the tip of the Neutral Zone between Saudi Arabia and Iraq on Feb. 25,
      1991. Clearly there had been plenty of killing. The 1st Infantry
      Division (Mechanized) had smashed through the defensive front-line of
      Saddam Hussein's army the day before, Feb. 24, the opening of the
      Desert Storm ground war to retake Kuwait. Daniel, representing United
      Press International, was part of a press pool held back from
      witnessing the assault on 8,000 Iraqi defenders. "They wouldn't let us
      see anything," said Daniel, who had seen about everything as a combat
      correspondent. A destroyed Iraqi tank rests near a series of oil well
      fires during the Gulf War on March 9, 1991, in northern Kuwait.
      Hundreds of fires burned out of control, casting a pall of toxic smoke
      over the Emirate and raising health and environmental concerns.

      The artillery barrage alone was enough to cause a slaughter. A
      30-minute bombardment by howitzers and multiple-launch rockets
      scattering thousands of tiny bomblets preceded the attack by 8,400
      American soldiers riding in 3,000 M1A2 Abrams main battle tanks,
      Bradley fighting vehicles, Humvees, armored personnel carriers and
      other vehicles.

      It wasn't until late in the afternoon of Feb. 25 that the press pool
      was permitted to see where the attack occurred. There were groups of
      Iraqi prisoners. About 2,000 had surrendered. But there were no
      bodies, no stench of feces that hovers on a battlefield, no blood
      stains, no bits of human beings. "You get a little firefight in
      Vietnam and the bodies would be stacked up like cordwood," Daniel
      said. Finally, Daniel found the Division public affairs officer, an
      Army major.

      "Where the hell are all the bodies?" Daniel said.

      "What bodies?" the officer replied.

      Daniel and the rest of the world would not find out until months later
      why the dead had vanished. Thousands of Iraqi soldiers, some of them
      alive and firing their weapons from World War I-style trenches, were
      buried by plows mounted on Abrams main battle tanks. The Abrams
      flanked the trench lines so that tons of sand from the plow spoil
      funneled into the trenches. Just behind the tanks, actually straddling
      the trench line, came M2 Bradleys pumping 7.62mm machine gun bullets
      into the Iraqi troops.

      "I came through right after the lead company," said Army Col. Anthony
      Moreno, who commanded the lead brigade during the 1st Mech's assault.
      "What you saw was a bunch of buried trenches with people's arms and
      legs sticking out of them. For all I know, we could have killed
      thousands." Gen. H. Norman Schwarzkopf is shown at ease with his tank
      troops at Operation Desert Storm in Saudi Arabia, January 12, 1991.
      A thinner line of trenches on Moreno's left flank was attacked by the
      1st Brigade commanded by Col. Lon Maggart. He estimated his troops
      buried about 650 Iraqi soldiers. Darkness halted the attack on the
      Iraqi trench line. By the next day, the 3rd Brigade joined in the
      grisly innovation. A lot of people were killed," said Col. David
      Weisman, the unit commander.

      One reason there was no trace of what happened in the Neutral Zone on
      those two days were the ACEs. It stands for Armored Combat Earth
      movers and they came behind the armored burial brigade leveling the
      ground and smoothing away projecting Iraqi arms, legs and equipment.

      PFC Joe Queen of the 1st Engineers was impervious to small arms fire
      inside the cockpit of the massive earth mover. He remained cool and
      professional as he smoothed away all signs of the carnage. Queen won
      the Bronze Star for his efforts. "A lot of guys were scared," Queen
      said, "but I enjoyed it." Col. Moreno estimated more than 70 miles of
      trenches and earthen bunkers were attacked, filled in and smoothed
      over on Feb. 24-25.

      What happened at the Neutral Zone that day has become a metaphor for
      the conduct of modern warfare. While political leaders bask in voter
      approval for destroying designated enemies, they are increasingly
      determined to mask the reality of warfare that causes voters to
      recoil. There was no more sophisticated practitioner of this art of
      bloodless warfare than President George H. W. Bush. As a Navy pilot
      during World War II, Bush knew the ugly side of war. He once recounted
      how a sailor wandered into an aircraft propeller on their carrier in
      the South Pacific. The chief petty officer in charge of the flight
      deck called for brooms to sweep the man's guts overboard. "I can still
      hear him," Bush said of the chief's orders. "I have seen the hideous
      face of war."

      Bush was badly stung by the reality of warfare while president. After
      the 1989 American invasion of Panama, where reporters were also
      blocked from witnessing a short-lived slaughter in Panama City, Bush
      held a White House news conference to boast about the dramatic assault
      on the Central American leader, Gen. Manuel Noriega. Bush was chipper
      and wisecracking with reporters when two major networks shifted
      coverage to the arrival ceremony for American soldiers killed in
      Panama at the Air Force Base in Dover, Del. Millions of viewers
      watched as the network television screens were split: Bush bantering
      with the press while flag-draped coffers were carried off Air Force
      planes by honor guards. Dover was the military mortuary for troops
      killed while serving abroad. On Bush's orders, the Pentagon banned
      future news coverage of honor guard ceremonies for the dead. The ban
      was continued by President Bill Clinton.

      Shortly after Iraq invaded Kuwait in August 1990, Bush summoned
      battlefield commanders to Camp David, Md., for a council of war. Army
      Gen. H. Norman Schwarzkopf, chief of Central Command with military
      responsibility for the Persian Gulf region, flew from Tampa, Fla. He
      and Central Command's air boss, Air Force Lt. Gen. Charles Horner,
      were flown from Andrews Air Force Base, Md., by helicopter to the
      retreat in the Catoctin Mountains near Thurmont, Md. Horner said golf
      carts took them to the president's cabin. Bush was wearing a windbreaker.

      "The president was very concerned about casualties," Horner recalled.
      "Not just our casualties but Iraqi casualties. He was very emphatic.
      He wanted casualties minimized on both sides. He went around the room
      and asked each military commander if his orders were understood. We
      all said we would do our best."

      According to Horner, he took a number of steps to limit the use of
      antipersonnel bombs used during more than 30 days of air attacks on
      Iraqi army positions. Schwarzkopf's psychological warfare experts
      littered Iraqi troops with leaflets that warned of imminent attacks by
      B52 Strategic Bombers. Arabic warnings told troops to avoid sleeping
      in tanks or near artillery positions which were prime targets for 400
      sorties by allied aircraft attacking day and night.

      "We could have killed many more with cluster munitions," Horner said
      of bomblets that create lethal minefields around troop emplacements
      once they are dropped by aircraft. Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney,
      left, Joint Chiefs Chairman Colin Powell, center, and Desert Storm
      Commander Gen. H. Norman Schwarzkopf wave from the reviewing stand
      after they led a ticker tape parade through the streets of New York,
      June 10, 1991.
      But Bush's Camp David orders were also translated into minimizing the
      perception, if not the reality, of Desert Storm casualties. The
      president's point man for controlling these perceptions was Dick
      Cheney, Secretary of Defense. And, to Cheney, that meant controlling
      the press which he saw as a collective voice that portrayed the
      Pentagon as a can?t do agency that wasted too much money and routinely
      failed in its mission. "I did not look on the press as an asset,"
      Cheney said in an interview after Desert Storm. He was interviewed by
      authors of a Freedom Forum book, "America's Team, The Odd Couple,"
      which explored the relationship between the media and the Defense
      Department. To Cheney, containing the military was his way of
      protecting the Pentagon's credibility. "Frankly, I looked on it as a
      problem to be managed," Cheney said of the media.

      This management had two key ingredients: control the flow of
      information through high level briefings while impeding reporters such
      as Leon Daniel. According to Cheney, he and Army Gen. Colin Powell,
      Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, orchestrated the briefings
      because the information function was extraordinarily important. I did
      not have a lot of confidence that I could leave that to the press.
      The relentless appetite of broadcasting networks made Pentagon control
      a simple matter. Virtually every U.S. weapon system is monitored by
      television cameras either on board warplanes and helicopters or
      hand-held by military cameramen or individual soldiers. This "gun
      camera" footage may be released or withheld depending on the decisions
      of political bosses of the military. So when the air war began in
      January 1991, the media was fed carefully selected footage by
      Schwarzkopf in Saudi Arabia and Powell in Washington, DC. Most of it
      was downright misleading.

      Briefings by Schwarzkopf and other military officers mostly featured
      laser guided or television guided missiles and bombs. But of all the
      tons of high explosives dropped during more than a month of night and
      day air attacks, only six per cent were smart bombs. The vast majority
      were controlled by gravity, usually dropped from above 15,000 feet,
      35,000 feet for U.S. heavy bombers, where winds can dramatically
      affect accuracy. And there never was any footage of B-52 bomber
      strikes that carpeted Iraqi troop positions. Films of Tomahawk cruise
      missiles being launched by U.S. Navy ships in the Persian Gulf were
      almost daily fare from the military. Years later, the Navy would
      concede these subsonic jets with 2,000 pound warheads had limited
      success. These missiles are guided by onboard computers that match
      prerecorded terrain maps, shifting left or right as landmarks are
      spotted. But the faceless desert offered few waypoints and most
      Tomahawks wandered off, just as the French Legion's lost platoon did
      in the Sahara. The only reliable landmark turned out to be the Tigris
      River and Tomahawks were programmed to use it as a road to Baghdad and
      other targets. But Iraqi antiaircraft gunners quickly blanketed the
      riverside. The slow moving Tomahawks were easy targets. Pentagon
      claims of 98 per cent success for Tomahawks during the war later
      dwindled to less than 10 per cent effectiveness by the Navy in 1999.

      Just as distorted were Schwarzkopf's claims of destruction of Iraqi
      Scud missiles. After the war, studies by Army and Pentagon think tanks
      could not identify a single successful interception of a Scud warhead
      by the U.S. Army's Patriot antimissile system. U.S. Air Force attacks
      on Scud launch sites were portrayed as successful by Schwarzkopf. The
      Air Force had filled the night sky with F-15E bombers with radars and
      infrared systems that could turn night into day. Targets were attacked
      with laser guided warheads. In one briefing in Riyadh, Schwarzkopf
      showed F15E footage of what he said was a Scud missile launcher being
      destroyed. Later, it turned out that the suspected Scud system was in
      fact an oil truck. A year after Desert Storm, the official Air Force
      study concluded that not a single Scud launcher was destroyed during
      the war. The study said Iraq ended the conflict with as many Scud
      launchers as it had when the conflict began. Joint Chiefs of Staff
      Chairman, Gen. Colin Powell, with President Bush at his side,
      addresses reporters May 23, 1991 in the White House Rose Garden after
      the President announced that he was reappointing Powell to a second
      term. Bush praised Powell for his advice and leadership in the war
      against Iraq and the invasion of Panama.
      In manipulating the first and often most lasting perception of Desert
      Storm, the Bush administration produced not a single picture or video
      of anyone being killed. This sanitized, bloodless presentation by
      military briefers left the world presuming Desert Storm was a war
      without death. That image was reinforced by limitations imposed on
      reporters on the battlefield. Under rules developed by Cheney and
      Powell, journalists were not allowed to move without military escorts.
      All interviews had to be monitored by military public affairs escorts.
      Every line of copy, every still photograph, every strip of film had to
      be approved, censored, before being filed. And these rules were
      ruthlessly enforced.

      When a Scud missile eventually hit American troops during the ground
      war, reporters raced to the scene. The 1,000 pound warhead landed on a
      makeshift barracks for Pennsylvania national guard troops near the
      Saudi seaport of Dahran. Scott Applewhite, a photographer for the
      Associated Press, was one of the first on the scene. There were more
      than 25 dead bodies and 70 badly wounded. As Applewhite photographed
      the carnage, he was approached by U.S. Military Police who ordered him
      to leave. He produced credentials that entitled him to be there. But
      the soldiers punched Applewhite, handcuffed him and ripped the film
      from his cameras. More than 70 reporters were arrested, detained,
      threatened at gunpoint and literally chased from the frontlines when
      they attempted to defy Pentagon rules. Army public affairs officers
      made nightly visits to hotels and restaurants in Hafir al Batin, a
      Saudi town on the Iraq border. Reporters and photographers usually
      bolted from the dinner table. Slower ones were arrested.

      Journalists such as Applewhite, who played by the rules, fared no
      better. More than 150 reporters who participated in the Pentagon pool
      system failed to produce a single eyewitness account of the clash
      between 300,000 allied troops and an estimated 300,000 Iraqi troops.
      There was not one photograph, not a strip of film by pool members of a
      dead body, American or Iraqi. Even if they had recorded the reality
      of the battlefield, it was unlikely it would have been filed by the
      military-controlled distribution system. As the ground war began,
      Cheney declared a press blackout, effectively blocking distribution of
      battlefield press reports. While Cheney's action was challenged by
      Marlin Fitzwater, the White House press secretary, the ban remained in
      effect. Most news accounts were delayed for days, long enough to make
      them worthless to their editors.

      Accounts of Iraqi troops escaping from Kuwait, the carnage on the
      Highway of Death, were recorded by journalists operating outside the
      pool system.

      Schwarzkopf repeatedly brushed off questions about the Iraqi death
      toll when the ground war ended in early March. Not until 2000, during
      a television broadcast, would he estimate Iraq losses in the "tens of
      thousands." The only precise estimate came from Cheney. In a formal
      report to Congress, Cheney said U.S. soldiers found only 457 Iraqi
      bodies on the battlefield.

      To Cheney, who helped Bush's approval rating soar off the charts
      during Desert Storm, the press coverage had been flawless. "The
      best-covered war ever," Cheney said. "The American people saw up close
      with their own eyes through the magic of television what the U.S.
      military was capable of doing."
      ©2002 Patrick J. Sloyan
      Contributing Editor

      Patrick J. Sloyan won the Pulitzer prize for his coverage of Desert
      Storm while Senior Correspondent for Newsday. He wrote this article
      while a Fellow at the Alicia Patterson Foundation. Sloyan currently in
      writing a book on the seeds of the Vietnam War.


      Then the media tried to come up with various theories of what happened
      to the missing bodies from the Yugoslav civil / religious wars,

      Missing Bodies, Or Atrocities Management, Part 2
      A Reuters news dispatch of October 13 bylined Pristina, Kosovo, is
      entitled, "Absolutely No Bodies Found in Supposed Mine Shaft Mass Grave
      in Kosovo." This follows an earlier report by a Spanish forensic
      team that went into a part of Kosovo allegedly rich in killing fields,
      where instead of the predicted thousands the team found 187 bodies. In
      its examination of 30 mass grave sites the FBI has found a total of
      almost 200 bodies. In Ljubenic, a mass grave alleged to contain some
      350 bodies, when fully exhumed contained only seven bodies. In town
      after town, alleged mass graves were found to be empty or contained
      only one or two bodies.

      In an extensive review of the numerous reports, the research
      organization Stratfor concludes that "the numbers of dead so far are in
      the hundreds, not the thousands" ("Where Are Kosovo's Killing Fields?"
      Oct. 20, 1999). Stratfor acknowledges that huge new graves may be
      found, but as the ethnic Albanians were presumably eager to reveal the
      biggest sites, and the largest sites should have had the most witnesses
      and most visibility for investigative teams, much larger numbers are
      deemed unlikely. "The killing of ethnic Albanian civilians appears to
      be orders of magnitude below the claims of NATO, alliance governments
      and early media reports."

      What makes this evidence important is that NATO's assault on Yugoslavia
      was built on the claim that the government was engaging in ethnic
      cleansing before March 24, and that thereafter, according to plan, it
      escalated its violence to the level of genocide. NATO
      eventually gravitated to the number of 10,000 ethnic Albanians
      butchered by the Serbian army and paramilitaries. In early August
      Bernard Kouchner, the UN administrator in Kosovo, claimed that 11,000
      had been killed, based on figures allegedly supplied by the
      International Crimes Tribunal for the Former Republic of Yugoslavia
      (ICTY). But the ICTY quickly denied having supplied such a number, and
      it was ICTY investigators who found the mine shaft supposedly
      containing 700 Albanian bodies completely empty.

      It seems highly likely that the 10,000 or 11,000 figure is a propaganda
      fabrication, and that the true number may be in the high hundreds or as
      many as one or two thousand. This lesser figure is of course
      horrendous, but it falls far short of a "genocide" standard, and is
      considerably smaller than the Indonesian army- militia killings in East
      Timor even BEFORE the August 30 referendum, that elicited no
      response whatever from Clinton, Blair and company.

      Where did the 10,000 figure come from? Such a round number suggests a
      straight forward propaganda concoction, but the numbers were of course
      built up by refugee claims, and Stratfor notes that "both governments
      and outside observers relied on sources controlled by the KLA, both
      before and during the war.....the sophisticated public
      relations machine of the KLA and the fog of war may have generated a
      perception that is now proving dubious."

      But atrocities management and the patriotic gullibility factor must be
      considered crucial in this process of inflating claims of enemy
      villainy. Government lying on enemy atrocities is standard operating
      procedure in building support for war. What is more
      interesting, however, is that the gullible transmission of official
      propaganda is standard operating procedure for the U.S. mainstream
      media. As soon as a war starts, the mainstream media get "on the team,"
      suspend critical analysis, and allow themselves to be led by the nose
      by official opinion. There is a patriotic bandwagon effect that causes
      virtually all reporters to toe the official line, at threat of
      ostracization and removal (a la Raymond Bonner in the Central American
      wars). Even straight reporting from enemy lines (like Bonner's) becomes
      traitorous -- one should stick to official handouts and
      energetic attempts to confirm official claims. It becomes a
      journalistic postulate that while enemy sources lie, our official
      sources tell the truth. As this assumption about our officials is
      confuted by a steady stream of evidence, past and present, it reflects
      a clear and straight forward abandonment of honest journalism.

      It was a notable feature of the Persian Gulf War that Peter Arnett's
      on-site reporting from Baghdad about bombed civilian facilities angered
      much of the U.S. media as well as the Pentagon and Bush administration.
      Arnett was accused of gullibility in the service of Saddam Hussein,
      when in fact Arnett was quite aware of the constraints on him,
      whereas the reporters in Washington who sneered at Arnett were
      completely unaware of their own conduit role. This was partly because
      the Washington reporters believed so deeply in the rightness of their
      cause that they thought themselves uncompromised by being "on the
      team," and that Arnett failed by refusing to ignore inconvenient facts
      that a "team player" would see hurt the cause.

      Noam Chomsky has told the story of the Soviet journalist Vladimir
      Danchev, who for five successive days in May 1983 denounced the Soviet
      invasion of Afghanistan and urged the Afghans to resist this
      aggression. U.S. journalists applauded, and they denounced the Soviets
      for taking Danchev off the air. But as Chomsky pointed out, there were
      no U.S. reporters as bold as Danchev. During the Vietnam war no
      mainstream journalist denounced the U.S. attack as "aggression" and
      urged the Vietnamese to resist. No, the internalized patriotic
      gullibility and bandwagon effect caused them all to regard the U.S. as
      resisting "internal aggression" by the Vietnamese. This swallowing and
      self-righteous regurgitation of state propaganda as truth, on a
      systemwide and uncoerced basis, is what makes the Free Press of the
      U.S. so effective.

      So in the case of the Yugoslav war, the mainstream media made it
      possible for a series of official lies to be institutionalized: the
      Serb refusal to negotiate at Rambouillet (whereas the Serbs were given
      an ultimatum with a proviso that assured rejection, to allow bombing);
      the humanitarian objective (whereas neither real aim nor result was
      humanitarian, and as Canadian former OSCE monitor Rollie Keith stated,
      NATO's policy turned "an internal humanitarian problem into a
      disaster"); and the Serb attempt at genocide by plan, not in any way
      induced by the NATO bombing (for which no evidence has been given, and
      contradicted by the earlier Serb admission of 1500 OSCE observers).

      Atrocities management played an important role in the
      institutionalization of NATO lies and the initiation of bombing. There
      was a series of alleged massacres, some real and some concoted, but all
      of them attracting intense and indignant coverage. Some, like the one
      at Racak on January 15, 1999, were extremely well timed to forward
      the program of NATO proponents of a policy of force. And an excellent
      case can be made that the Racak incident was provoked, its victim
      numbers and character inflated and distorted, and the atrocity
      exploited and managed for political ends (see Renaud Girard, in the
      French daily Le Figaro, January 20, 1999). During the bombing war, the
      media spent a great deal of reportorial effort passing along NATO
      estimates of Serb mass killings and trying to collectc on firming data
      on Serb atrocities from Albanian refugees.

      But now that the killing fields are proving to be less fertile than
      expected the mainstream media are exceedingly quiet on the subject.
      Their job was done, however, in helping rationalize the NATO display of
      its "resolve" and its continuing role in protecting human rights, and
      its success in returning Serbia to the stone age. In short, truth is
      not the business of the media members of "the team."

      And you may be sure the mainstream media are not going to turn their
      attention to the killing fields of East Timor or Turkish Kurdistan, or
      to the dying children of sanction-ridden Iraq: Bill, Madeleine, and the
      other members of "the team" want them to stay away from those much more
      fertile fields, and they (and Susan, Todd, and Vaclav also) will do so.

      Mysterious Mass Disappearances
      lolik4 on Thursday, October 16 @ 23:56:43 CEST
      In 1995 alone, 4 million Americans vanished, according to the Tracers
      Company. Missing reports from around the world added another 2 million
      souls. That was a total of 6 million people missing in 1995. Most of
      these people appeared to be "solidly respectable citizens" with clear
      consciences. In the winter of 1930 an incident took place in Canada. A
      trapper named Arnaud Laurent and his son observed a strange light
      crossing the northern sky. It appeared to be heading toward the area
      of Lake Anjikuni. The trappers described the object as cylinder shaped
      or bullet shaped. Another trapper by the name of Joe Labelle had come
      into the village of the Lake Anjikuni people... (read more)

      ...and discovered the community to be unusually silent without a
      person moving in the streets. There was no sound of sled dogs to be
      heard. The shanties were covered with snow and not a chimney showed

      Labelle found the village's kayaks tied up on the shore of the lake.
      In the shanties he found meals left hanging over fires, old and moldy
      and seemingly abandoned as they were being cooked. The men's rifles
      were still in place standing by the doors. Labelle then became
      frightened because he knew that the men would never leave without
      their weapons.

      He reported this discovery to the RCMP (Royal Canadian Mounted
      Police), who investigated what Labelle had seen. The police discovered
      that the town's dogs had died of hunger, chained beneath a tree and
      covered by a snowdrift. What was even more disturbing was finding that
      the town graveyard had been emptied. Despite the frozen ground, the
      graves had been opened and the dead removed.

      What happened to these people? Is anyone still searching for them?
      Will they ever be found?

      Whitley Strieber, in his book Majestic, states: "A check with the
      records department indicated that the matter remains unsolved, and
      despite a search of the whole of Canada and inquiries throughout the
      world, not a single trace of the missing twelve hundred men, women and
      children were ever found."

      The 4 million people who vanished in 1995 is greater than the total
      population of South Carolina.

      Then there are the hundreds of thousands of missing bodies from the
      Canadian holocaust that you probably never heard about either. Please
      don't panic, OK?

      The Canadian Holocaust

      Through the Canadian residential school system, the Christian churches
      along with state authorities, the judiciary, doctors and the police
      implemented a policy of genocide against the native population.

      Extracted from Nexus Magazine, Volume 9, Number 2 (February-March 2002)
      PO Box 30, Mapleton Qld 4560 Australia. editor@n...
      Telephone: +61 (0)7 5442 9280; Fax: +61 (0)7 5442 9381
      From our web page at: www.nexusmagazine.com

      by Rev. Kevin D. Annett, MA, MDiv
      © 2001 The Truth Commission into Genocide in Canada
      Email: kevinannett@y...
      Email: kevin_annett@h...
      Website: http://annett55.freewebsites.com/


      (The following is an edited extract from the report, "Hidden From
      History: The Canadian Holocaust - The Untold Story of the Genocide of
      Aboriginal Peoples by Church and State in Canada - A Summary of an
      Ongoing, Independent Inquiry into Canadian Native 'Residential
      Schools' and their Legacy," by Rev. Kevin D. Annett, MA, MDiv. The
      report is published by The Truth Commission into Genocide in Canada, a
      public investigative body continuing the work of previous Tribunals
      into native residential schools: The Justice in the Valley Coalition's
      Inquiry into Crimes Against Aboriginal People, convened in Port
      Alberni, British Columbia, on December 9, 1994, and The International
      Human Rights Association of American Minorities Tribunal into Canadian
      Residential Schools, held in Vancouver, BC, from June 12-14, 1998.

      Jasper Joseph is a sixty-four-year-old native man from Port Hardy,
      British Columbia. His eyes still fill with tears when he remembers his
      cousins who were killed with lethal injections by staff at the Nanaimo
      Indian Hospital in 1944.
      I was just eight, and they'd shipped us down from the Anglican
      residential school in Alert Bay to the Nanaimo Indian Hospital, the
      one run by the United Church. They kept me isolated in a tiny room
      there for more than three years, like I was a lab rat, feeding me
      these pills, giving me shots that made me sick. Two of my cousins made
      a big fuss, screaming and fighting back all the time, so the nurses
      gave them shots, and they both died right away. It was done to silence
      them. (November 10, 2000)
      Unlike postwar Germans, Canadians have yet to acknowledge, let alone
      repent from, the genocide that we inflicted on millions of conquered
      people: the aboriginal men, women and children who were deliberately
      exterminated by our racially supremacist churches and state.
      As early as November 1907, the Canadian press was acknowledging that
      the death rate within Indian residential schools exceeded 50% (see
      Appendix, Key Newspaper Articles). And yet the reality of such a
      massacre has been wiped clean from the public record and consciousness
      in Canada over the past decades. Small wonder; for that hidden history
      reveals a system whose aim was to destroy most native people by
      disease, relocation and outright murder, while "assimilating" a
      minority of collaborators who were trained to serve the genocidal system.
      This history of purposeful genocide implicates every level of
      government in Canada, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), every
      mainstream church, large corporations and local police, doctors and
      judges. The web of complicity in this killing machine was, and
      remains, so vast that its concealment has required an equally
      elaborate campaign of cover-up that has been engineered at the highest
      levels of power in our country; a cover-up that is continuing,
      especially now that eyewitnesses to murders and atrocities at the
      church-run native residential "schools" have come forward for the
      first time.
      For it was the residential "schools" that constituted the death camps
      of the Canadian Holocaust, and within their walls nearly one-half of
      all aboriginal children sent there by law died, or disappeared,
      according to the government's own statistics.
      These 50,000 victims have vanished, as have their corpses - "like they
      never existed," according to one survivor. But they did exist. They
      were innocent children, and they were killed by beatings and torture
      and after being deliberately exposed to tuberculosis and other
      diseases by paid employees of the churches and government, according
      to a "Final Solution" master plan devised by the Department of Indian
      Affairs and the Catholic and Protestant churches.
      With such official consent for manslaughter emanating from Ottawa, the
      churches responsible for annihilating natives on the ground felt
      emboldened and protected enough to declare full-scale war on
      non-Christian native peoples through the 20th century.
      The casualties of that war were not only the 50,000 dead children of
      the residential schools, but the survivors, whose social condition
      today has been described by United Nations human rights groups as that
      of "a colonized people barely on the edge of survival, with all the
      trappings of a third-world society." (November 12, 1999)

      The Holocaust is continuing.

      This report is the child of a six-year independent investigation into
      the hidden history of genocide against aboriginal peoples in Canada.
      It summarizes the testimonies, documents and other evidence proving
      that Canadian churches, corporations and the government are guilty of
      intentional genocide, in violation of the United Nations Convention on
      Genocide, which Canada ratified in 1952 and under which it is bound by
      international law.
      The report is a collaborative effort of nearly 30 people. And yet some
      of its authors must remain anonymous, particularly its aboriginal
      contributors, whose lives have been threatened and who have been
      assaulted, denied jobs and evicted from their homes on Indian reserves
      because of their involvement in this investigation.
      As a former minister in one of the guilty institutions named in our
      inquiry - the United Church of Canada - I have been fired,
      blacklisted, threatened and publicly maligned by its officers for my
      attempts to uncover the story of the deaths of children at that
      church's Alberni residential school.
      Many people have made sacrifices to produce this report, so that the
      world can learn of the Canadian Holocaust, and to ensure that those
      responsible for it are brought to justice before the International
      Criminal Court.
      Beginning among native and low-income activists in Port Alberni,
      British Columbia, in the fall of 1994, this inquiry into crimes
      against humanity has continued in the face of death threats, assaults
      and the resources of church and state in Canada.
      It is within the power of the reader to honor our sacrifice by
      sharing this story with others and refusing to participate in the
      institutions which deliberately killed many thousands of children.
      This history of official endorsement of, and collusion in, a century
      or more of crimes against Canada's first peoples must not discourage
      us from uncovering the truth and bringing the perpetrators to justice.
      It is for this reason that we invite you to remember not only the
      50,000 children who died in the residential school death camps, but
      the silent victims today who suffer in our midst for bread and justice.

      (Rev.) Kevin D. Annett
      The Truth Commission into Genocide in Canada
      Vancouver, British Columbia, February 1, 2001

      PART ONE: Summary of Evidence of Intentional Genocide in Canadian
      Residential Schools

      Article II: The intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national
      ethnic, racial or religious group; namely, non-Christian aboriginal
      peoples in Canada

      The foundational purpose behind the more than one hundred Indian
      residential schools established in Canada by government legislation
      and administered by Protestant and Catholic churches was the
      deliberate and persistent eradication of aboriginal people and their
      culture, and the conversion of any surviving native people to

      This intent was enunciated in the Gradual Civilization Act of 1857 in
      Upper Canada, and earlier, church-inspired legislation, which defined
      aboriginal culture as inferior, stripped native people of citizenship
      and subordinated them in a separate legal category from non-Indians.
      This Act served as the basis for the federal Indian Act of 1874, which
      recapitulated the legal and moral inferiority of aboriginals and
      established the residential school system. The legal definition of an
      Indian as "an uncivilized person, destitute of the knowledge of God
      and of any fixed and clear belief in religion" (Revised Statutes of
      British Columbia, 1960) was established by these Acts and continues to
      the present day.

      Then, as now, aboriginals were considered legal and practical
      non-entities in their own land and, hence, inherently expendable.

      This genocidal intent was restated time and again in government
      legislation, church statements and the correspondence and records of
      missionaries, Indian agents and residential school officials (see
      Documentation section). Indeed, it was the very raison d'être of the
      state-sanctioned Christian invasion of traditional native territories
      and of the residential school system itself, which was established at
      the height of European expansionism in the 1880s and persisted until 1984.

      By definition, this aim was genocidal, for it planned and carried out
      the destruction of a religious and ethnic group: all those aboriginal
      people who would not convert to Christianity and be culturally
      extinguished. Non-Christian natives were the declared target of the
      residential schools, which practiced wholesale ethnic cleansing under
      the guise of education.

      As well, such "pagans" were the subject of government-funded
      sterilization programs administered at church-run hospitals and
      tuberculosis sanitariums on Canada's west coast (see Article IId).

      According to an eyewitness, Ethel Wilson of Bella Bella, BC, a United
      Church missionary doctor, George Darby, deliberately sterilized
      non-Christian Indians between 1928 and 1962 at the R. W. Large
      Memorial Hospital in Bella Bella. Ms Wilson, who is now deceased,
      stated in 1998:
      Doctor Darby told me in 1952 that Indian Affairs in Ottawa was paying
      him for every Indian he sterilized, especially if they weren't
      church-goers. Hundreds of our women were sterilized by Doctor Darby,
      just for not going to church. (Testimony of Ethel Wilson to
      International Human Rights Association of American Minorities [IHRAAM]
      Tribunal, Vancouver, BC, June 13, 1998)

      According to Christy White, a resident of Bella Bella, records of
      these government-funded sterilizations at the R. W. Large Hospital
      were deliberately destroyed in 1995, soon after a much-publicised
      police investigation was to open into residential school atrocities in
      British Columbia. Ms White stated in 1998:
      I worked at the Bella Bella hospital, and I know that Barb Brown, one
      of the administrators there, dumped sterilization records at sea on
      two occasions. Some of the records were found washed up on the beach
      south of town. That was just after the cops opened their investigation
      into the schools, in the spring of 1995. They were covering their
      tracks. We all knew Ottawa was funding sterilizations, but we were
      told to keep quiet about it. (Testimony of Christy White to Kevin
      Annett, August 12, 1998)

      Legislation permitting the sterilization of any residential school
      inmate was passed in BC in 1933 and in Alberta in 1928 (see
      "Sterilization Victims Urged to Come Forward" by Sabrina Whyatt,
      Windspeaker, August 1998). The Sexual Sterilization Act of BC allowed
      a school principal to permit the sterilization of any native person
      under his charge. As their legal guardian, the principal could thus
      have any native child sterilized. Frequently, these sterilizations
      occurred to whole groups of native children when they reached puberty,
      in institutions like the Provincial Training School in Red Deer,
      Alberta, and the Ponoka Mental Hospital. (Former nurse Pat Taylor to
      Kevin Annett, January 13, 2000)

      Of equal historical significance is the fact that the Canadian federal
      government passed legislation in 1920, making it mandatory for all
      native children in British Columbia - the west coast of which was the
      least Christianized area among aboriginals in Canada - to attend
      residential schools, despite the fact that the same government had
      already acknowledged that the death rate due to communicable diseases
      was much higher in these schools and that, while there, the native
      children's "constitution is so weakened that they have no vitality to
      withstand disease". (A. W. Neill, West Coast Indian Agent, to
      Secretary of Indian Affairs, April 25, 1910)

      That is, the Canadian government legally compelled the attendance of
      the most "pagan" and least assimilated of the native peoples in
      residential schools at precisely the time when the death rate in these
      schools had reached their pinnacle - about 40%, according to Indian
      Affairs officers like Dr Peter Bryce. This fact alone suggests a
      genocidal intent towards non-Christian aboriginals.

      Article II (a): Killing members of the group intended to be destroyed

      That aboriginal people were deliberately killed in the residential
      schools is confirmed by eyewitness testimonies, government records and
      statements of Indian agents and tribal elders. It is also strongly
      suggested by the bare fact that the mortality level in residential
      schools averaged 40%, with the deaths of more than 50,000 native
      children across Canada (see Bibliography, inc. the report of Dr Peter
      Bryce to Department of Indian Affairs Superintendent Duncan Campbell
      Scott, April 1909).

      The fact, as well, that this death rate stayed constant across the
      years, and within the schools and facilities of every denomination
      which ran them - Roman Catholic, United, Presbyterian or Anglican -
      suggests that common conditions and policies were behind these deaths.
      For every second child to die in the residential school system
      eliminates the possibility that these deaths were merely accidental or
      the actions of a few depraved individuals acting alone without protection.

      Yet not only was this system inherently murderous, but it operated
      under the legal and structural conditions which encouraged, aided and
      abetted murder and which were designed to conceal these crimes.

      The residential schools were structured like concentration camps, on a
      hierarchical military basis under the absolute control of a principal
      appointed jointly by church and state, and who was usually a
      clergyman. This principal was even given legal guardianship rights
      over all students during the early 1930s by the federal government, at
      least in west coast residential schools. This action by the government
      was highly unusual, considering that native people were by law the
      legal wards of the state, and had been so since the commencement of
      the Indian Act. And yet such absolute power of the school principal
      over the lives of aboriginal students was a requirement of any system
      whose killing of aboriginals had to be disguised and later denied.

      The residential schools were constructed behind this deception in such
      a way that the deaths and atrocities that constitute genocide could be
      hidden and eventually explained. In the Canadian context, this meant a
      policy of gradual but deliberate extermination under a protective
      legal umbrella, administered by "legitimate and trusted" institutions:
      the mainline churches.

      It should be clarified from the outset that the decisions concerning
      the residential schools, including those which caused the deaths of
      children and resulting cover-ups, were officially sanctioned by every
      level of the churches that ran them and the government which created
      them. Only such sanction could have allowed the deaths to continue as
      they did - and the perpetrators to feel protected enough to operate
      with impunity for many years within the system, which they universally

      ¥ Exposure to Diseases

      In 1909, Dr Peter Bryce of the Ontario Health Department was hired by
      the Indian Affairs Department in Ottawa to tour the Indian residential
      schools in western Canada and British Columbia and report on the
      health conditions there. Bryce's report so scandalized the government
      and the churches that it was officially buried and only surfaced in
      1922 when Bryce - who was forced out of the civil service for the
      honesty of his report - wrote a book about it, entitled The Story of a
      National Crime (Ottawa, 1922).

      In his report, Dr Bryce claimed that Indian children were being
      systematically and deliberately killed in the residential schools. He
      cited an average mortality rate of between 35% and 60%, and alleged
      that staff and church officials were regularly withholding or
      falsifying records and other evidence of children's deaths.

      Further, Dr Bryce claimed that a primary means of killing native
      children was to deliberately expose them to communicable diseases such
      as tuberculosis and then deny them any medical care or treatment - a
      practice actually referred to by top Anglican Church leaders in the
      Globe and Mail on May 29, 1953.

      In March 1998, two native eyewitnesses who attended west coast
      residential schools, William and Mabel Sport of Nanaimo, BC, confirmed
      Dr Bryce's allegation. Both of them claim to have been deliberately
      exposed to tuberculosis by staff at both a Catholic and a United
      Church residential school during the 1940s.
      I was forced to sleep in the same bed with kids who were dying of
      tuberculosis. That was at the Catholic Christie residential school
      around 1942. They were trying to kill us off, and it nearly worked.
      They did the same thing at Protestant Indian schools, three kids to a
      bed, healthy ones with the dying. (Testimony of Mabel Sport to IHRAAM
      officers, Port Alberni, BC, March 31, 1998)

      Reverend Pitts, the Alberni school principal, he forced me and eight
      other boys to eat this special food out of a different sort of can. It
      tasted really strange. And then all of us came down with tuberculosis.
      I was the only one to survive, 'cause my Dad broke into the school one
      night and got me out of there. All of the rest died from tuberculosis
      and they were never treated. Just left there to die. And their
      families were all told they had died of pneumonia. The plan was to
      kill us off in secret, you know. We all just began dying after eating
      that food. Two of my best friends were in that group that was
      poisoned. We were never allowed to speak of it or go into the
      basement, where other murders happened. It was a death sentence to be
      sent to the Alberni school. (Testimony of William Sport to IHRAAM
      officers, Port Alberni, BC, March 31, 1998)


      More overt killings of children were a common occurrence in
      residential schools, according to eyewitnesses. The latter have
      described children being beaten and starved to death, thrown from
      windows, strangled and being kicked or thrown down stairs to their
      deaths. Such killings occurred in at least eight residential schools
      in British Columbia alone, run by all three mainline denominations.

      Bill Seward of Nanaimo, BC, age 78, states:
      My sister Maggie was thrown from a three-story window by a nun at the
      Kuper Island school, and she died. Everything was swept under the rug.
      No investigation was ever done. We couldn't hire a lawyer at the time,
      being Indians. So nothing was ever done. (Testimony of Bill Seward,
      Duncan, BC, August 13, 1998)

      Diane Harris, Community Health Worker for the Chemainus Band Council
      on Vancouver Island, confirms accounts of the murders.
      We always hear stories of all the kids who were killed at Kuper
      Island. A graveyard for the babies of the priests and girls was right
      south of the school until it was dug up by the priests when the school
      closed in 1973. The nuns would abort babies and sometimes end up
      killing the mothers. There were a lot of disappearances. My mother,
      who is 83 now, saw a priest drag a girl down a flight of stairs by her
      hair and the girl died as a result. Girls were raped and killed, and
      buried under the floorboards. We asked the local RCMP to exhume that
      place and search for remains but they've always refused, as recently
      as 1996. Corporal Sampson even threatened us. That kind of cover-up is
      the norm. Children were put together with kids sick with TB in the
      infirmary. That was standard procedure. We've documented thirty-five
      outright murders in a seven-year period. (Testimony of Diane Harris to
      the IHRAAM Tribunal, June 13, 1998)

      Evidence exists that active collusion from police, hospital officials,
      coroners, Indian Agents and even native leaders helped to conceal such
      murders. Local hospitals, particularly tuberculosis sanitariums
      connected to the United and Roman Catholic churches, served as
      "dumping grounds" for children's bodies and routinely provided false
      death certificates for murdered students.

      In the case of the United Church's Alberni residential school,
      students who discovered dead bodies of other children faced serious
      retribution. One such witness, Harry Wilson of Bella Bella, BC, claims
      that he was expelled from the school, then hospitalized and drugged
      against his will, after finding the body of a dead girl in May 1967.

      Sadly, the two-tiered system of collaborators and victims created
      among native students at the schools continues to the present, as some
      of the state-funded band council officials - themselves former
      collaborators - appear to have an interest in helping to suppress
      evidence and silence witnesses who would incriminate not only the
      murderers but themselves as agents of the white administration.

      A majority of the witnesses who have shared their story with the
      authors and at public tribunals on the west coast have described
      either seeing a murder or discovering a body at the residential school
      he or she attended. The body count, even according to the government's
      own figures, was enormously high. Where, then, are all these bodies?
      The deaths of thousands of students are not recorded in any of the
      school records, Indian Affairs files or other documentation submitted
      thus far in court cases or academic publications on the residential
      schools. Some 50,000 corpses have literally and officially gone missing.

      The residential school system had to hide not only the evidence of
      murder but the bodies as well. The presence of secret gravesites of
      children killed at Catholic and Protestant schools in Sardis, Port
      Alberni, Kuper Island and Alert Bay has been attested to by numerous
      witnesses. These secret burial yards also contained the aborted
      fetuses and even small babies who were the offspring of priests and
      staff at the schools, according to the same witnesses. One of them,
      Ethel Wilson of Bella Bella, claims to have seen "rows and rows of
      tiny skeletons" in the foundations of the former Anglican residential
      school of St Michael's in Alert Bay when a new school was built there
      in the 1960s.
      There were several rows of them, all lined up neatly like it was a big
      cemetery. The skeletons had been found within one of the old walls of
      St Mike's school. None of them could have been very old, from their
      size. Now why would so many kids have been buried like that inside a
      wall, unless someone was trying to hide something? (Testimony of Ethel
      Wilson to Kevin Annett, Vancouver, BC, August 8, 1998)

      Arnold Sylvester, who, like Dennis Charlie, attended Kuper Island
      school between 1939 and 1945, corroborates this account.
      The priests dug up the secret gravesite in a real hurry around 1972
      when the school closed. No one was allowed to watch them dig up those
      remains. I think it's because that was a specially secret graveyard
      where the bodies of the pregnant girls were buried. Some of the girls
      who got pregnant from the priests were actually killed because they
      threatened to talk. They were sometimes shipped out and sometimes just
      disappeared. We weren't allowed to talk about this. (Testimony of
      Arnold Sylvester to Kevin Annett, Duncan, BC, August 13, 1998)

      Local hospitals were also used as a dumping ground for children's
      bodies, as in the case of the Edmonds boy and his "processing" at St
      Paul's Hospital after his murder at the Catholic school in North
      Vancouver. Certain hospitals, however, seem to have been particularly
      favorite spots for storing corpses.

      The Nanaimo Tuberculosis Hospital (called The Indian Hospital) was one
      such facility. Under the guise of tuberculosis treatment, generations
      of native children and adults were subjected to medical experiments
      and sexual sterilizations at the Nanaimo Hospital, according to women
      who experienced these tortures (see Article IId). But the facility was
      also a cold storage area for native corpses.

      The West Coast General Hospital in Port Alberni not only stored
      children's bodies from the local United Church residential school; it
      was also the place where abortions were performed on native girls who
      were made pregnant at the school by staff and clergy, and where
      newborn babies were disposed of and possibly killed, according to
      witnesses like Amy Tallio, who attended the Alberni school during the
      early 1950s.

      Irene Starr of the Hesquait Nation, who attended the Alberni school
      between 1952 and 1961, confirms this.
      Many girls got pregnant at the Alberni school. The fathers were the
      staff, teachers, the ones who raped them. We never knew what happened
      to the babies, but they were always disappearing. The pregnant girls
      were taken to the Alberni hospital and then came back without their
      babies. Always. The staff killed those babies to cover their tracks.
      They were paid by the church and government to be rapists and
      murderers. (Testimony of Irene Starr to Kevin Annett, Vancouver, BC,
      August 23, 1998)

      Article II (b): Causing serious bodily or mental harm

      Early in the residential schools era, the Indian Affairs
      Superintendent, Duncan Campbell Scott, outlined the purpose of the
      schools thus: "to kill the Indian within the Indian".

      Clearly, the genocidal assault on aboriginals was not only physical
      but spiritual: European culture wished to own the minds and the souls
      of the native nations, to turn the Indians it hadn't killed into
      third-class replicas of white people.

      Expressing the "virtues" of genocide, Alfred Caldwell, principal of
      the United Church school in Ahousat on Vancouver Island's west coast,
      wrote in 1938:
      The problem with the Indians is one of morality and religion. They
      lack the basic fundamentals of civilized thought and spirit, which
      explains their childlike nature and behavior. At our school we
      strive to turn them into mature Christians who will learn how to
      behave in the world and surrender their barbaric way of life and their
      treaty rights which keep them trapped on their land and in a primitive
      existence. Only then will the Indian problem in our country be solved.
      (Rev. A. E. Caldwell to Indian Agent P. D. Ashbridge, Ahousat, BC, Nov
      12, 1938)

      The fact that this same principal is named by eyewitnesses as the
      murderer of at least two children - one of them in the same month that
      he wrote this letter - is no accident, for cultural genocide spills
      effortlessly over into killing, as the Nazis proved so visibly to the

      Nevertheless, Caldwell's letter illuminates two vital points for the
      purpose of this discussion of mental and bodily harm inflicted on
      native students: (a) the residential schools were a vast project in
      mind control, and (b) the underlying aim of this "reprogramming" of
      native children was to force aboriginals off their ancestral lands in
      order to allow whites access to them.

      To quote Alberni survivor Harriett Nahanee:
      They were always pitting us against each other, getting us to fight
      and molest one another. It was all designed to split us up and
      brainwash us so that we would forget that we were Keepers of the Land.
      The Creator gave our people the job of protecting the land, the fish,
      the forests. That was our purpose for being alive. But the whites
      wanted it all, and the residential schools were the way they got it.
      And it worked. We've forgotten our sacred task, and now the whites
      have most of the land and have taken all the fish and the trees. Most
      of us are in poverty, addictions, family violence. And it all started
      in the schools, where we were brainwashed to hate our own culture and
      to hate ourselves so that we would lose everything. That's why I say
      that the genocide is still going on. (Testimony of Harriett Nahanee to
      Kevin Annett, North Vancouver, BC, December 11, 1995)

      It was only after the assumption of guardianship powers by the west
      coast school principals, between 1933 and 1941, that the first
      evidence of organized pedophile networks in those residential schools
      emerges. For such a regime was legally and morally free to do whatever
      it wanted to its captive native students.

      The residential schools became a safe haven - one survivor calls it a
      "free fire zone" - for pedophiles, murderers and brutal doctors
      needing live test subjects for drug testing or genetic and cancer

      Particular schools, such as the Catholic one at Kuper Island and the
      United Church's Alberni school, became special centers where
      extermination techniques were practiced with impunity on native
      children from all over the province, alongside the usual routine of
      beatings, rapes and farming out of children to influential pedophiles.

      Much of the overt mental and bodily harm done to native students was
      designed to break down traditional tribal loyalties along kinship
      lines by pitting children against each other and cutting them off from
      their natural bonds. Boys and girls were strictly segregated in
      separate dormitories and could never meet.

      One survivor describes never seeing her little brother for years, even
      though he was in the same building at the Alert Bay Anglican school.
      And when children at the schools broke into each other's dormitories
      and older boys and girls were caught exchanging intimacies, the most
      severe punishments were universally applied. According to a female
      survivor who attended the Alberni school in 1959:
      They used the gauntlet on a boy and girl who were caught together
      kissing. The two of them had to crawl naked down a line of other
      students, and we beat them with sticks and whips provided by the
      principal. The girl was beaten so badly she died from kidney failure.
      That gave us all a good lesson: if you tried having normal feelings
      for someone, you'd get killed for it. So we quickly learned never to
      love or trust anyone, just do what we were told to do. (Testimony of
      anonymous woman from the Pacheedat Nation, Port Renfrew, BC, October
      12, 1996)

      According to Harriett Nahanee:
      The residential schools created two kinds of Indians: slaves and
      sellouts. And the sellouts are still in charge. The rest of us do
      what we're told. The band council chiefs have been telling everyone on
      our reserve not to talk to the Tribunal and have been threatening to
      cut our benefits if we do. (Harriett Nahanee to Kevin Annett, June 12,

      The nature of that system of torture was not haphazard. For example,
      the regular use of electric shocks on children who spoke their
      language or were "disobedient" was a widespread phenomenon in
      residential schools of every denomination across Canada. This was not
      a random but an institutionalized device.

      Specially constructed torture chambers with permanent electric chairs,
      often operated by medical personnel, existed at the Alberni and Kuper
      Island schools in British Columbia, at the Spanish Catholic school in
      Ontario, and in isolated hospital facilities run by the churches and
      Department of Indian Affairs in northern Quebec, Vancouver Island and
      rural Alberta, according to eyewitnesses.

      Mary Anne Nakogee-Davis of Thunder Bay, Ontario, was tortured in an
      electric chair by nuns at the Catholic Spanish residential school in
      1963 when she was eight years old. She states:
      The nuns used it as a weapon. It was done on me on more than one
      occasion. They would strap your arms to the metal arm rests, and it
      would jolt you and go through your system. I don't know what I did
      that was bad enough to have that done to me. (From The London Free
      Press, London, Ontario, October 22, 1996)

      Such torture also occurred at facilities operated by the churches with
      Department of Indian Affairs money, similar to the sterilization
      programs identified at the W. R. Large Memorial Hospital in Bella
      Bella and the Nanaimo Indian Hospital.

      Frank Martin, a Carrier native from northern BC, describes his
      forcible confinement and use in experiments at the Brannen Lake Reform
      School near Nanaimo in 1963 and 1964:
      I was kidnapped from my village when I was nine and sent off to the
      Brannen Lake school in Nanaimo. A local doctor gave me a shot and I
      woke up in a small cell, maybe ten feet by twelve. I was kept in there
      like an animal for fourteen months. They brought me out every morning
      and gave me electric shocks to my head until I passed out. Then in the
      afternoon I'd go for these X-rays and they'd expose me to them for
      minutes on end. They never told me why they were doing it. But I got
      lung cancer when I was eighteen and I've never smoked. (Videotaped
      testimony of Frank Martin to Eva Lyman and Kevin Annett, Vancouver,
      July 16, 1998)

      Such quack experimentation combined with brutal sadism characterized
      these publicly funded facilities, especially the notorious Nanaimo
      Indian Hospital. David Martin of Powell River, BC, was taken to this
      hospital in 1958 at the age of five and used in experiments attested
      to by Joan Morris, Harry Wilson and other witnesses quoted in this
      report. According to David:
      I was told I had tuberculosis, but I was completely healthy; no
      symptoms of TB at all. So they sent me to Nanaimo Indian Hospital and
      strapped me down in a bed there for more than six months. The doctors
      gave me shots every day that made me feel really sick, and made my
      skin all red and itchy. I heard the screams of other Indian kids who
      were locked away in isolation rooms. We were never allowed in there to
      see them. Nobody ever told me what they were doing to all of us in
      there. (David Martin to Kevin Annett, Vancouver, November 12, 2000)

      A recurring and regular torture at<br/><br/>(Message over 64 KB, truncated)
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