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WRECK: Sinister Sonic Traps

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  • ninplant@xs4all.nl
    wReck thiS meSS ~ Radio Patapoe 97.2 ~ Amsterdam Ethno-Illogical Psycho-Radiographies: no. 262: Sinister Sonic Traps Maandag, 26 Juli 2004 (17.00 to 19.00) *
    Message 1 of 1 , Sep 20, 2004
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      wReck thiS meSS ~ Radio Patapoe 97.2 ~ Amsterdam

      Ethno-Illogical Psycho-Radiographies: no. 262: Sinister Sonic Traps

      Maandag, 26 Juli 2004 (17.00 to 19.00) * [yes, terribly backed up and late]

      "The conscious and intelligent manipulation of the organized habits
      and opinions
      of the masses is an important element in democratic society. Those who
      manipulate this unseen mechanism of society constitute an invisible
      government which is the true ruling power of our country."
      o Edward Bernays in 1928 book Propaganda

      "Some of Š have expressed concern, however, in the U.S.A over the
      Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) software called Carnivore,
      which is designed to monitor email. It is akin to the U.K Regulatory
      Powers bill that allows
      the powers that be to intercept emails via Internet Service
      Providers. The whole business of snooping on
      emails and Internet use is a contentious civil liberties one, which
      is closely related to the
      covert world of intelligence agencies and espionage."
      o For more information on Carnivore
      http://videolab.uoregon.edu/nanog/carnivore/

      ~~~~~~~~~~


      Murder CBP > One Kilo of Black Bondage [1]
      Murder CBP [Hip Hop] > One Kilo of Black Bondage [1]
      Kung Fu Fighting > Carl Douglas vs Adrian Sherwood On-U Sound [2]
      Octave Moin Un > Rx:Tx [3]
      Life's A Funny Old Proposition > Slim [1a]
      Signifying Monkey > Victor [1a]
      Kung Fu Fighting > Carl Douglas vs Uptone / Silly Walks [2]
      Oiseaux-Mouches > Rx:Tx [3]
      Poolshooting Monkey > Joe [1a]
      Titanic > Slim [1a]
      Cocaine Nell > Phil [1a]
      Smoke Screen > Lena [4]
      Peek A Boo Part One > DJ Signify [5]
      Le Miroir S'Observe > Rx:Tx [3]
      Pingpong Joe > Danny [1a]
      From left to Right > Boom Bip [5]
      Waterbed > Rx:Tx [3]
      Dogass Pimp > Phil [1a]
      Trigga the Whistla > Tes vs Black Dice [5]
      Eneby Kurs > Subtle [5]
      Pimp's Toast > Anonymous [1a]
      Under False Rulers > Lena [4]
      Storm Blowin' > Lena [4]
      Other Side of the Black Hole > Sensational [6]
      Wah Gwan? > Lena [4]
      We Move > Flanger [7]
      The Pimp > Anonymous [1a]
      Corner of 47th & South Park > Phil [1a]
      Floating roots > Lena [4]
      Angel of Love > Flanger [7]
      Feeble Old Man > Phil [1a]
      Jesse James > Phil [1a]
      Moglo > One Kilo of Black Bondage [1]
      Nightbeat 2 > Flanger [7]
      Freaks' Ball > Mack [1a]
      Strange, Strange Things > Phil [1a]
      You Got To Hurry > Negro Prison Work Camp Inmates [8]
      Bond > One Kilo of Black Bondage [1]
      Stepping Out of My Dream > Flanger [7]
      Treacherous Breast > Victor [1a]
      They Can't Do That > John [1a]
      Sad Pinocchio 8 > One Kilo of Black Bondage [1]
      Rosie > C.B. "88" Cook & Axe Gang [8]
      Kung Fu Fighting > Carl Douglas vs Dubbelstadart [2]

      ~~~~~~~~

      [1] "One Kilo of Black Bondage" Pre-release. Great cracked crackling
      punk hip hop electronica with some poesie some Bukowski some great
      Parisian post-electronica musicianship and mucho decibels - soothing
      and stimulating, anger with some finesse.

      [1a] "Get Your Ass in the Water and Swim Like Me" published by
      Routledge <www.routledge-ny.com>, Bruce Jackson has written and
      collected a book of African-American narrative poetry based on oral
      transmission. Very nice literary companion to the Blues and those
      into the origins of rap and hip hop. Here you get the jivin' and
      toastin' and braggin' and tall tales and gigantic but entertaining
      lies - like all anxiety-mediating mythology it deals with people
      bigger than life. Some very mean-ass, mofo, and rip roarin' material
      that takes Brer Rabbit by the paw into the brothel via Needle ParkŠ

      [2] "Kung Fu Fighting" on Echo Beach <www.echobeach.de>. sinful load
      of retro campy inspiration. Don't go to your next party without it.
      Remixing the classic KFF are Noiseshaper, Dreadzone, Kid Loco,
      Sherwood, Audio Active, Pole[!], Seeed, among othersŠ Exhilarating
      and pure post-pop iconoclastic homage.

      [3] "Drosophiles et Doryphores" on Rx:Tx <www.rx-tx.org>. Brilliant
      flawless electronica renovates inspired jazzŠ and now that absinthe
      is again legal in the EU [I've seen it in shop windows, bought a
      bottle at my local "dealer"]Š the perfect sonic aperatif.

      [4] "Floating Roots" on Quatermass [pre-release]. Brilliant fusion of
      electronica, wordsmithing, white noise, deep digi-dread beats, some
      post-Gary Clail toasting, deep bass and creative reinvention of dub
      that seems to be part of the Paris renaissance of dubŠ Lena named
      after a wandering Faulkner character is an omniverous unit that
      combines world musics from Africa with minimal techno from Germany
      but almost always with dubbish echoes as mental-sonic ballast.

      [5] "Lexample" on Lex Records <www.lexrecords.com> Interesting but
      not always successful morphing and fusion of electronica, gloom
      metal, hip hop, glitchy tick-hop and industrial-techo.

      [6] "Heavyweighter" on WordSound <www.wordsound.com>. The bombastic
      subterranean verbalizer and tongue gymnast does his best to stem the
      tide of piss-rich "niggaz" as he makes matter matter. This guy can
      verbalize with the best hinting at the boasty toasting of

      [7] "Midnight Sound" on Ninja Tune. Great jazzy material from
      many-mad-hatted Burnt Friedman and Senor Coconut funneled through all
      the post-modern corsets like a hot vat of silicone and
      post-liposuctioned reprocessed fat.

      [8] "Negro Prison Work Camp Songs" on Folkways, 1956. Recorded in
      1951 by Toshi, Pete Seeger and others at the Ramsey and Retrieve
      State Farms in Texas. This is among the most resilient of the
      Follkways recordings.

      ~*~*~*~

      o Technical agents working feverishly to get Patapoe back in the air
      assure that we will return to the air and internet next week around
      25 September [?!?]. We will be reinvesting some time in trying to
      come to terms with the mutually-exclusive needs for chaos and order -
      how about a conscious feel of chaos with all the reliability and
      focus that some sense of order can offer? In any case, Patapoe has
      too many audio junkies waiting for the word go, to start with
      inveterate sonic experimentation. In the mean time I have accumulated
      an incredible cache of new music from people and labels like e:mit,
      tiny bill cody, carolina cotton, Lena, Paniculture, Leo Ferré, Czech
      Republic's Indie Records, Rasp Hasp, Radio Worm, Mili Moji, Minimal
      Self, Radio Libertaire's homage to Jacques Perdereau [radiomaker of
      Epsilonia], Tempsion, Rosalie Allen, bill Haley's yodeling days!,
      French Dub Ssytem, Dubbelstandart, toyko Zones, new from Music Works,
      Jablkon, Ataxia, Dr. Dr. Jazz, Trios & Roger Reynolds from Pogus,
      Frank Martel Fanfare Pourpour, RFCL, new JUDY NYLON, Vox Populari
      Mix, Ran Slavin, ac v3, Kientzy, ne Bip Hop Generation vol 7, the
      Pencilneck, Steve Buchanan, Tom Hamilton's "London Fix", Toby
      Twining, Persistence of Secrets, Peeni Waali & Lee Scratch Perry
      yodeling, Noise Factory, Popular Electronic Uzak, new Suicide, new
      Sonic Youth, Etant Donnes, and moreŠ

      o Resonance 104.4 FM - The Art of Listening: London's experimental
      radio art station: broadcasting live across central London and
      webstreamed around the world via <http://www.resonancefm.com>. This
      station proves that quality can be stimulating and revolutionary.
      Check out John Wynne's periodic programmes and WFMU's own Dave
      "Shyboy" Mandl's sonic manifestos and lots of in-depth investigations.

      o After the Olympics and the ever-increasing focus on nationalism I
      remembered one of my favorite pop gestures EVER on television. It is
      the 1968 Olympics, one of the less-advertised amazing tragedies and
      scandals involving Mexico, host of those Olympics. I remember how
      inspired I was by the gestures of Tommy Smith and Juan Carlos'
      black-gloved fists in defiance of sports and business as-is. It meant
      that sports can be a platform for political utterance despite the
      political-expedient notion that it is without politics. I have always
      been fascinated by political gestures in unlikely places - sports,
      Hollywood, pop musicŠ Donald Nicholson-Smith, "Black Glove / White
      Glove: Revisiting Mexico's 1968"
      <http://info.interactivist.net/article.pl?sid=04/09/06/1744215>
      Details it. "For all the inevitable talk of Olympiads past, we
      haven't heard much (in the U.S. media at any rate), about the 1968
      Games in Mexico City, formally opened by President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz
      on 12 October of that seminal year in an atmosphere redolent,
      according to the New York Times, of "pageantry, brotherhood and
      peace." Just ten days earlier, Díaz Ordaz - for many reasons, but
      certainly out of determination that the Games should proceed
      unmolested by social protest - had unleashed the combined power of
      the Mexican military and police forces on a mass of unarmed student
      demonstrators and other civilians, shooting and bayoneting to death
      more than three hundred of them, then covering up the scale of the
      slaughter and attendant torture and disappearances. The International
      Olympic Committee, though one of its members had witnessed corpses
      being piled onto lorries for removal from the killing ground of the
      Plaza de las Tres Culturas, voted in an emergency meeting to carry on
      regardless. Politically speaking, the 1968 Games would be remembered
      in the world at large not for the myriad victims of Mexican state
      terror (as Octavio Paz called it), but for the black-gloved right
      fists, raised in a silent but eloquent call for black power, of the
      Americans Tommie Smith and John Carlos, the two-hundred-meter gold-
      and bronze-medal winners. The two were promptly ejected from the
      proceedings by the tidy-minded Olympic Committee.

      But for Mexicans, for Mexico, October 1968 would be remembered for
      the bloody defeat of a massive, three-month-old student movement that
      had begun, or so it seemed, seriously to challenge the sclerosed
      authoritarian rule of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI).
      And it would be the single white glove worn as identification by
      members of the 'Olympia Battalion' - a secret army unit of thugs who
      went among the students on 2 October arresting them and beating them
      up - that would eventually come to symbolize this watershed in the
      nation's history. For though the 'Tlatelolco Massacre' - so named for
      the housing estate where the event took place - spelt defeat for the
      burgeoning student-led protest movement of 1968, it was also,
      indubitably, the beginning of the decline of the PRI's hegemony, even
      though fully thirty-two years would elapse before Vicente Fox's
      election in 2000. Appropriately enough, Díaz Ordaz foresaw nothing of
      the erosive process ahead: 'Mexico will be the same before and after
      Tlatelolco [and] because of Tlatelolco,' he concluded in his memoirs.
      As Enrique Krauze notes in his Mexico: Biography of Power, 1810-1996
      (English translation by Hank Heifetz, New York: HarperCollins, 1997),
      "he could not have been more mistaken."Š

      o This goes a long way toward explaining my gut feelings and my
      analysis of the state of the US - sad as it seems. I always got this
      feeling crossing the states. There are always small pockets/cells of
      desperate and hopeful open-minded even intellect-craving people, yes,
      but they feel such a strong communal link with you because they feel
      so desperately isolated in their own surroundings - step out of a
      college town and feel the serrated edge of a culture gone paranoid,
      incestuous and almost proudly anti-intellectual and anti-curious,
      always filtered through the spin that they are the victims of
      something even bigger. anyway, all the wonderful protests in NY
      during the RNC fall on deaf ears: 1. Because the national media
      didn't cover it [so much for liberal slant of the media, the myth
      which the cons keep perpetuating so that they can continue to portray
      themselves as gallant david's against a cruel goliath] 2. because
      what little did trickle thru only helped to reinforce the idea that
      NY is NOT the US and that the left fringe is hysterically out of
      touch and old-fashioned; 3. when you are a fundamentalist and have
      given over your sense of critical analysis comfortably over to belief
      then there is no arguing and so all the most obvious points about
      Bush and republicans do NOT matter when you are a believer. The
      following article will also fall on blind eyes: 1. Americans for the
      most part don't read foreign papers and don't care what foreigners
      [not even allies like the Brits think of them except when they are
      traveling in Europe] think or write. When you point out how much
      attention the foreign press pays to the US [but also the rest of the
      world] especially the US, it doesn't make most take pause about how
      their news is processed but it is only one more indication of
      Europeans' envy of the might and rightness of the USŠ

      America's revolution
      If you think you know America, you'll think again when you read this
      remarkable dispatch by John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge from
      the heartland of the US - where it's cool to be conservative. This
      article appeared in The Sunday Times August 22, 2004

      Sitting on a sofa with their plastic cups of coffee, Dustin and Maura
      look like a couple of twentysomethings in a creative writing course:
      a sprawl of slightly scruffy sweatshirts, jeans and sneakers, Dustin
      in a baseball cap, Maura with her blonde hair tied behind her head
      with a Native American band. They both recently graduated from
      liberal-arts colleges on the East Coast, and they have travelled
      around most of Europe. Maura has done a spell at the European
      parliament; Dustin interned at the White House, and is thinking about
      politics. And those politics? Both are working for the Republican
      party in Colorado Springs, one of the most conservative cities in
      America.

      Both immediately volunteer John Ashcroft, President Bush's
      fire-breathing attorney-general, as someone they admire. Both are
      pro-life "under any circumstances". Both support capital punishment
      and oppose gun control ("At college, people were like, 'Why does
      anybody need guns?' and I was like, 'Have you ever been to a ranch?'
      "). Both go to church every week. Both passionately support school
      vouchers. Both think government should be smaller and prison
      sentences tougher. Both regard the United Nations as a bit of a joke
      and support the decision to withdraw from the Kyoto environmental
      protocol. They dissent from others on the right on some things. They
      dislike any intolerance toward gays, and they were initially nervous
      about dealing with Saddam Hussein unilaterally, though they both
      eventually supported Bush's decision to invade Iraq.

      For Dustin and Maura, conservatism is a progressive creed. It is not
      about old people trying to cling to things, but about young people
      trying to change them. And that, they insist, is what America is all
      about too. Few in Colorado Springs would dispute that assertion.
      Nestled in the Rockies, it is one of America's most successful
      cities. It spawned a successful revolt against state taxes, and it is
      the home of about 100 Christian organisations. The biggest, Focus on
      the Family, is enormously influential in Republican circles.
      Europeans prefer to dismiss people like Dustin and Maura, and places
      like Colorado Springs, as the extreme fringe of American society. In
      fact, however, at least one in three Americans supports all the
      principles that Dustin and Maura believe in. On the death penalty,
      taxes and tough sentences, Dustin and Maura stand firmly with the
      majority. Twice as many Americans describe themselves as
      "conservative" (41%) as describe themselves as "liberal" (19%).

      Wander around America - particularly the south and west - and you'll
      find plenty of towns that feel like Colorado Springs. As Republicans
      never stop pointing out, the counties that voted for Bush four years
      ago take up far more of the map than the ones that voted for Al Gore.
      These places help to explain modern America. They explain why Bush is
      in the White House, why the Republican party has won six of the past
      nine presidential elections and controls both houses of Congress, why
      every serious Democratic candidate for president supports mandatory
      sentencing and welfare reform, why the cultural capitals of Hollywood
      and Manhattan - the America that Europeans know - remain the
      exception and why the much-disdained "flyover" land that lies between
      them is the rule. This is not to say that America is on the verge of
      becoming a giant Colorado Springs. There are millions of Americans
      trying to pull the country in the opposite direction: witness the
      enormous groundswell of support on the left for Howard Dean's
      ultimately unsuccessful campaign for the Democratic presidential
      nomination. America is more polarised than it has been for decades.

      Yet there is no doubt which pole is exerting the most power. The
      right has been forcing its opponents in the Democratic party to make
      compromises. Bush-haters in Europe might imagine that a Bush defeat
      in November would bring their nightmare to an end. But a Democratic
      president would still have to deal not just with the Republicans in
      Congress but with Colorado Springs, with Focus on the Family, with
      Dustin and Maura - with the huge part of America that is the Right
      Nation. AMERICA is different. Not only has it produced a far more
      potent conservative movement than anything available in other rich
      countries; America as a whole is a more conservative place. The
      centre of gravity of American opinion is much further to the right -
      and the whole world needs to understand what that means.

      Most Americans do not realise how extraordinary their brand of
      conservatism is. The American left - unions, academics, public-sector
      workers - have their equivalents overseas; but Dustin, Maura, Focus
      on the Family, the angry taxpayers and the militant gun-owners are
      distinctly American. America tolerates lower levels of government
      spending than other advanced countries, and far higher levels of
      inequality, at least in terms of wealth. One in six American
      households earned less than 35% of the median income in 2002. In
      Britain, one of Europe's more unequal countries, the proportion of
      similarly disadvantaged households is closer to one in 20. America
      is the only developed nation that does not have a full
      government-supported healthcare system, and the only western
      democracy that does not provide child support to all families.
      America upholds the right to bear arms, the death penalty and strict
      sentencing laws: its imprisonment rate is five times that of Britain,
      the toughest sentencer in Europe. It is much more willing to
      contemplate the use of force in human affairs, even unilaterally, and
      much more wary of treaties than its allies.

      The Right Nation has also been a Righteous Nation. Until the fall of
      the Berlin Wall, it thought that it had a God-given task to redeem
      the world from the evils of communism, and to redeem America from any
      hint that it might slacken in this task. Now it is organising around
      the struggle against terrorism. The more other countries question
      America's war plan, the more the redeemer nation is convinced of its
      rightness....

      The United States is one of the few rich countries where abortion is
      a galvanising political issue, and perhaps the only one where half
      the families regularly say grace before meals. It has taken a far
      tougher line on stem-cell research than almost any other country.
      Some of these positions are "Republican", but most of them enjoy
      broad-based support. In no other country is the right defined so
      much by values rather than class. The best predictor of whether a
      white American votes Republican is not his or her income but how
      often he or she goes to church. In 2000 Bush won just 54% of the
      votes of those Americans who earned more than $100,000 a year; but he
      won 79% of the votes of those whites who went to church more than
      once a week (and only 33% of those who never went)Š.

      There are numerous exceptions to this exceptionalism. American
      conservatism cannot help but contain contradictions because it
      contains so many vital elements. There are thousands of conservative
      activists, hundreds of conservative think tanks, a small army of
      conservative intellectuals. One useful book of conservative experts,
      published by the Heritage Foundation, the movement's biggest think
      tank, is as thick as a telephone directory. On the positive side,
      this pluralism helps to explain why it is such a big and vibrant
      movement. Yet the broad church also means that people are often
      worshipping different gods. Look at Colorado Springs and you'll find
      at least three competing forms of conservatism: the laissez- faire
      individualism of the tax-cut- ters and gun-owners, the Christian
      moralism of Focus on the Family, and the militaristic nationalism
      represented by a neighbouring US Air Force Academy and the bumper
      stickers laughing at Saddam.

      How can you trumpet a strong military and a vigorous foreign policy
      and then insist on small government? How can you celebrate
      individualism but then try to subject those individuals to the rule
      of God? Wherever you go in the Right Nation, you discover similar
      contradictions. Neither of the first two definitions of conservatism
      offered by the Concise Oxford Dictionary - "adverse to rapid change"
      and "moderate, avoiding extremes" - seems a particularly good
      description of what is happening in America at the moment. Similarly,
      the American right diverges from Edmund Burke, classical
      conservatism's most eloquent proponent. His creed might be crudely
      reduced to six principles. Modern American conservatism exaggerates
      the first three: patriotism, a deep suspicion of the power of the
      state and a preference for liberty over equality. But it takes a
      resolutely liberal approach to the other three: elitism, a belief in
      established hierarchies and scepticism about progress. Far from being
      elitist, Republicans play the populist card. Even George W Bush, a
      president's son who was educated at elite schools, has successfully
      played up his role as a down-to-earth Texan taking on the might of
      Washington. As for hierarchies, the heroes of modern American
      conservatism are not paternalist squires but rugged individualists
      who don't know their place: entrepreneurs who build mighty businesses
      out of nothing, settlers who move out west and, of course, the cowboy.

      The geography of conservatism also helps to explain its optimism
      about progress. Most American conservatives think that the world
      offers all sorts of wonderful possibilities. Spend any time with a
      group of Republicans, and their enthusiasm for the future can be
      positively exhausting. Despite its populism, however, American
      conservatism is not as popular as it likes to think. The right may be
      in the driver's seat and it may help to explain why the United States
      is different, but the right is not the United States. Jim Dobson,
      founder of Focus on the Family, can attract 8m Americans every week
      to his radio station to hear about the evils of homosexuality; but
      Will & Grace, a sitcom with openly gay characters, is watched by 20m
      a week. Hence the importance of the conservative movement. No matter
      how much they claim to represent the real America, conservatives have
      succeeded because, in a country where only half the electorate
      bothers to vote, they are better organised than other sorts of
      Americans. When Hillary Clinton talked about a vast right-wing
      conspiracy levelled against her husband's presidency, conservative
      activists could complain about the tone of her charge much more than
      they could about its substance. There is far more cohesion to the
      conservative movement - not just at the local level but also at the
      national level - than most Americans realise.
      EVIDENCE of this organising prowess is on display every Wednesday in
      Washington. The day begins at Grover Norquist's weekly breakfast
      meeting at his Americans for Tax Reform on L Street. This used to be
      a fairly eccentric affair: the unhygienic libertarian types who
      attended were known as "droolers". Nowadays, more than 100 people
      come, a third of them women. The activists include lobbyists from the
      National Rifle Association, Christian Coalition staffers, home
      schoolers, free-market fundamentalists, Orthodox Jews, Muslim
      businesspeople, contrarian blacks, intellectuals from the Cato
      Institute, congressmen, senators, the odd visiting governor
      (including Owens of Colorado) and, of course, a contingent from the
      White House. Karl Rove, Bush's chief political adviser, makes a point
      of turning up several times a year.

      The gathering is impeccably egalitarian. Conservative grandees such
      as Rove, Owens or Newt Gingrich sit next to student activists fresh
      off the Greyhound bus. Every available surface is piled high with
      conservative literature: flyers advertising upcoming events; issue
      papers and reports; comment pieces from The Wall Street Journal and
      The Washington Times; booklets about government waste; the latest
      offerings from the American Enterprise Institute. Throughout the
      meeting people walk around the room handing out yet more material.
      Here are details on an attempt to raise taxes in Oregon: can anybody
      help stop it? Has anyone heard of the dastardly attempt to prevent
      Mars from being opened to private enterprise? Now is the time to nip
      it in the bud. Š

      Visit the annual Conservative Political Action Conference, the
      right's main beanfest held between the Republican conventions, and
      you'll discover fresh-faced young men buying George W Bush dolls and
      queueing up at the Traditional Values Coalition to fling beanbags at
      grotesque trolls called "Hillary Clinton", "the Liberal Media" and
      "the Homosexual Agenda". WHAT will become of the right? It's a
      pertinent question, because 50 years ago America lacked a real
      conservative ideology, let alone a cohesive Right Nation. When Dwight
      Eisenhower came to power in 1952, he prided himself as being above
      ideology. In the 1960s, the Kennedy administration wore its civilised
      European values on its sleeve. Liberals advocated the creation of a
      European-style welfare state, particularly through Lyndon Johnson's
      Great Society programme. They imposed greater restrictions on
      firearms and mounted campaigns to outlaw executions, legalise
      abortion and introduce not just racial equality but positive
      discrimination in favour of minorities. Š

      Despite some demographic trends that favour the Democrats, the
      Republicans seem to have more of the future on their side: they are
      the party of entrepreneurs rather than government employees, of
      growing suburbs rather than declining inner cities, of the expanding
      southwest rather than the stagnant northeast.

      Bush does not have to prevail, however, for America to remain in the
      thrall of the Right Nation. A Democratic presidential victory would
      barely change America's conservative stance. For the foreseeable
      future the Democrats will be a relatively conservative party by
      European standards. They rely for their cash almost as heavily on big
      business and wealthy individuals as the Republicans do. They cannot
      win an election unless they regain the "conservatives of the heart".
      A Democratic administration might try to reduce the use of the death
      penalty, but it is unlikely to push states to abolish it. It might
      restrict the use of guns, but it would not ban them. Overseas, it
      would probably support Ariel Sharon no less trenchantly and would
      surely have no chance of persuading Congress to ratify the Kyoto
      protocol. America would still be different.

      The more time you spend in the Right Nation, the more you are struck
      by its sense of certainty. Billy Graham, the man who rescued the
      young George W Bush from his dissolute life, once said simply: "I
      know where I've come from. I know why I'm here, and I know where I'm
      going." The same confidence resounds from Colorado Springs to the
      rolling mid-western plains. It sits at the heart of the Right Nation:
      conservative America is "right" not just in the sense of being
      conservative but also in the sense that it is sure it is right. That
      righteousness helps to explain the paradox of the United States: why
      America is often both the most admired country and the most reviled,
      why it is hailed as a symbol of success, opportunity and progress and
      also of intolerance, injustice and inequality. That paradox will
      endure as long as the Right Nation itself.

      © John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge 2004. Extracted from The
      Right Nation: Why America is Different by John Micklethwait & Adrian
      Wooldridge.

      ~~~~

      Send all sound material for airplay and review to:
      Wreck This MeSS
      Radio 100 / Radio Patapoe
      bart plantenga
      Zeilstraat 23 / II
      1075 SB Amsterdam
      the Netherlands

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      courtesy of Pavement Tulip, a genius stuck in the body of a Polish
      skier in Brooklyn's inner denouement.

      __________________

      SDI > SELF DESTRUCTION INSURED >
      CONTACT ninplant@... FOR REMOVAL

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