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WRECK: Trains / Planes / Migraines

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  • ninplant@xs4all.nl
    wreck thiS meSS on Radio 100 ° Amsterdam ° 99.3 FM Pyscho-audiographic Dérives #115: Trains / Planes / Migraines Solely Live webcast
    Message 1 of 1 , Jan 5, 2004
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      wreck thiS meSS on Radio 100 ° Amsterdam ° 99.3 FM

      Pyscho-audiographic Dérives #115: Trains / Planes / Migraines

      Solely Live webcast <www.desk.nl/~dfm/>

      Friday 20 September 2003 [24:00 - 3:15 AM]

      Sea Spirits > Kristi Allik [DISContact III / CEC]
      Concorde: Flight Deck / Take-off [Essential Transport / BBC]
      707 > Grand Mal [Perfect Fit / Unsounds]
      Welcome to Skandinavien > Penumbra [Skandinavien / Iris Light]
      Space Murmur > DJ Cor Blimey [DJ Cor Blimey & His Pigeon / Unsounds]
      Snow Drops > General Strike [personal tape]
      Send > Chantal Dumas [DISContact III / CEC]
      + Tired > Eindzeit Generation [personal tape]
      A Short Tale > Rajmil Fischman [DISContact III / CEC]
      50 Kilos of Uncut Metropoline > Philosophy Major [Hypnerotomachia / WordSound]
      D.I.N. v 2.3 > Tin.rp [qfg: a compilation / Parametric]
      Answering Machine Nina 1995 [personal tape]
      Ades > Ioannis Kalatzis [DISContact III / CEC]
      Soft in the Middle > Zonk't [qfg: a compilation / Parametric]
      Stroke of a Wing > Hideko Kwamoto [DISContact III / CEC]
      Pleure > Ultra Milkmaids [qfg: a compilation / Parametric]
      And Time Stands Still > Michael Konkin [DISContact III / CEC]
      Infrajazz > Laurent Pernice [Infrajazz / Land]
      Galets > Hubert Michel [DISContact III / CEC]
      Trafic Tout Suite Remix > Mocky [Cinemix / Universal]
      To Dine in Distance > Headphone Science [We Remain Faded / No Type]
      Configuring Your Audio System > Junkie XL [Radio JXL: Broadcast from
      the Computer Hell Cabin / Roadrunner]
      Let's Make a Bomb > Heaven 17 [Penthouse & Pavement / Virgin]
      Clindamycin > Tomas Jirku [Bleak 1999 / No Type]
      Autoretrato > Paniculture [Black/White / Paniculture]
      Li > Tomas Jirku [Bleak 1999 / No Type]
      Ten Fingers > Paniculture [Black/White / Paniculture]
      Dual Energy X-Ray > FjellestadKowaldReasonRobinson [Dual Resonance /
      Ploutonium > Laurent Pernice [Infrajazz / Land]
      A Little Knowledge > Scritti Politti [Cupid & Psyche 85 / Virgin]
      Seti Project > Biosphere [Patashnik / R& S Records]
      Glyburide > Tomas Jirku [Bleak 1999 / No Type]
      Elvis Phone Sex > Vanilla Bean [personal tape]
      Aurora Viaduct > Evidence [Out of Town / Deep Listening]
      I'm Your DJ > Lil Wally [personal radio show tape]
      Trafficopalypse > b/art [personal tape]
      Aurora Viaduct > Evidence [Out of Town / Deep Listening]
      A New York Minute > Alan Licht [A New York Minute / XI]
      Accidentasia > b/art [personal tape]
      Weather Radio > 1.18.92 [personal tape]
      A New York Minute Continued > Alan Licht [A New York Minute / XI]
      2 Heaven 2 > Laurent Pernice [Infrajazz / Land]
      Da Da Da > Trio [Da Da Da / Mercury]
      Good Sign > Jad Fair vs R. Stevie Moore [FairMoore / Old Gold]
      Smash The Good Offensive > Spaceheads [Low Pressure / Bip Hop]
      The Leech > ZGA [The Flight of Infection / Tariff Records]
      Worm Mini Hiniekens > the Agriculture [32]
      Face > Arca [Angles / Les Disques du Soleil]
      Lullaby > Grand Mal [Perfect Fit / Unsounds]
      Intro 3 AM > Junkie XL [Radio JXL: Broadcast from the Computer Hell
      Cabin / Roadrunner]


      o This playlist is way out of time sequence as urgent matters such as
      earning a living and playing with my daughter and promoting my yodel
      book got in the way.

      o The status of Radio 100 is still a secret and baffling mystery. 100
      is not on the air but we do broadcast to a sizeable on-line audience.
      A state of shell-shocked complacency has seemed to set in. No one has
      taken the initiative to get it out into the ether again. Those who
      have spent a lot of time working in behalf of 100 behind the scenes
      in the corridors of power and elsewhere are frustrated and it appears
      they feel much of their effort has been pissed into some thankless
      black hole. Meanwhile: there does seem to be a sizeable window of
      opportunity - lots of unfilled airspace and a healthy transmitter,
      some offers to house either or both the studio and/or transmitter and
      lots of DJS and radiomakers who would love to go back on the air. But
      what 100 lacks right now is urgency or willpower and until that
      happens no amount of the Amsterdam mayor's promises [rumored] to
      leave us alone once we are back in the air don't do us no good.

      o "Plans to combat change by raising a 'flatulence tax' on cows and
      sheep were dropped last week by the New Zealand government" From
      Nature magazine, quoted in a 2002 New Yorker.

      o Gorilla Defeats Amsterdam Stock Market - De Volkskrant, 3 January,
      2004: For the 4th year in a row, Jacko, a Gorilla stockbroker from
      the Berlin Zoo has picked a more successful stock packet than the
      Amsterdam Stock Market. The gorilla choose the particular stocks
      utilizing all of his expertise: Bananas were labeled with various
      stocks and the gorilla chose the most attractive bananas. The stocks
      attached to the bananas were then made part of his stock portfolio
      and followed for one year. The success of the gorilla has surprised
      J. Bertgams of beursgorilla.nl but as long as the gorilla keeps
      picking more winners than the stock market average, the gorilla will
      continue to give free advice.

      o When Democracy Failed: The Warnings of History by Thom Hartmann
      [March 16, 2003 by CommonDreams.org - this came to me via Amsterdam
      dubmeister, the Lost Patrol] (an excerpt)

      The 70th anniversary wasn't noticed in the United States, and was
      barely reported in the corporate media. But the Germans remembered
      well that fateful day seventy years ago - February 27, 1933. They
      commemorated the anniversary by joining in demonstrations for peace
      that mobilized citizens all across the world.

      It started when the government, in the midst of a worldwide economic
      crisis, received reports of an imminent terrorist attack. A foreign
      ideologue had launched feeble attacks on a few famous buildings, but
      the media largely ignored his relatively small efforts. The
      intelligence services knew, however, that the odds were he would
      eventually succeed. (Historians are still arguing whether or not
      rogue elements in the intelligence service helped the terrorist; the
      most recent research implies they did not.)

      But the warnings of investigators were ignored at the highest levels,
      in part because the government was distracted; the man who claimed
      to be the nation's leader had not been elected by a majority vote
      and the majority of citizens claimed he had no right to the powers
      he coveted. He was a simpleton, some said, a cartoon character of a
      man who saw things in black-and-white terms and didn't have the
      intellect to understand the subtleties of running a nation in a
      complex and internationalist world. His coarse use of language -
      reflecting his political roots in a southernmost state - and his
      simplistic and often-inflammatory nationalistic rhetoric offended
      the aristocrats, foreign leaders, and the well-educated elite in the
      government and media. And, as a young man, he'd joined a secret
      society with an occult-sounding name and bizarre initiation rituals
      that involved skulls and human bones.

      Nonetheless, he knew the terrorist was going to strike (although he
      didn't know where or when), and he had already considered his
      response. When an aide brought him word that the nation's most
      prestigious building was ablaze, he verified it was the terrorist
      who had struck and then rushed to the scene and called a press

      "You are now witnessing the beginning of a great epoch in history,"
      he proclaimed, standing in front of the burned-out building,
      surrounded by national media. "This fire," he said, his voice
      trembling with emotion, "is the beginning." He used the occasion -
      "a sign from God," he called it - to declare an all-out war on
      terrorism and its ideological sponsors, a people, he said, who
      traced their origins to the Middle East and found motivation for
      their evil deeds in their religion.

      Two weeks later, the first detention center for terrorists was built
      in Oranianberg to hold the first suspected allies of the infamous
      terrorist. In a national outburst of patriotism, the leader's flag
      was everywhere, even printed large in newspapers suitable for window
      display. Within four weeks of the terrorist attack, the nation's
      now-popular leader had pushed through legislation - in the name of
      combating terrorism and fighting the philosophy he said spawned it -
      that suspended constitutional guarantees of free speech, privacy,
      and habeas corpus. Police could now intercept mail and wiretap
      phones; suspected terrorists could be imprisoned without specific
      charges and without access to their lawyers; police could sneak into
      people's homes without warrants if the cases involved terrorism. To
      get his patriotic "Decree on the Protection of People and State"
      passed over the objections of concerned legislators and civil
      libertarians, he agreed to put a 4-year sunset provision on it: if
      the national emergency provoked by the terrorist attack was over by
      then, the freedoms and rights would be returned to the people, and
      the police agencies would be re-restrained. Legislators would later
      say they hadn't had time to read the bill before voting on it.

      Immediately after passage of the anti-terrorism act, his federal
      police agencies stepped up their program of arresting suspicious
      persons and holding them without access to lawyers or courts. In the
      first year only a few hundred were interred, and those who objected
      were largely ignored by the mainstream press, which was afraid to
      offend and thus lose access to a leader with such high popularity
      ratings. Citizens who protested the leader in public - and there
      were many - quickly found themselves confronting the newly empowered
      police's batons, gas, and jail cells, or fenced off in protest zones
      safely out of earshot of the leader's public speeches. (In the
      meantime, he was taking almost daily lessons in public speaking,
      learning to control his tonality, gestures, and facial expressions.
      He became a very competent orator.)

      Within the first months after that terrorist attack, at the
      suggestion of a political advisor, he brought a formerly obscure
      word into common usage. He wanted to stir a "racial pride" among his
      countrymen, so, instead of referring to the nation by its name, he
      began to refer to it as "The Homeland," a phrase publicly promoted
      in the introduction to a 1934 speech recorded in Leni Riefenstahl's
      famous propaganda movie "Triumph Of The Will." As hoped, people's
      hearts swelled with pride, and the beginning of an us-versus-them
      mentality was sewn. Our land was "the" homeland, citizens thought:
      all others were simply foreign lands. We are the "true people," he
      suggested, the only ones worthy of our nation's concern; if bombs
      fall on others, or human rights are violated in other nations and it
      makes our lives better, it's of little concern to us.

      Playing on this new nationalism, and exploiting a disagreement with
      the French over his increasing militarism, he argued that any
      international body that didn't act first and foremost in the best
      interest of his own nation was neither relevant nor useful. He thus
      withdrew his country from the League Of Nations in October, 1933,
      and then negotiated a separate naval armaments agreement with
      Anthony Eden of The United Kingdom to create a worldwide military
      ruling elite.

      His propaganda minister orchestrated a campaign to ensure the people
      that he was a deeply religious man and that his motivations were
      rooted in Christianity. He even proclaimed the need for a revival of
      the Christian faith across his nation, what he called a "New
      Christianity." Every man in his rapidly growing army wore a belt
      buckle that declared "Gott Mit Uns" - God Is With Us - and most of
      them fervently believed it was true. Within a year of the terrorist
      attack, the nation's leader determined that the various local police
      and federal agencies around the nation were lacking the clear
      communication and overall coordinated administration necessary to
      deal with the terrorist threat facing the nation, particularly those
      citizens who were of Middle Eastern ancestry and thus probably
      terrorist and communist sympathizers, and various troublesome
      "intellectuals" and "liberals." He proposed a single new national
      agency to protect the security of the homeland, consolidating the
      actions of dozens of previously independent police, border, and
      investigative agencies under a single leader.

      He appointed one of his most trusted associates to be leader of this
      new agency, the Central Security Office for the homeland, and gave
      it a role in the government equal to the other major departments.
      His assistant who dealt with the press noted that, since the
      terrorist attack, "Radio and press are at out disposal." Those
      voices questioning the legitimacy of their nation's leader, or
      raising questions about his checkered past, had by now faded from
      the public's recollection as his central security office began
      advertising a program encouraging people to phone in tips about
      suspicious neighbors. This program was so successful that the names
      of some of the people "denounced" were soon being broadcast on radio
      stations. Those denounced often included opposition politicians and
      celebrities who dared speak out - a favorite target of his regime and
      the media he now controlled through intimidation and ownership by
      corporate allies.

      To consolidate his power, he concluded that government alone wasn't
      enough. He reached out to industry and forged an alliance, bringing
      former executives of the nation's largest corporations into high
      government positions. A flood of government money poured into
      corporate coffers to fight the war against the Middle Eastern
      ancestry terrorists lurking within the homeland, and to prepare for
      wars overseas. He encouraged large corporations friendly to him to
      acquire media outlets and other industrial concerns across the
      nation, particularly those previously owned by suspicious people of
      Middle Eastern ancestry. He built powerful alliances with industry;
      one corporate ally got the lucrative contract worth millions to
      build the first large-scale detention center for enemies of the
      state. Soon more would follow. Industry flourished.

      But after an interval of peace following the terrorist attack, voices
      of dissent again arose within and without the government. Students
      had started an active program opposing him (later known as the White
      Rose Society), and leaders of nearby nations were speaking out
      against his bellicose rhetoric. He needed a diversion, something to
      direct people away from the corporate cronyism being exposed in his
      own government, questions of his possibly illegitimate rise to
      power, and the oft-voiced concerns of civil libertarians about the
      people being held in detention without due process or access to
      attorneys or family.

      With his number two man - a master at manipulating the media - he
      began a campaign to convince the people of the nation that a small,
      limited war was necessary. Another nation was harboring many of the
      suspicious Middle Eastern people, and even though its connection
      with the terrorist who had set afire the nation's most important
      building was tenuous at best, it held resources their nation badly
      needed if they were to have room to live and maintain their
      prosperity. He called a press conference and publicly delivered an
      ultimatum to the leader of the other nation, provoking an
      international uproar. He claimed the right to strike preemptively in
      self-defense, and nations across Europe - at first - denounced him
      for it, pointing out that it was a doctrine only claimed in the past
      by nations seeking worldwide empire, like Caesar's Rome or
      Alexander's Greece. It took a few months, and intense international
      debate and lobbying with European nations, but, after he personally
      met with the leader of the United Kingdom, finally a deal was
      struck. After the military action began, Prime Minister Neville
      Chamberlain told the nervous British people that giving in to this
      leader's new first-strike doctrine would bring "peace for our time."
      Thus Hitler annexed Austria in a lightning move, riding a wave of
      popular support as leaders so often do in times of war. The Austrian
      government was unseated and replaced by a new leadership friendly to
      Germany, and German corporations began to take over Austrian

      In a speech responding to critics of the invasion, Hitler said,
      "Certain foreign newspapers have said that we fell on Austria with
      brutal methods. I can only say; even in death they cannot stop
      lying. I have in the course of my political struggle won much love
      from my people, but when I crossed the former frontier [into
      Austria] there met me such a stream of love as I have never
      experienced. Not as tyrants have we come, but as liberators." To deal
      with those who dissented from his policies, at the advice of his
      politically savvy advisors, he and his handmaidens in the press began
      a campaign to equate him and his policies with patriotism and the
      nation itself. National unity was essential, they said, to ensure
      that the terrorists or their sponsors didn't think they'd succeeded
      in splitting the nation or weakening its will. In times of war, they
      said, there could be only "one people, one nation, and one
      commander-in-chief" ("Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Fuhrer"), and so his
      advocates in the media began a nationwide campaign charging that
      critics of his policies were attacking the nation itself. Those
      questioning him were labeled "anti-German" or "not good Germans,"
      and it was suggested they were aiding the enemies of the state by
      failing in the patriotic necessity of supporting the nation's valiant
      men in uniform. It was one of his most effective ways to stifle
      dissent and pit wage-earning people (from whom most of the army
      came) against the "intellectuals and liberals" who were critical of
      his policies.

      Nonetheless, once the "small war" annexation of Austria was
      successfully and quickly completed, and peace returned, voices of
      opposition were again raised in the Homeland. The almost-daily
      release of news bulletins about the dangers of terrorist communist
      cells wasn't enough to rouse the populace and totally suppress
      dissent. A full-out war was necessary to divert public attention
      from the growing rumbles within the country about disappearing
      dissidents; violence against liberals, Jews, and union leaders; and
      the epidemic of crony capitalism that was producing empires of
      wealth in the corporate sector but threatening the middle class's way
      of life.

      A year later, to the week, Hitler invaded Czechoslovakia; the nation
      was now fully at war, and all internal dissent was suppressed in the
      name of national security. It was the end of Germany's first
      experiment with democracy.

      As we conclude this review of history, there are a few milestones
      worth remembering. February 27, 2003, was the 70th anniversary of
      Dutch terrorist Marinus van der Lubbe's successful firebombing of
      the German Parliament (Reichstag) building, the terrorist act that
      catapulted Hitler to legitimacy and reshaped the German
      constitution. By the time of his successful and brief action to
      seize Austria, in which almost no German blood was shed, Hitler was
      the most beloved and popular leader in the history of his nation.
      Hailed around the world, he was later Time magazine's "Man Of The
      Year." Most Americans remember his office for the security of the
      homeland, known as the Reichssicherheitshauptamt and its
      SchutzStaffel, simply by its most famous agency's initials: the SS.

      We also remember that the Germans developed a new form of highly
      violent warfare they named "lightning war" or blitzkrieg, which,
      while generating devastating civilian losses, also produced a highly
      desirable "shock and awe" among the nation's leadership according to
      the authors of the 1996 book "Shock And Awe" published by the
      National Defense University Press. Reflecting on that time, The
      American Heritage Dictionary (Houghton Mifflin Company, 1983) left
      us this definition of the form of government the German democracy
      had become through Hitler's close alliance with the largest German
      corporations and his policy of using war as a tool to keep power:
      "fas-cism (fbsh'iz'em) n. A system of government that exercises a
      dictatorship of the extreme right, typically through the merging of
      state and business leadership, together with belligerent
      nationalism." Today, as we face financial and political crises, it's
      useful to remember that the ravages of the Great Depression hit
      Germany and the United States alike. Through the 1930s, however,
      Hitler and Roosevelt chose very different courses to bring their
      nations back to power and prosperity. Germany's response was to use
      government to empower corporations and reward the society's richest
      individuals, privatize much of the commons, stifle dissent, strip
      people of constitutional rights, and create an illusion of
      prosperity through continual and ever-expanding war. America passed
      minimum wage laws to raise the middle class, enforced anti-trust
      laws to diminish the power of corporations, increased taxes on
      corporations and the wealthiest individuals, created Social
      Security, and became the employer of last resort through programs to
      build national infrastructure, promote the arts, and replant
      forests. To the extent that our Constitution is still intact, the
      choice is again ours.

      o a Wreck website is about to rear its head or head its rear - stay tuned.

      Send all sound material for airplay and review to:
      Wreck This MeSS
      Radio 100 / Radio Patapoe
      bart plantenga
      Zeilstraat 23 / II
      1075 SB Amsterdam
      the Netherlands

      o "plus another few hundred when it hits the BSI list!" Ezra
      o Old playlists archived at <http://www.wfmu.org/~bart/>
      o Recent selected Playlists [early stages] at
      o Special playlists can be found at 3am Magazine
      <http://www.3ammagazine.com> under the title "Radiophotogram: Visual
      Radio". Also posted is a depth-of-focus interview with Judy Nylon and
      excerpts from my Paris novel, PARIS SEX TETE.


      CONTACT ninplant@... FOR REMOVAL

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