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Bush's Bankrupt Vision

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  • Dan Clore
    News & Views for Anarchists & Activists: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/smygo http://tinyurl.com/4f2agl Bush s bankrupt vision BY NOAM CHOMSKY (Counterpoint) 1
    Message 1 of 1 , Jun 1, 2008
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      News & Views for Anarchists & Activists:

      Bush's bankrupt vision
      1 June 2008

      IN MID-May, President Bush travelled to the Middle East to establish his
      legacy more firmly in the part of the world that has been the prime
      focus of his presidency.

      The trip had two principal destinations, each chosen to celebrate a
      major anniversary: Israel, the 60th anniversary of its founding and
      recognition by the United States, and Saudi Arabia, the 75th anniversary
      of US recognition of the newly founded kingdom. The choices made good
      sense in the light of history and the enduring character of US Middle
      East policy: control of oil, and support of the proxies who help
      maintain it.

      An omission, however, was not lost on the people of the region. Though
      Bush celebrated the founding of Israel, he did not recognise (let alone
      commemorate) the paired event from 60 years ago: the destruction of
      Palestine, the Nakba, as Palestinians refer to the events that expelled
      them from their lands.

      During his three days in Jerusalem, the president was an enthusiastic
      participant in lavish events and made sure to go to Masada, a
      near-sacred site of Jewish nationalism.

      But he did not visit the seat of the Palestinian authority in Ramallah,
      or Gaza City, or a refugee camp, or the town of Qalqilya — strangled by
      the Separation Wall, now becoming an Annexation Wall under the illegal
      Israeli settlement and development programmes that Bush has endorsed
      officially, the first president to do so.

      And it was out of the question that he would have any contact with Hamas
      leaders and parliamentarians, chosen in the only free election in the
      Arab world, many of them in Israeli jails with no pretense of judicial

      The pretexts for this stance scarcely withstand a moment's analysis.
      Also of no moment is the fact that Hamas has repeatedly called for a
      two-state settlement in accord with the international consensus that the
      United States and Israel have rejected, virtually alone, for more than
      30 years, and still do.

      Bush did allow the US favourite, Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas, to
      participate in meetings in Egypt with many regional leaders. Bush's last
      visit to Saudi Arabia was in January. On both trips, he sought, without
      success, to draw the kingdom into the anti-Iranian alliance he has been
      seeking to forge. That is no small task, despite the concern of the
      Sunni rulers over the "Shia crescent" and growing Iranian influence,
      regularly termed "aggressiveness."

      For the Saudi rulers, accommodation with Iran may be preferable to
      confrontation. And though public opinion is marginalised, it cannot be
      completely dismissed. In a recent poll of Saudis, Bush ranked far above
      Osama bin Laden in the "very unfavourable" category, and more than twice
      as high as Iranian President Ahmadinejad and Hassan Nasrallah, leader of
      Hezbollah, Iran's Shia ally in Lebanon.

      US-Saudi relations date to the recognition of the Kingdom in 1933 -- not
      coincidentally, the year when Standard of California obtained a
      petroleum concession and American geologists began to explore what
      turned out to be the world's largest reserves of oil.

      The United States quickly moved to ensure its own control, important
      steps in a process by which the United States took over world dominance
      from Britain, which was slowly reduced to a "junior partner," as the
      British Foreign Office lamented, unable to counter "the economic
      imperialism of American business interests, which is quite active under
      the cloak of a benevolent and avuncular internationalism" and is
      "attempting to elbow us out."

      The strong US-Israel alliance took its present form in 1967, when Israel
      performed a major service to the United States by destroying the main
      center of secular Arab nationalism, Nasser's Egypt, also safeguarding
      the Saudi rulers from the secular nationalist threat. US planners had
      recognised a decade earlier that a "logical corollary" of US opposition
      to "radical" (that is, independent) Arab nationalism would be "to
      support Israel as the only strong pro-Western power left in the Middle

      Investment by US corporations in Israeli high-tech industry has sharply
      increased, including Intel, Hewlett Packard, Microsoft, Warren Buffett
      and others, joined by major investors from Japan and India -- in the
      latter case, one facet of a growing US-Israel-India strategic alliance.

      To be sure, other factors underlie the US-Israeli relationship. In
      Jerusalem, Bush invoked "the bonds of the book," the faith "shared by
      Christians like himself and Jews," the Australian Press reported, but
      apparently not shared by Muslims or even Christian Arabs, like those in
      Bethlehem, now barred from occupied Jerusalem, a few kilometres away, by
      illegal Israeli construction projects.

      The Saudi Gazette bitterly condemned Bush's "audacity to call Israel the
      'homeland for the chosen people' -- the terminology of ultrareligious
      Israeli hardliners. The Gazette added that Bush's "particular brand of
      moral bankruptcy was on full display when he made only passing mention
      of a Palestinian state in his vision of the region 60 years hence."

      It is not difficult to discern why Bush's chosen legacy should stress
      relations with Israel and Saudi Arabia, with a side glance at Egypt,
      along with disdain for the Palestinians and their miserable plight,
      apart from a few ritual phrases.

      We need not tarry on the thought that the president's choices have
      anything to do with justice, human rights or the vision of "democracy
      promotion" that gripped his soul as soon as the pretexts for the
      invasion of Iraq had collapsed.

      But the choices do accord with a general principle, observed with
      considerable consistency: Rights are assigned in accord with service to

      Palestinians are poor, weak, dispersed and friendless. It is elementary,
      then, that they should have no rights. In sharp contrast, Saudi Arabia
      has incomparable resources of energy, Egypt is the major Arab state, and
      Israel is a rich Western country and the regional powerhouse, with air
      and armoured forces that are larger and technologically more advanced
      than any NATO power (apart from its patron) along with hundreds of
      nuclear weapons, and with an advanced and largely militarised economy
      closely linked to the United States.

      The contours of the intended legacy are therefore quite predictable.

      Noam Chomsky's writings on linguistics and politics have just been
      collected in The Essential Noam Chomsky, edited by Anthony Arnove, from
      the New Press. Chomsky is emeritus professor of linguistics and
      philosophy at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in Cambridge, Mass.

      Dan Clore

      My collected fiction: _The Unspeakable and Others_
      Lord Weÿrdgliffe & Necronomicon Page:
      News & Views for Anarchists & Activists:

      Skipper: Professor, will you tell these people who is
      in charge on this island?
      Professor: Why, no one.
      Skipper: No one?
      Thurston Howell III: No one? Good heavens, this is anarchy!
      -- _Gilligan's Island_, episode #6, "President Gilligan"
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