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18005Fw: [BlackLeftUnity:8579] Fwd: Anti-Imperialist Political Thesis of Cochabamba

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  • Yusuf Nuruddin
    Jul 24, 2014

    On Thursday, July 24, 2014 9:36 PM, 'Yusuf Nuruddin' via BlackLeftUnity <blackleftunity@...> wrote:

    Let me be clear:
    I am on the ground with people in inner city communities –and no I don’t buy the argument that the South has to be the main focus of our Black Liberation Movement—that is just one of the many fallacies that has been promoted by BLUN. Our people are in the Black Belt South AND in the northern urban ghettoes. And any struggle must deal with ALL of our people in the US.
    But yes I am on the ground working and dialoguing with people in the inner city communities and they are clear that White Supremacy is a major enemy which we have to confront.
    The reality is that the advanced sectors of the African American communities are very well-read, very-studied.  They are reading Dr. John Henrik Clarke, Dr. Yosef ben Jochannan, Cheik Anta Diop, George G. M. James, Carter G. Woodson, Chancellor Williams, Martin Bernal, Marimba Ani, Martin Bernal, Nelly Fuller,  Frances Cress Welsing, Jacob Carruthers, Maulana Karenga, Marcus Garvey, Frantz Fanon, Walter Rodney, etc.  They are reading black newspapers and listening to black talk radio and progressive talk radio.
    What they clearly understand is that our oppression is not merely political and economic as the theory of the doctrinaire Marxist-Leninists asserts, but psychological and cultural as well. 
    Ideological racism developed as a justification of the lucrative slave trade.  Ironically the human rights documents of the European Enlightenment era, such as the American Revolution’s Declaration of Independence and the French Revolution’s Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, asserted the brotherhood of man, the right of all human beings to life liberty and equality.  Beyond the fact that the American Revolution was a bourgeois revolution against a monarchy, is the fact of a massive contradiction between creed and deed, which we all know. But the consequences we seem to be not so clear about.  France maintained its slave colony in Haiti, and the US continued to perpetuate slavery within its borders, only by rationalizing that Africans were a subhuman species not endowed with unalienable human rights.  The dehumanization of Africans through the process of dehistoricization, i.e., the denial and distortion of African history and civilization, the rendering of us as simply savages who like wild animals had an existence mainly characterized by eating, drinking, sleeping, procreating, urinating and defecating, and devoid of any civilizational achievements/accomplishments.
    The healing of the psycho-cultural wounds rendered by the racist dehumanization and dehistoricization of African people is paramount.  Any movement that fails to recognize this is doomed to failure because it will not resonate with our people.
    Now there are obvious flaws and weaknesses in Afrocentricity.  But one does not throw out the baby with the dirty bath water.
    If, as Abdul Alkalimat theorizes, Black Liberation is ”a multi-dimensional Black liberation is a multi-dimensional concept.  It is the strategic goal of freedom, a revolutionary process to end all forms of racism, national oppression, and capitalist exploitation.  It also includes the tactical battles that defend Black people in their everyday struggles against the constant attacks on all fronts in the evil system.  Black liberation involves strategy and tactics, reform and revolution,” then I ask why does BLUN deliberately skirt around the psycho-cultural issues which are a fundamental aspect of our oppression.
    Furthermore, with all the talk of a Black Radical Tradition, why have we not moved to the forefront of ur analysis African and African Diasporan theoreticians, and I am not speaking of the contemporary spokespersons, activists and organizers in the Black Liberation Theoretician’s Directory, but the people who form the foundation of Black Radical Thought? 
    Again we commit fundamental errors in the name of Black Liberation, when our major theoreticians are Marx, Lenin, and other Euiropean thinkers, yet we fail to rely upon the insights of Du Bois, CLR James, Frantz Fanon, George Padmore, Ahmad Sekou Toure, Osageyfu  Kwame Nkrumah,  Walter Rodney, Amilcar Cabral, etc  Their insights and quotations should be liberally sprinkled throughout any Black Liberation Movement literature.
    People wonder why I am indignant? Well it is because in the absence of any truly black-oriented philosophical grounding, what I see is Marxist-Leninists simply trying to recruit black people into the international communist movement by giving lip service to Black Liberation.  And there is a long history of the Communist Party and other socialist parties attempting to do the same. Only before it was white communist and socialist organizations trying to recruit black folk, now the recruiters are coming to us in blackface.  My position is that while we can make short-term coalitions or even long-term alliances with the white left, that we must maintain autonomy and independence.  As one black congressman, rightly stated, “We don’t have permanent allies, we only have permanent interests.”
    As for my statement about bell hooks, there is no Black male patriarchy of any social, political or economic consequence, the patriarchal systems which exercise power and authority are white patriarchal systems. This is not to deny the existence of domestic spousal abuse in the black community or the black male hypersexuality complex which often includes relationships and children with multiple partners and a lack of emotional attachment or financial irresponsibility for the partners or children, but these issues are not issues of patriarchy.  Rather again they are some deeply imbedded psycho-cultural issues which classical Marxism-Leninism is incapable of addressing. The Panther Party was capable of addressing these as lumpen behavioral syndromes, and others have addressed the dysfunctional families and pathological/pathogenic behaviors which characterize inner city gender relations.
    Again, a Black Liberation Movement, has to speak directly to the root causes of the problems of black people.  It needs to incorporate the insights of Black social scientists, black historians, black radical theoreticians.  We cannot import doctrines from the white Marxist or white feminist movements indiscriminately and think that they apply to the specific conditions of our oppression.  
    What I hear as a retort is that this is the kind of narrow thinking that lead the Black Liberation movement to make mistakes in the past, and that we don’t want to repeat those mistakes.  But indeed BLUN is making a larger mistake now because it is alienating itself from the very masses of Black people whom it claims to represent.  Our people see racist oppression /white supremacy as the major issue.
    The whole issue of economic development of black communities is being sacrificed to the rhetoric of socialist revolution. The Caribbean working class (who in many ways constitute a quintessential working class since according to the ethnic stereotype, they work two and three jobs around the clock) is also very small business-oriented.  Flatbush Avenue, Nostrand Ave, Utica Ave in the heart of Crown Heights and Flatbush are dotted with Caribbean restaurants –which are probably labor intensive proprietorships rather than petty bourgeois enterprises.  But there is no articulated transitional program for black economic development which all black people recognize is sorely needed in our communities, all I get instead is rhetoric. And the people don’t want to hear rhetoric, they want to address bread and butter issues and they want to see a program of economic self-sufficiency. So where are the models for black co-operatives (which I see were discussed in the Jackson meeting)??
    Like I said this stuff won’t fly, not in the north?? There is a very sophisticated well-read, well-informed Black proletariat here, and you are not addressing their concerns. And by the way, while calling for the support of the struggle of the people of Palestine for their national liberation, their nationalism., their nation-state, (and I definitely support this), remember the reality of the people in the northern urban inner cities who basically experience Palestinians (and Yemenis) as small retail grocery store owners who own "bodegas" on nearly ever other corner throughout the 'hood and who are notorious for their racism (they regularly call us "Abd" which is Arabic for "slave" and they give poor black women credit for groceries in exchange for quickie sex encounters in the back of their stores). Just keeping it all real. 

    On Thursday, July 24, 2014 9:12 AM, Ajamu Baraka <ajamubaraka2@...> wrote:

    Brother Yusuf, I have not wanted to engage in response to some of your comment, some by the way are useful and deserved discussion. But there seems to be a level of anger, couple with deep theoretical confusion that seems to compel you to engage rhetorically in forms of struggle that seem more emotional than political. Your straw-man arguments against these supposedly culturally alienated Marxist-Leninists read like some of the crude struggles from the 70s. There are critiques of ML and its limitations related to the complicities of the broad multi-national, multi-dimensional experiences of African people from the continent through to the African diaspora, but unfortunately I have not read that kind of critique in your exchanges – but I may have just missed it. As a long standing Pan-Africanist, who’s first above ground political work was with the AAPRP in the 70s, I find myself scratching my head at how you could pull from the Cochabamba document that the only target was capital. Clearly you are not aware of the level of analysis as it relates to how social movements see and are struggling with the connection between capital, race and the colonial issue here in Latin America. But that is alright, a little humble inquiry is then called for. And the notion that Bell Hooks and the articulations of revolutionary black feminism is supposed to be anti-male – well is just a little embarrassing my brother.
    Your non-ML brother,
    Ajamu B
    From: blackleftunity@... [mailto:blackleftunity@...]
    Sent: Wednesday, July 23, 2014 3:06 PM
    To: Saladin; blackleftunity@...
    Subject: Re: [BlackLeftUnity:8562] Fwd: Anti-Imperialist Political Thesis of Cochabamba
    Wow, this gets more an more twisted -- to fit Marxist-Leninist theory.
    For sure all revolutionary documents of the Black Liberation Movement--and I have been collecting and studying such documents since 1967 - used to identify the twin evils as Racism/White Supremacy and Capitalism. According to this document the main fight is against Capitalism.  This is bullcrap and the masses are going to see right thru it.   Who do you think is going to be fooled by this rhetoric???
    The masses know how they are being oppressed.
    Our struggle is against Global Capitalism and Global White Supremacy/or Global Apartheid.
    (unless you want to go the bell hooks route and invoke a Trinity of Capitalism, White Supremacy and Patriarchy -- though this makes black males the enemy which is also crap)
    On Wednesday, July 23, 2014 10:23 AM, 'Saladin' via BlackLeftUnity <blackleftunity@...> wrote:
    Capitalism, and its deep crisis requires more than a defensive politics and program that many define as defending democracy.  It requires a transformative politics and program of 21st century socialism that builds workers, oppressed peoples and women's power as part of an international struggle to challenge and dismantle the structures of capitalism, national and women's oppression and imperialism, and for the construction of socialist societies that interconnect around a program for global transformation and human advancement.
    The national Black liberation movement led by the Black working-class is a critical social force for the struggle against U.S. capitalism and imperialism and in bringing forth the most oppressed sectors in helping to define the trajectory and process of developing 21st century socialism.
    The BLUN has put forth a Draft Manifesto for discussion toward forging a program as part of organizing for a National Assembly for Black Liberation for 2015. Regional Organizing Committees are being formed to engage forces in organizing for the National Assembly in cities throughout their regions.
    If you are interested in being part of a regional organizing committee you can contact the regional conveners:
     While not an official BLUN document, the Political Thesis of Cochabamba is an important document to study as we look at questions of social transformation within the context of rebuilding the national Black liberation movement.
    In addition to encouraging listserv responses to the various sections of the Draft Manifesto, we will be sending out a feed back tool to the Regional Organizing Committees to collect input for possible amendments to the Draft Manifesto in preparation for a final document to be discussed, debated, refined and approved at the National Assembly for Black Liberation.
    Image removed by sender.
    Jordan Bishop and Federico Fuentes, translators
    July 22, 2014
    The Bullet
    At its closing plenary session, the conference adopted an “Anti-Imperialist political thesis,” published below, outlining an “anti-imperialist, anti-colonial and anti-capitalist” strategy aimed at pointing the way toward a socialist world order. It is a strong statement of solidarity with anti-imperialist liberation movements and the “process of change” in Bolivia and other Latin American countries.
    Image removed by sender.
    , ,
    “I believe that this idea of an offensive in defense of humanity is increasingly interlocked with the reality that we are experiencing in this world.”  – Hugo Chávez
    “I want to propose something that concerns the social movements of this world: how can we, in a united fashion, confront capitalism? I am convinced that we must elaborate a new thesis to save the planet, a doctrine in support of life.” – Evo Morales

    Introduction: The Crisis of Capitalism and
    its Consequences for the Working Class

    The peoples of the world, and especially the popular sectors, are suffering the consequences of a crisis of capitalism. This is a crisis unlike any we have seen before, a crisis that is both global and structural. 
    It is a global crisis because, unlike previous crises of capitalism in the 19th and 20th centuries, in this capitalist world system the resistance movements are locally-based but have yet to create a united front that could constitute an alternative to capitalism. The peoples of the world are abandoning the belief that capitalism is democratic or that there is such a thing as capitalist democracy. However, a global alternative, one as global as the crisis we are now experiencing, has not yet emerged.
    This is a structural crisis because it is the combination of various crises: economic, financial, energy, climate, food, water, institutional, political, and of values. We are suffering the crisis not only of an economic system of production that is overstretched, but of a system that in order to increase profits or maintain the surplus value produced through the exploitation of peoples, workers, and nature in the South, has to convert Mother Earth and humans into an object of its merciless, predatory domination.
    We wish to highlight the climate crisis as the crystallization of all these crises. The supposed alternative of a green economy as a response to the environmental disaster that we are suffering is nothing more than the privatization of nature and all other common goods. In addition, it is clear that there is no such thing as capitalism with a human face. We are in a stage of capitalism where everything is commodified, including life itself and all common goods.
    All this is occurring at the same time as imperialist wars are unleashed with the aim of plundering the peoples’ natural resources, part of a vicious circle in which these natural resources serve to fuel the war industry, thereby demonstrating the voracity of imperialism. Natural resources, energy and water are objectives of imperialism that the peoples and workers must defend since they constitute the future that we shall leave as our legacy, the Mother Earth that we must look after, for it is our home.
    Capitalism has therefore adopted a planetary geopolitical standard, and the crisis reveals the basic contradiction of capitalism: the contradiction between the social character of production and the capitalist form of property over the means of production and the appropriation of its results. In these crises, the whole mechanism of the capitalist mode of production is subordinated to the pressure of the productive forces created by capitalism itself.
    The consequence of this is that there are a billion people who go hungry, according to the FAO [Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations], and since the crisis began the number of poor people has increased by some 100 million.
    But while poverty and hunger are the most visible effects of the crisis of capitalism, all of this is linked to the peoples’ loss of social rights, especially labour rights. Capital will attempt to ride out the crisis on the backs of the workers.
    The higher phase of capitalism is imperialism and neoliberalism, which involves creative destruction and anti-worker policies. In some Latin American countries, it was possible to block the Washington Consensus and the recipes of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank that attempted to impose privatization and restrictions on social policies, but there are other parts of the world where the people continue to suffer as a result of the neoliberal recipe presented as a supposed solution to the crisis. Yet unemployment rates continue to rise, and cuts to social benefits, health, and education continue, even as whole families are evicted and banks are rescued.
    Nevertheless, neoliberal recipes cannot resolve even the problems of the countries at the centre of the world capitalist system. These countries at times have parallel governments in the form of transnational corporations, which are new instruments imperialism has created to be able to operate in countries that are supposedly undergoing development. The wealth of a few presupposes the misery of a good part of the planet.
    This was perfectly summed up by Warren Buffet, one of the wealthiest men in the world: “Of course there is a class struggle, and our class is winning it.”
    Therefore, if the class struggle is more alive than ever, the elaboration of an alternative project to confront the crisis of capitalism can only come from the popular sectors and organized labour. The struggle of organized labour therefore gains a special significance at this time.
    Furthermore, the struggle of organized labour against capitalism can only have socialism as its horizon. In a globalized world in which social democracy has sold out to neoliberalism, and where 20th century socialism had serious weaknesses, the building of a socialism in the 21st century that is immune from the weaknesses and backwardness of the first attempts to implement it is an urgent and necessary task.
    As the Central Obrera Boliviana explained in its Socialist Thesis of 1970, those who believe that labour organizations should limit themselves to the role of trade unions, that is to say, dedicated to purely economic struggles, are mistaken. Without abandoning the struggle to defend material conditions, workers must take part in the political life of the country in our role as a revolutionary vanguard. This is a vanguard that, in the case of Bolivia and other countries, is complemented by the political project of indigenous nations and peoples, and campesinos, fusing labour and community struggles around the goal of “communitarian socialism.”

    Bolivia's Contribution

    Workers of the world have held this Anti-Imperialist International Trade Union Conference in order to recognize and learn from this Bolivia of many hues and colors, in which workers, campesinos and indigenous people have joined together in a communitarian struggle dedicated to building a socialist future.
    We see in Bolivia a government of social movements, in which the direction of the process is in the hands of popular sectors, in which the state has fused with civil society. This process is based on historical struggles against colonial domination, as well as against capitalism and neoliberalism. This is a political project, uniting indigenous, worker and campesino struggles, which is still under construction but one with which the popular sectors of our countries can identify.
    We recognize that in Bolivia the state has taken control of strategic sectors of the economy, hydrocarbons and energy in general, telecommunications, health and education. These now belong to the state rather than individuals, a state which is a synthesis of an epochal change in Latin America, a state that belongs to the people, because it is of the people and functions on the basis of popular needs.
    In Bolivia, popular sectors and workers’ organizations are not only not repressed, but are encouraged and supported politically and materially through the establishment of a participatory democracy that incorporates workers in its decision making.
    We strive for a development model and a political model that conceptualizes the economy from a community standpoint, looking to the emancipation of peoples and communities as a means of living in harmony with Mother Earth.
    This alternative model of relationship with mobilized sectors of society is something that demonstrates to us the existence of a living, participatory, intercultural and communitarian democracy. Workers’ organizations of the world, meeting in Bolivia have been able to study the new Bolivian paradigm that proposes the idea of “Living Well” to confront the crisis that we are suffering. We strive for a development model and a political model that conceptualizes the economy from a community standpoint, looking to the emancipation of peoples and communities as a means of living in harmony with Mother Earth.

    Commitment to Socialist Integration

    The crisis of the capitalist world system and the geopolitical struggle for control of natural resources is leading the peoples and workers of the world toward a scenario in which it is necessary to choose between one of two projects in contention – socialist emancipation or neoliberal restoration.
    Bolivia and the movements for change in Latin America have opted, with differing rhythms, intensities and nuances, for the emancipation of their peoples, their inhabitants, and their nature, recovering sovereignty over their natural resources in order to confront the imperialist and neo-colonial project.
    Because of this today, here and now, the working peoples of the world want to build upon the thinking of our compañero President Evo Morales, and propose a thesis to save the planet, a doctrine in defense of life, as opposed to the doctrine of death embodied in capitalism. This thesis can have only one goal, that of socialism – with the contribution that we have taken on board from Bolivia, to incorporate the communitarian dimension – and must be based on three solid pillars: anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism and anti-capitalism.

    An Anti-Imperialist, Anti-Colonial and
    Anti-Capitalist Thesis Pointing to Socialism

    Our national realities have different rhythms and intensities, but we should view them through the prism of Bolivia, where the people have moved from resistance to the building of a political instrument for taking power, and from the taking of power to the construction of a political project of the people and for the people.
    Now we want to create a world political instrument for the construction of a global political project that can provide a response to the structural crisis of capitalism.


    The aerial kidnapping of President Evo Morales a year ago, putting various European countries on their knees, revealed that imperialism will not remain quiescent in the face of projects of social transformation that implement processes of change in defense of social majorities.
    A project based on anti-imperialism must therefore repudiate the armed wing of the United States called NATO, the political and military instrument of imperialism.
    Our anti-imperialist project denounces the military bases that imperialism has established throughout the world as a means of intervention. In Latin America there are 77 known military bases that violate the political and territorial sovereignty of the countries of Our America.
    Colombia merits special attention due to the U.S. bases installed there, a beachhead for surrounding the Amazon, a central element in the geopolitical disputes of coming years. Peace in Colombia, to which we are deeply committed, requires the closure of these military bases, as well as ensuring that peace is accompanied by the political participation of the insurgency and the working class and popular sectors of Colombia as a means of guaranteeing social justice for the Colombian people as a whole.
    Just as we condemn imperialist interference through the installation of military bases, we also denounce so-called “humanitarian wars,” “wars against terrorism,” “preventative wars” and “peacekeeping missions.” We express our solidarity with the popular sectors and working class in Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya and Syria, which have seen their countries destroyed by imperialist greed, military wars becoming economic and cultural wars against the peoples.
    Similarly, we condemn any kind of interference against sovereign governments in Latin America in the 21st century, whether through espionage or coups d’état, as happened in Honduras or Paraguay in addition to the failed attempts in Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador that were defeated by popular mobilization.
    These interventions have been accompanied by media terrorism against processes, unions and social movements, the so-called Fourth Generation War, the attempt to establish a hegemonic order of communication controlled by transnational media capital that attempts to impose their political, economic and social objectives, consistently in opposition to the interests of the working class and popular sectors.
    As a means of overcoming interference against the political and economic sovereignty of our peoples, we support the abolition of the Security Council of the United Nations and the democratization of the United Nations system itself.


    We believe that the model of colonization imposed by the countries of the North involved crimes against humanity, looting and the subjugation of our peoples, and that wars have been an instrument of subjugation and domination that imperialism has employed to impose its political and economic will.
    The colonial order is the nucleus of the genocide, the millions of human beings exterminated, the hundreds of languages annihilated in the interests of a supposed homogenization, the subordination of systems of economic complementarity based on barter to mercantilism, the subjection of advanced civilizations to the Inquisition, and the individualist overpowering of a social order based on reciprocity.
    We strive for decolonization and the destruction of the material and subjective foundations of racism, internal colonialism and the new forms of external colonialism. Decolonization means undoing the institutional, economic, political and cultural foundations of the old regime and the construction of new institutional, economic, political and cultural foundations as a new way of organizing social life.
    Decolonization is a revolutionary process that struggles against financial capital and the big transnational corporations. We must extinguish the myth of a democratic capitalism or a capitalist democracy. Decolonization also implies struggling against ideological and cultural colonialism, racism and all forms of discrimination.
    We should mention here the role of women in the labour struggle. We commit ourselves to the struggle against patriarchy, celebrating the process of de-patriarchalization promoted by the Bolivian government and its social movements.
    Decolonization similarly implies a struggle for interculturality, for another education model dedicated to an open, humanist, scientific, technological, productive, liberating and revolutionary, critical, education within a framework of solidarity, oriented to conservation and protection of the environment, biodiversity and territorial sovereignty.
    Decolonization implies confronting the neocolonial situations that our peoples still experience. In the case of Latin America we repudiate the imperialist occupation of Puerto Rico; of Guantánamo in socialist Cuba that continues to heroically resist a criminal blockade; of the Malvinas Islands by the United Kingdom and NATO. And we undertake to support Bolivia's claim for access to the sea with sovereignty, access that was forcibly removed in an imperialist invasion promoted by Chilean economic elites to seize Bolivia's natural resources. Real Latin American integration includes a solution to Bolivia's just claim against Chile. Nor can we forget about other parts of the world; thus we reject the occupation of Palestine and the genocide of an entire people being committed by Israel.


    Our struggle is against capitalism and all of its expressions. It is against this model that destroys all forms of life and appropriates the surplus value generated by peoples, persons and our Mother Earth.
    All of this is taking place during an historical moment marked by a high intensity financial war against the processes of change. We add our voice to the statements by President Evo Morales in solidarity with Argentina and against the unjust and immoral global financial system and the so-called “vulture funds” that are out to crush the processes of change through debts contracted by military dictatorships and neoliberal governments that served the interests of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
    This international financial system uses the IMF and the WB, as well as the ILO [International Labour Organization], to weaken the economic sovereignty of the peoples and their workers. We denounce this kind of financial neocolonialism carried out by the “Wall Street Boys”, the operators of speculative financial capital, and we strive for a new international financial architecture.
    The Havana Conference on External Debt will celebrate its 29th anniversary in July this year. External debt is an illegal mechanism used under capitalism to continue the colonial exploitation of the peoples. We repudiate all of the debt of the misnamed Third World and strive for the total cancellation of this debt.
    The evolution of financial capitalism has in part involved free trade agreements that actually amount to territorial control over the processes of transformation and peoples’ natural resources. We especially repudiate the sophisticated re-edition of the FTAA [Free Trade Area of the Americas] that the peoples of Latin America and progressive governments defeated in 2005 in Mar del Plata, and is now called the Pacific Alliance, an imperialist tool of the United States designed to undermine the process of regional political integration in Latin America and to recover areas lost to the advance of processes of change.
    In the face of the Pacific Alliance, we propose the Alliance of the Peoples of the South and of the working class in defense of the peoples’ natural resources and Mother Earth.
    It is not by chance that Venezuela, a country with the biggest oil reserves in the world, has had to confront a terrorist attack, just as Bolivia and Ecuador did previously. The sovereign recovery of natural resources is fundamental, since it constitutes the material basis for the whole process, for the possibility of wealth redistribution and the reduction of inequalities in countries that have suffered 500 years of colonization.
    Just as we defend sovereignty over natural resources, we must also defend food sovereignty. We join in solidarity with the struggles of campesinos against transnational corporations, agribusiness, the use of toxic chemicals and GMOs, as well as in defense of food sovereignty.

    Toward Socialism

    It is on the basis of these three pillars that we propose the coordination and cooperation of the working class and of popular sectors that are struggling to build socialism at a national, regional and global level.
    In order to achieve socialism we must first of all achieve the unity of all revolutionary forces in a popular anti-imperialist, anti-colonial and anti-capitalist front, based on an alliance of workers, campesinos and indigenous peoples, an alliance of popular sectors.
    A socialism that can only be democratic, expanding the margins and limits of liberal democracy, an anti-imperialist and anti-colonial socialism that can overcome all forms of alienation under capitalism, that emerges from its roots in the working class and indigenous and campesino movements, from the factories, fields and communities, to create the kind of society and community to which we aspire, a society in which use-value takes priority over the exchange value imposed by the market and capital.
    A socialism where the means of production are socialized through a society in which basic services, along with labour rights, are guaranteed for everyone, in which everyone enjoys all of these rights.
    The crisis of capitalism brings with it the need to maintain profit rates through the exploitation of workers. In almost every country in the world, the retirement age has gone up, pensions have been reduced and health care has been privatized and commodified.
    Obviously, the socialism to which we aspire recognizes the struggles and aspirations of the working class throughout history. We want a public, universal and mandatory system of social security for all countries, in addition to the lowering of the retirement age and an increase in pensions, since only in this way can the popular classes live with dignity after retirement.
    Our socialist project must guarantee that water and basic services are human rights, which requires sovereignty over natural and energy resources that are vital to social and labour rights.
    In order to guarantee social and labour rights, we must develop a vision that differs from capitalist development.
    The socialist outlook must be internationalist, an internationalism that, as Che noted, is based on the love of the peoples. We defend an internationalist alliance of the workers’, campesino and indigenous movement together with all national liberation movements and all movements of the oppressed across the globe that struggle for a world and a future based on peace and social justice.
    This class-based and socialist internationalism should be based on political education. If we want to confront capitalist hegemony in the economic, political, cultural and media sphere, we must prepare ourselves for the Battle of Ideas. A Battle of Ideas that, as Comandante Fidel Castro points out, is not only about principles, theory, knowledge, culture, arguments, responses and counter-responses, the destruction of lies and diffusion of truth; it must involve concrete actions and achievements.


    We recognize the contribution of the World Federation of Trade Unions in its 69 years of existence in defense of the working class in Vietnam, Cuba, Korea, Franco's Spain, Salazar's Portugal, Greece during the heroic civil war, along with Guatemala, Angola, Grenada and Chile, South Africa, the Congo, Mozambique, Ethiopia, Egypt, the Golan Heights, Lebanon, Iraq, India, Indonesia, East Timor and the Western Sahara.
    We also recall the legacy of all those who struggled for freedom and gave their lives for the national and social liberation of their peoples: Bolivar, Zapata, Martí, Sandino, Che, Ho Chi Minh, Sankara and Comandante Chávez, in addition to recognizing the contribution that the Cuban revolution, headed by Comandantes Fidel and Raúl Castro, has made to this present moment of history.
    The period of transition we are living through demands coordination between trade unions, social movements, youth, women and committed intellectuals, so that from a position of defending these processes of change we can seek to build a political project of national and social liberation of our peoples.
    But our liberation is not only the liberation of our peoples. It is at the same time the liberation of all of humanity, since we are not struggling to dominate others; we struggle in order that no one shall dominate anyone else.
    And on the road to liberation, it is important to maintain the achievements already made, which is why we proclaim our solidarity with the process of change in Bolivia that we hope will be strengthened once again in the October 12 presidential elections.
    Long live the Bolivian process of change!
    Long live the struggles of the working class!
    Against capitalist barbarism, for peace and a world without exploitation! •
    This document was approved during the closing plenary session of the Anti-Imperialist International Trade Union Conference organized by the Central Obrera Boliviana [Bolivian Workers Central – COB], and the World Federation of Trade Unions [WFTU], with the support of the Government of the Plurinational State of Bolivia.
    Cochabamba, Plurinational State of Bolivia, July 2, 2014.

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    • Frank exchanges of different views are welcomed, but shall not be done in a disrespectful and uncomradely manner.
    • Promoting male supremacy, homophobia or chauvinism against other oppressed peoples shall not be tolerated.
    • Attacks on individuals and organizations that go beyond the scope of objective and principled criticism shall not be tolerated.
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