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Philippines Dragged Along In Cheney's Drive for Fascism

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  • raffy
    by Mike Billington These quotes come from different sides of the world, yet represent very similar circumstances: ** ``There would be no system of checks and
    Message 1 of 2 , Feb 1, 2006
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      by Mike Billington

      These quotes come from different sides of
      the world, yet represent very similar circumstances:

      ** ``There would be no system of checks and
      balances as we now have.... In other words, they can do
      pretty much what they want, and there is nothing people
      can do to stop them, except mount a revolution or a coup
      d'etat.'' ({Philippine Inquirer} journalist Neal Cruz,
      speaking about President Arroyo's plan for ``Charter
      Change,'' to replace the Philippine's Presidential system
      with a parliamentary system.)
      ** ``Charter-change will kill the present system of
      checks and balances by killing the Senate.'' (Philippines
      House of Representatives Minority Leader Francis Escodero)
      ** ``This curtails the investigative powers of
      Congress in flagrant derogation of the constitutional
      principle of separation of powers and checks and
      balances.'' (Sen. Aquilino Pimentel, Opposition Leader in
      the Philippines Senate, speaking of a Presidential
      Executive Order forbiding government or military officials
      from testifying before the Senate without the President's
      ** ``I am concerned that, if confirmed, this nominee
      will further erode the checks and balances that have
      protected our constitutional rights for more than 200
      years.... The liberties and rights that define us as
      Americans, and the system of checks and balances that
      serve to preserve them, should not be sacrificed to
      threats of terrorism or to the expanded power of the
      government.'' (U.S. Sen. Patrick Leahy [D-Vt.], speaking
      against the confirmation of Judge Samuel Alito to the U.S.
      Supreme Court.)
      ** ``A State of War is not a blank check for the
      President when it comes to the rights of the nation's
      citizens.'' (Retiring Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day
      O'Connor, in a ruling countering the Bush Administration
      assertion of rights above the Constitution in the ``war on
      ** ``This [unitary executive] policy has already
      been adopted wholesale by the Bush/Cheney Administration
      with their promotion of NSA spying, torture, and other
      abhorrent policies typical of dictatorships. This has
      brought our nation to the brink of totalitarian rule.''
      (From a document opposing the Alito confirmation, signed
      by 19 elected U.S. officials at the state and local level,
      published in {Roll Call}, a paper for the Congress, on
      Jan. 24.)

      The last three quotes, from U.S. statesmen and
      jurists, describe the current criminal campaign of Vice
      President Dick Cheney and President George Bush to dispose
      of the Constitution under the Nazi-era doctrine known as
      the ``unitary executive,'' as pronounced by Cheney, Bush,
      and their Supreme Court nominee Samuel Alito. The doctrine
      asserts that, in a national crisis, the executive cannot
      be restrained by Congress, the courts, the Constitution,
      or any law whatsoever, in order for the President to
      ``defend the people.''
      The first three quotes, similar in nature to those
      from the United States, come from Filipino statesmen and
      journalists, where, {under the direction of exactly the
      same individuals who are running the drive for fascism in
      Washington,} there is a campaign to eliminate the
      Presidential System altogether, replacing it with a
      parliamentary system, without the checks and balances of
      the Presidential system.
      President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, who is not the
      architect of this scheme, but has been coerced to promote
      it to save her Administration from otherwise certain doom,
      does not hide the fact that the problem to be eliminated
      is the pesky opposition from the Senate--precisely the
      checks and balances which are designed to prevent
      totalitarianism. ``The problem of the Presidential form,''
      said Arroyo, ``is that the legislature and the executive
      are separate, so they are conflicting by nature. In the
      parliamentary form of government, they are one. The
      decision of the executive presumes already that the
      legislative is part of the decision-making, therefore the
      laws will move faster.''
      While the battle over the drive for fascism is now
      raging in the U.S. Senate, so also the Philippine Senate
      is thus far refusing to buckle under to strong-arm tactics
      from the local spokesmen for Cheney and and his
      neo-conservative cabal. The coming days and weeks are

      - The Role of the Philippines in Asia -
      The Philippines has a critical mission in the future
      course of events in Asia, as the scope of global
      development shifts from a Eurocentric world to one
      focussed on Eurasia as a whole. The Philippines is the
      gateway to Asia from the Americas, in more than a
      geopolitical sense. Its colonial history under Spain, and
      as a U.S. territory after the Spanish-American War and the
      Philippine-U.S. War, until its independence in 1946, is
      certainly the source of many deep-rooted problems for the
      nation, but also created a unique cultural characteristic
      as a complex interface of East and West. The United States
      holds a special responsibility to the Philippines. The
      commitment of President Franklin Roosevelt to make the
      Philippines a model for the de-colonization of all Asia
      from European colonial powers after World War II, was
      subsequently sabotaged, but nonetheless succeeded to a
      significant extent in turning the island nation into a
      developing nation with great potential--until 1986.
      In 1982, U.S. Secretary of State George Shultz, his
      deputy Paul Wolfowitz, and his close ally Henry Kissinger
      implemented a policy, for what is today known as ``regime
      change,'' in the Philippines. Philippines President
      Ferdinand Marcos had been tolerated during the U.S.
      colonial war against Indochina, since the United States
      depended on the U.S. military bases at Clark Airfield and
      Subic Bay. But after the defeat of the United States in
      Vietnam, the international financial institutions, headed
      by the International Monetary Fund and its American
      sponsors, demanded the subservience of developing nations
      to a global economic order, to be inforced through
      economic conditionalities on debt. In 1982, the IMF issued
      a scathing attack on the Marcos government, naming its 11
      major industrial and agricultural development programs,
      including especially the first nuclear power station to be
      built in Southeast Asia, as wasteful government spending.
      The IMF and the World Bank demanded that the public
      investments in these projects be diverted to debt
      payments, and particularly condemned the creation of state
      industries. Such independece from the ``free market''
      neo-colonial cabal in New York and London, and especially
      the potential independence from the oil cartels through
      nuclear power development, was not to be tolerated.
      The public murder of opposition figure Benigno Aquino
      in 1983 by factions in the military, although never
      officially solved, was nonetheless blamed on President
      Marcos, and used to rally popular support against him,
      especially from the younger generation in Manila. By 1985,
      U.S. Ambassador to the Philippines Stephen Bosworth was
      meeting for several hours daily with Armed Forces Vice
      Chief of Staff Gen. Fidel Ramos, a fact which was exposed
      by {EIR} in August of that year. Despite denials from both
      the United States and from their asset General Ramos,
      events proved that {EIR} had been deadly accurate. Ramos
      led a U.S.-sponsored military takeover of the Marcos
      government in February 1986, under cover of mass
      demonstrations--``warm bodies'' brought out to protest by
      a complicit media, the Catholic Church, and the
      U.S.-linked business community. The military coup was
      declared internationally to have come from ``people's
      The IMF was quickly given a free hand in the
      Philippines, and the rape of the nation's economy and
      people by the international financial cartels has
      accelerated ever since. In fact, the Philippines became
      the model for IMF- and U.S.-sponsored ``regime change''
      and economic looting throughout the world, based on a
      generation of Filipinos who believed, {and believe still
      to this day,} that the U.S.-controlled military coup which
      stole their national sovereignty {was a victory of the
      ``people'' against a tyrant.}

      - The Basis for Ramos's Power -
      Ramos no longer enjoys wide popularity within the
      Philippines, but still wields tremendous power. He did not
      take direct power after the 1986 coup, but served as the
      power behind the throne for President Cory Aquino, the
      wife of the slain opposition leader. Cory Aquino had been
      turned into a symbol for the ``people's power'' campaign.
      As President, she followed IMF dictates--her first act in
      office was to close down the fully constructed nuclear
      power plant. Ramos only took over himself in the 1992
      election. After manipulating the Congress to grant him
      emergency powers to deal with recurrent energy blackouts,
      Ramos did not do the obvious--open up the nuclear
      plant--but rather brought in Enron and like-minded oil
      and energy corporations, signing energy contracts which
      dumped all the currency risk (and other risks) upon the
      Philippines government, ensuring the near-term bankruptcy
      of the nation.
      When the 1997-98 ``Asian financial crisis'' forced
      massive devaluation of the Philippine peso (a result of
      speculation by the burgeoning new hedge fund network
      created by U.S. Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan's
      hyperinflationary monetary policies), the Philippines was
      left holding huge, unpayable dollar-denominated debts,
      largely due to Ramos's corrupt energy deals.
      In this environment, a populist candidate, Joseph
      Estrada, a former movie star turned politician, swept the
      1998 Presidential elections against Ramos's chosen
      candidate, House Speaker Jose de Venecia. While not
      free of the corrupting influence of the international
      financial institutions, Estrada was clearly not under
      oligarchical control, and the Ramos machine went to work.
      Using charges of corruption (which, like the WMD in Iraq,
      proved to be fanciful constructions of those running the
      operation), a replay of the ``people's power'' hoax of
      1986 was manufactured. An impeachment trial ensued, and
      when it became clear that Estrada would not be convicted,
      the opposition walked out, called out the ``warm bodies''
      to the streets, and called in the marines. Ramos, after
      getting the all-clear from Washington, ordered the
      military to repeat the 1986 takeover process. On Jan. 20,
      2001, {the very day of George W. Bush's inauguration as
      President of the United States,} Estrada was deposed by
      the military.
      The puppet President this time was the current
      President, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, who had been Vice
      President under Estrada. Like Cory Aquino before her,
      Arroyo's first act was to pay obeisance to the
      international energy cartels, in this case by privatizing
      the national energy sector.
      The Arroyo regime has been utter chaos, with the
      economy spinning out of control, IMF-dictated austerity,
      huge foreign borrowings at ``junk bond'' interest rates,
      courtesy of the Anglo-American rating agencies such as
      Standard and Poor's (better known as ``No-Standards and
      Whores''). More than half the population lives in poverty,
      with one in six experiencing hunger in this
      once-developing nation.
      Add to this the exposure of vast vote fraud in the
      Arroyo re-election campaign in 2004--her conversations
      with election officials discussing the rigging of the vote
      were illegally taped by military intelligence, and
      released to the public. The President's popularity, and
      her capacity to govern, have fallen through the floor.
      In stepped Ramos, with his old pal, Speaker de
      Venecia, to use the crisis as a convenient opportunity to
      impose a dictatorship. President Arroyo faced a collapse
      of her government in July of 2005, as former President
      Cory Aquino turned against her, and ten of her Cabinet
      members resigned, demanding her resignation; Ramos and de
      Venecia ran to her support--on one condition! She must
      demand a Constituent Assembly or a Constitutional
      Convention to write a new Constitution to change to a
      parliamentary system. Arroyo conceded.
      Ramos has been toying with Arroyo ever since,
      demanding that she step down as President next year
      (rather than 2010 when her term ends) or he would withdraw
      his support, then rescinding the threat; meeting with
      representatives of former Presidents Estrada and Aquino to
      discuss a united front to oust Arroyo, then denying it;
      and so on, nearly every day. Several different military
      factions loyal to Ramos have openly declared their
      intentions for a military coup, while Ramos coyly declares
      that he's no longer affiliated with them. President
      Arroyo, meanwhile, is hanging by a string from Ramos's
      middle finger. Conrado de Quiros, an editorial writer for
      the leading estabishment newspaper {The Inquirer,}
      described Ramos's toying with Arroyo in a Jan. 16 article:
      ``What's wrong with this picture? It is not that Ramos
      can't seem to make up his mind on when Arroyo should
      resign. What's wrong with the picture is that, quite
      simply, who the hell is Ramos to be telling anyone what to
      do? Who the hell is Ramos to be deciding what kind of
      government we should have and who should head it? Who the
      hell is Ramos to be declaring the future of this
      A good point--but what's {really} wrong with this
      picture, is that the answer is as clear as day, but the
      Filipino ``people's power generation'' doesn't want to
      face it. Ramos has power because he speaks for his
      American controllers, who are now waging pre-emptive wars
      on nations of their choosing, openly pushing for fascism
      in the United States, and controlling the flow of
      international credit according to political
      conditionalities. The reason Filipinos don't want to admit
      that, is that they don't want to admit that their heroic
      ``people's power'' revolution of 1986 was a
      foreign-dictated military coup which cost them their
      national sovereignty.

      - The Senate -
      In the United States, the Senate is the institution
      in which the defense of the Constitution against the
      threatened dictatorship is being fought out. In the
      Philippines also, the Senate, including those who are
      otherwise supporters of President Arroyo, has thus far
      refused to accept the Ramos/de Venecia/Arroyo demand to
      form a Constitutional Convention. Ramos is threatening to
      ``reinterpret'' the clear meaning of the Constitution in
      such a way as to claim that Senate agreement is not
      required to hold such a Constitutional Convention.
      To stop this push for dictatorship, patriots of the
      nation, both friend and foe of President Arroyo, must
      unite against the charter change. Even more important,
      they must express their full support for those in the
      United States who are leading the fight to defeat the
      fascist drive in Washington. If fascism comes to the
      United States, there will be little hope in Manila.
    • Romeo Macapobre
      what kind of government system is best for the philippines? max ... -- apprenons francais [rmacapobre-french.blogspot.com]. apprenons max
      Message 2 of 2 , Feb 1, 2006
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        what kind of government system is best for the philippines?

        2006/2/1, raffy <rlipao2@...>:
        > by Mike Billington
        > These quotes come from different sides of
        > the world, yet represent very similar circumstances:
        > ** ``There would be no system of checks and
        > balances as we now have

        apprenons francais [rmacapobre-french.blogspot.com].
        apprenons max [rmacapobre.blogspot.com].

        [Non-text portions of this message have been removed]
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