Loading ...
Sorry, an error occurred while loading the content.

Putin's Unwillingness to Repent

Expand Messages
  • Deretich, Thomas
    ... NEW YORK TIMES October 9, 2003 Putin s Democratic Present Fights His K.G.B. Past By STEVEN LEE MYERS OSCOW, Oct. 8 - There is a question that irritates
    Message 1 of 1 , Oct 10, 2003
    • 0 Attachment
      --------------------------------------------------------------------------

      NEW YORK TIMES
      October 9, 2003
      Putin's Democratic Present Fights His K.G.B. Past
      By STEVEN LEE MYERS

      OSCOW, Oct. 8 - There is a question that irritates President Vladimir
      V. Putin of Russia, and it is the one about his past as a foreign
      intelligence operative of the K.G.B.

      "They cannot forget about that agency," he replied, seemingly to his
      aides, when asked a version of it in an expansive interview at his wooded
      presidential estate outside of Moscow. He chuckled, but not warmly.

      Does the president of a newly democratic Russia - or, as some say, an
      increasingly autocratic one - regret any part of the K.G.B.'s history?

      "No, of course not," he said brusquely and, surprisingly, personally.
      "There was absolutely nothing that I could be ashamed of."

      The question, and his answer, lie at the heart of today's Russia,
      because fairly or not, much of what is happening here is viewed through the
      prism of Mr. Putin's first career: the war in Chechnya, government control
      of news organizations and elections, the growing role of former security
      officers like himself in all ranks of government.

      But there is another side to Mr. Putin, too, the one molded by his
      second, post-Soviet career as an apparatchik in a democratic, reformist
      government of St. Petersburg, the city built as Russia's "window to Europe"
      and the birthplace of the revolution that slammed the window shut after
      1917.

      "We remember, and we are obliged to remember, everything negative,
      everything horrible that we encountered in the 20th century," Mr. Putin
      said. "We should draw conclusions from this. We have paid a very great price
      for this. Millions of people died in the camps. The totalitarian regime
      brought the country to a national catastrophe and to the collapse of the
      Soviet Union. And we are fully aware of this, and the people of Russia have
      drawn conclusions for themselves."

      And so, he ended, "We firmly stand on the path of development of
      democracy and of a market economy."

      After meeting him for the first time in 2001, President Bush famously
      said he had looked into Mr. Putin's eyes, got "a sense of his soul" and
      liked what he saw. To most Russians, Mr. Putin's "soul" remains a far more
      complicated, conflicted question.

      A wealthy businessman who is close to him - and spoke anonymously to
      remain that way - said there were in fact two Putins, a security agent and a
      democrat, struggling for equipoise. Or as Viktor Erofeyev, a writer who was
      and still is something of a dissident, put it: Mr. Putin has "a dark angel"
      on one shoulder and "a light angel" on the other.

      In the four years since Russia's first president, Boris N. Yeltsin,
      plucked him from political obscurity and anointed him the second, Mr. Putin
      has steered Russia onto a stable, democratic and Western-looking path that
      he said was irreversible, if still incomplete.

      At the same time, he has overseen what his critics call a steady
      erosion of democratic rights.

      His press ministry closed the last independent national television
      network in June and gave its frequency to a government-owned sports channel.
      His government pushed through new election rules this summer that, taken
      literally, prohibit media coverage of candidates and anything they say or
      do.

      Russia, 12 years after the collapse of the Soviet state, still has an
      opaque judicial system. It still has closed cities, where foreigners and
      even most Russians cannot go. Its security services again wield significant
      power.

      The businessman said Mr. Putin's conflicting instincts - between
      freedom and state - mirror the struggle within his government and country.
      This struggle will dominate his second term, his re-election next March
      being considered a given. While the outcome could determine the country's
      course, he said Mr. Putin himself might never resolve it.

      "I believe that the struggle within Putin will go on until the end of
      his life," he said.

      In person, Mr. Putin comes across as exceedingly disciplined and
      concentrated. His office at the compound in Novo-Ogaryovo, a stylish suburb
      of Moscow, reflects a focus on power, not its trappings. It is ornate, but
      sparsely decorated.

      The president, who turned 51 on Tuesday, listens intently and builds
      lengthy, meticulously constructed answers. He has a strong command of detail
      and a sense of humor, albeit a sardonic one.

      The interview, which took place Saturday, was conducted in Russian and
      English, through a translator, with Mr. Putin occasionally interjecting in
      English.

      At several points, he sought to draw moral equivalencies between
      Russia and the United States in the same way Soviet leaders once did - and
      as before, some were simply strained.

      He avoided a direct question about the growing influence of the
      security officials - known as siloviki - by saying he had simply
      restructured law enforcement agencies the way the Bush administration
      created the Department of Homeland Security. "To talk about a return to the
      Soviet times in connection with would be like talking about the times of
      McCarthy, referring to the ministry of homeland security in the United
      States," he said. "This is rubbish that has nothing to do with reality."

      Of his own service in East Germany in the last years of a dying Soviet
      empire, he expressed pride. He derided "various clich├ęs and labels" -
      presumably meaning those applied to him - as "very ineffective" and "even
      primitive."

      "You know, we haven't fallen from the moon," he said at another point
      of those who, like him, served in the security services. "We were born in
      this country. We live here. We are products of the time in which we lived.
      That is a fact."

      The Communist Party of the Soviet Union - and the secret services that
      kept it in power - represented the state itself, intertwining "more than 20
      million people," including himself, into its bureaucracy but not necessarily
      into its historic culpability, he argued.

      "And what now - must all of these 20 million people cover their heads
      in ash and whip themselves?" he said.

      Referring to Mr. Yeltsin, he said: "The former president, the first
      president of Russia, was a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee.
      Meanwhile, he probably is the person who has done the most important thing
      in the contemporary history of the country. He gave it freedom."

      That is the essence of Mr. Putin. He, like Russia, he has sought to
      reconcile the past and the future. He portrays himself as part of a new
      generation, one shaped by the past, but looking forward.

      Addressing the issue more directly perhaps than he ever has, Mr. Putin
      described what he called the "very harsh, black periods" of Soviet history -
      the Stalin-era purges. He acknowledged that the "state security apparatus
      served as the main tool of these repressions." At the same time, however, he
      insisted the security services that became the K.G.B. he worked for were
      only a tool wielded by the controlling hands of the real power, the
      Communist Party.

      "This was in the 1930's - in the last century - but continued
      practically until the death of Stalin in 1953," he said. "I will draw your
      attention to the fact that I was born in 1952."

      Mr. Putin noted that he had studied law at St. Petersburg University,
      an institution known, he said, for "its democratic traditions." He also
      studied a foreign language, German, and is learning English now. Perhaps
      because of that, perhaps because his roots lie in "a window to Europe," he
      spoke of a vision of Russia closely intertwined with Europe, economically,
      socially and politically.

      He does not ascribe to theories of Russia's unique Eurasian
      character - nor of a Russian claim of exclusivity when it comes to
      establishing democratic freedoms.

      "By their mentality and culture, the people of Russia are Europeans,"
      he said.

      Mr. Putin curtly dismissed the notion that his - and Russia's -
      commitment to democracy was still somehow wavering, even as he frankly
      acknowledged shortcomings in elections and press freedoms.

      "Of course many things are still in a stage of evolution," he said.

      When he first came to power, he said he hoped to create a
      "dictatorship of law," a phrase that received more attention for the first
      word rather than the last. In the interview, he said the most important
      lesson from his education was "respect for the law."

      Whether Mr. Putin adheres to that lesson, and whether the rest of
      Russia embraces it, remains to be seen. Russia is a place where corruption
      is rife and where few share a sense of civic responsibility.

      Mr. Putin clearly desires order, and to him that means a strong
      central government. Asked about reports that ExxonMobil was negotiating to
      buy a large share of the newly merged YukosSibneft, Russia's largest oil
      company, Mr. Putin said Russia welcomed foreign investment. Then he added
      that the government ought to have a say in so significant a deal.

      "I think it would be the right thing to do to have preliminary
      consultations with the Russian government on this matter," he said.

      On Tuesday, an official in Mr. Putin's government amended his remarks,
      the Interfax news agency reported, saying there was in fact no legal
      obligation requiring any foreign investor to consult the government.



      [Non-text portions of this message have been removed]
    Your message has been successfully submitted and would be delivered to recipients shortly.