Article on Serbia
- The quisling of Belgrade
The murdered Serbian prime minister was a reviled western stooge whose
economic reforms brought misery
Friday March 14, 2003
Tributes to Zoran Djindjic, the assassinated prime minister of Serbia,
have been pouring in. President Bush led the way, praising his "strong
leadership", while the Canadian government's spokesman extolled
a "heralder of democracy" and Tony Blair spoke of the energy Djindjic
had devoted to "reforming Serbia".
In western newspaper obituaries Djindjic has been almost universally
acclaimed as an ex-student agititator who bravely led a popular
uprising against a tyrannical dictator and endeavoured to steer his
country into a new democratic era.
But beyond the CNN version of world history, the career of Zoran
Djindjic looks rather different. Those who rail against the doctrine of
regime change should remember that Iraq is far from being the first
country where the US and other western governments have tried to
engineer the removal of a government that did not suit their strategic
interests. Three years ago it was the turn of Slobodan Milosevic's
In his recent biography of Milosevic, Adam LeBor reveals how the US
poured $70m into the coffers of the Serb opposition in its efforts to
oust the Yugoslav leader in 2000. On the orders of Secretary of State
Madeleine Albright, a covert US Office of Yugoslav Affairs was set up
to help organise the uprising that would sweep the autocratic Milosevic
At the same time, there is evidence that underworld groups, controlled
by Zoran Djindjic and linked to US intelligence, carried out a series
of assassinations of key supporters of the Milosevic regime, including
Defence Minister Pavle Bulatovic and Zika Petrovic, head of Yugoslav
With Slobo and his socialist party finally toppled, the US got
the "reforming" government in Belgrade it desired. The new President
Vojislav Kostunica received the bouquets, but it was the State
Department's man, Zoran Djindjic, who held the levers of power - and he
certainly did not let his Washington sponsors down.
The first priority was to embark on a programme of "economic reform" -
new-world-order-speak for the selling of state assets at knockdown
prices to western multinationals. Over 700,000 Yugoslav enterprises
remained in social ownership and most were still controlled by
management committees, with only 5% of capital privately owned.
Companies could only be sold if 60% of the shares were allocated to
Djindjic moved swiftly to change the law and the great sell-off could
now begin. After two years in which thousands of socially owned
enterprises have been sold (many to companies from countries which took
part in the 1999 bombing of Yugoslavia), last month's World Bank report
was lavish in its praise of the Djindjic government and its "engagement
of international banks in the privatisation process".
But it wasn't just state assets that Djindjic was under orders to sell.
Milosevic had to go too, for a promised $100m, even if it effectively
meant kidnapping him in contravention of Yugoslav law, and sending him
by RAF jet to a US-financed show trial at the Hague. When a man has
sold his country's assets, its ex-president and his main political
rivals, what else is there to sell? Only the country itself. And in
January this year Djindjic did just that. Despite the opposition of
most of its citizens, the "heralder of democracy" followed the
requirements of the "international community" and after 74 years the
name of Yugoslavia disappeared off the political map. The strategic
goal of its replacement with a series of weak and divided protectorates
had finally been achieved.
Sometimes, though, even the best executed plans go awry. Despite the
western eulogies, Djindjic will be mourned by few in Serbia. For the
great majority of Serbs, he will be remembered as a quisling who
enriched himself by selling his country to those who had waged war
against it so mercilessly only a few years earlier. Djindjic's much
lauded reforms have led to soaring utility prices, unemployment has
risen sharply to over 30%, real wages have fallen by up to 20% and over
two-thirds of Serbs now live below the poverty line.
It is still unclear who fired the shots that killed Zoran Djindjic. The
likelihood is that it was an underworld operation, his links to
organised crime finally catching up with him. But, harsh though it
sounds, there are many in Serbia who would willingly have pulled the
trigger. On a recent visit to Belgrade, I was struck not only by the
level of economic hardship, but by the hatred almost everyone I met
felt towards their prime minister, whose poll ratings had fallen below
The lesson from Serbia for today's serial regime changers is a simple
one. You can try to subjugate a people by sanctions, subversion and
bombs. You can, if you wish, overthrow governments you dislike and seek
to impose your will by installing a Hamid Karzai, General Tommy Franks
or a Zoran Djindjic to act as imperial consul. But do not imagine that
you can then force a humiliated people to pay homage to them.
#65399; Neil Clark is writing a book about the recent history of Yugoslavia
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