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  • pbs@iafrica.com
    From: WWW.AfricanCrisis.Org [Dan Roodt has been taking so much flak recently that I thought I would put out another article written by him so that people can
    Message 1 of 1 , May 3, 2005
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      From: WWW.AfricanCrisis.Org
      [Dan Roodt has been taking so much flak recently that I thought I would
      put out another article written by him so that people can get a closer
      look at his real views and thinking.

      The problem I see with the British (and the Americans too) in Southern
      Africa - is their senseless pandering to the "Black majority". I suppose
      this is because neither Britain nor the USA really actually care what
      happens here in the long term. Whether we live and prosper or whether we
      destroy ourselves - they couldn't really give a hoot. Their own aims are
      to guard their self-interest and nothing more.

      It appears to me I am completely insane for thinking in terms of "Western
      Civilisation" and "Western values" - thinking that they mean something
      and they should be defended - to the death if need be. I'm probably just
      a crackpot for believing there are principles to be defended, when in
      fact neither the USA nor any other Western nation actually gives a damn.

      I will agree with Dan when he says that the British probably envisage
      manipulating the ANC through diplomatic means. (I'm sure the Americans
      also believe they can do the same). This no doubt is what Mugabe refers
      to when he speaks of "neo-Colonialism". I think the Black leaders of
      Africa are determined to rebel against such diplomatic manipulation -
      which is why they are turning to the Orient.

      In the end, I believe, neither the British nor Americans will be able to
      control the ANC, Mugabe, or anyone else - and we Whites will be left on
      our own, in a hell created by White Liberals elsewhere who ignored our
      warnings. We know the Blacks better than anyone - and if 350 years of
      co-existence with them has taught us anything it is this: They are not to
      be trusted at all. As in the past, they will break treaties and promises
      and I believe that one day they will attack us. Where will the British
      and American governments be who told us to hand over power and who told
      us not to worry? Where will they be on that day?

      I would like to thank Julie Van Rensburg for translating this from
      Afrikaans. Jan]


      During Mbeki�s visit to Britain last year, a photograph of our rather
      bemused president sitting next to Queen Elizabeth in her coach,
      intuitively made me think that he is � after all � still a subject of the
      Realm. At the same time South African companies moving to London and
      transfer of control over our economy to the City provides a further clue
      that British influence has increased by leaps and bounds in South

      For many Afrikaners who have only read about British arrogance, or
      forbidding their language in the school classrooms, the present
      dispensation gives one a feeling of d�j� vu. The (previous) Minister of
      Education, Kader Asmal, a quasi-Britisher attempting to talk pukka in
      Pretoria, had set out his goal to assimilate our children from the
      remnants of Afrikaner identity, whether regarding religion, whether
      through history or means of education out of the education system. The
      man�s arrogance reminds one acutely of the British Lords of long ago for
      whom no price was too high to bring south Africa completely under the
      British sphere of influence. The first British occupation lasted from
      1795 until 1803 and was interrupted for a mere three years by the then
      Batavian rule of Commissioner-General Jacob de Mist and Governor Jan
      Willem Janssens (20th February 1803 � 10th January 1806). After 1806 the
      Cape was completely taken over by the British until South Africa became
      independent in 1910. Meanwhile the two independent republics in the
      Transvaal and Free State were illegally terminated by the Second War of
      Independence. Some people allege that we only got back our sovereignty
      in 1961 under the leadership of Verwoerd. In any case history is busy
      repeating itself, for over the past 353 years since Jan van Riebeeck set
      foot in the Cape, locally-born citizens have always been struggling to
      free themselves from colonial influences being exercised from either
      London or Amsterdam.

      At the moment we are experiencing a sort of Third British Occupation
      where England rules indirectly via its colonial English-speaking vassals.
      Wearing English clothing, drinking whisky, and for all practical
      purposes being part and parcel of a �multi-cultural Britain� as Tony
      Blair recently typified the country. Perhaps my theory sounds
      far-fetched, for are we not now in the period of African nationalism and
      liberation? However, consider the following: During the transition in
      the early nineties, Ambassador Renwick of the United Kingdom was actively
      involved in the initial talks between the NP and the ANC. There were
      even rumours that the British Secret Service, MI6, strongly cooperated to
      have the previous regime make the �paradigm shift,� release Mandela and
      the rest is history. Also remember that the groups of ANC exiles who
      were pining away in Eastern European capitals during the period of their
      communist exile would hardly have been able to seize power if they had
      not been supported by the mighty British anti-apartheid movement under
      the able leadership of the Reverend Trevor Huddlestone. In fact, without
      logistic and financial support from the British Labour Party, no more
      than a few protestors would have appeared in front of South Africa House
      at Trafalgar Square. The influence of British church ministers on South
      African politics is � of course � legendary, from Dr. John Philip, who
      was prepared to lie about the treatment meted out against the indigenous
      peoples by the whites, right town to people like Bishop Tutu or Dr.
      Beyers Naud�, both of whom placed the hated white South Africans in the

      Even before the Rivonia trial in 1964, the ANC/SACP experienced problems
      to carry their abstract ideas about revolution and class struggle over to
      their followers, and it was only when an anti-Afrikaans strategy like
      �Kill the farmer, kill the Boer� was adopted that the masses began
      stirring. Many of the recent racist incidents, like the Angelina Zwane
      case when a white farmer accidentally killed a black child by firing
      warning shots and a bullet deflected off a solid object, hitting the
      Zwane child. This incident reminds one of the best times during Dr. John
      Philip�s presence in the Cape when every Cape citizen was regarded as a
      sadist who assaulted natives. The propagandistic skewed impression
      created against local whites, especially Afrikaners in the British
      metropolis to elicit intervention from that quarter runs throughout our
      history like a golden thread. It was like that in the 1830�s and
      remained unchanged during the 1980�s.

      When looking at British native policies in South Africa, voting rights
      were given to blacks and coloureds on several occasions when the latter
      could be promoted against the indigenous whites, and voting rights taken
      away again if they were of no further use. The British have always
      believed that they could manipulate blacks with cunning and diplomacy to
      serve their purpose. The manner in which our government was persuaded to
      transfer Anglo, De Beers and S.A. breweries to London is probably one
      example of that which Napoleon referred to as �perfide albion�, or
      �cunning England.� The present na�ve ruling party, whose knowledge of
      economics and finance was obtained from 19th century German or Russian
      books by Marx and Lenin, could never have realised all the implications
      of such a move. The unprecedented prosperous era that the English
      language, culture, education and finances that entered under ANC rule,
      indicate that efforts by Ambassador Renwick were not in vain.

      ANC suspicions against local economic role players are embodied by
      Mbeki�s committee of foreign economic advisers, while there are dozens of
      economists among the Afrikaner population who would do a far better job
      of advising him. It is obvious that the privatisation of Telkom, as well
      as the recent collapse of the Rand, is of great benefit to London
      bankers. Local talent is not considered for privatisation transactions,
      and as the German and Swiss banks assisted South Africa during the
      sanction years, one can be certain that they will also come off second

      As we all know, an ethnic Xhosa group that has co-opted a few Zulus is
      now ruling South Africa. Both are members of the Nguni language group,
      among which spokespersons have for the past 150 years been influenced by
      British-colonials, especially missionaries, from the Eastern Cape and
      Natal. Black nations like the Tswanas and Sothos who had been influenced
      by Afrikaners in the past, and not necessarily displaying antipathy
      towards them, have more or less been excluded from power, similar to the
      Afrikaners. Marthinus van Schalkwyk�s recent manoeuvre, adding the
      weakened remains of the NNP to the ANC as coalition partner, actually
      represents the pathetic confirmation of Afrikaner domination under the
      Third British Occupation that began in 1994. It would be wishful
      thinking to imagine that any influence along this path could be made on
      the present regime. Criticism of the above analysis could be taken as
      being �Anti-British� or �Anti-English.� Let�s give it some further
      thought. History of British interference in Africa is not illustrious.
      Not a single ex-British colony like Kenya, Zambia or Zimbabwe is
      successful in any sense of the letter, either political or economical.
      In any case British power was organised and financed from South Africa!
      One merely has to think back to Rhodes� famous �Cape to Cairo� wish. As
      far as Kitchener was concerned, the Boers were just another indigenous
      race that he could annihilate after his Sudanese expedition.
      Missionaries� ideas of equality during the 19th century cause instability
      � something that also led to America�s problems, and as far as I can
      determine, one of the causes of the American War of Independence. In
      this respect De Klerk pointed out similarities between the American
      Declaration of Independence and Piet Retief�s Manifesto. Today we are
      saddled with understandings taken over from �Liberal� America. Like the
      �Equality of Outcomes,� as well as a whole vision of �multicultural
      Englishness� that has been whole taken over from the atmosphere of
      British Labour.

      Mbeki is merely a Britisher with a black skin.

      The parallels between transition in South Africa and Zimbabwe are too
      obvious to be ignored. After Lancaster House, the cry from Ian smith and
      other whites in the then Rhodesia that they had been �sold out� because a
      pretence of negotiations had been created only by England to eventually
      hand over complete power to Mugabe. Twenty years down the line we see
      the result of so-called British diplomacy� De Klerk, backed by British
      promises and assurances, promised that a second referendum would be held,
      that there would be power-sharing, that there would be checks and
      balances and a host of other beautiful words to reassure the public.
      However, nothing came of all this, and although we have not been a
      British colony since Union in 1910, we have been �decolonised� a-la
      Lancaster House, with a hasty takeover by the strongest side. This was
      all planned so that England could come and completely colonise us. There
      is something like local Englishness, and I don�t doubt that many of us
      are indigenously English.

      In the early days after arrival of the 1820 settlers, Boer and Brit
      spontaneously worked together as they faced the Xhosa dangers and
      experience of local conditions quickly cured the newcomers of their
      colonial illusions of native innocence as portrayed by the missionaries.
      Fifty percent of local English speakers also speak Afrikaans, listen to
      Afrikaans radio, view Afrikaans TV, and if we had better newspapers, they
      probably would also read Afrikaans newspapers. Many Afrikaners also
      intermarried with English speakers and in this respect it is difficult to
      distinguish between the two groups. In contrast to the 50% who have been
      totally assimilated, there is also a group of �upper class� urbanites who
      still have strong ties with the metropolis and of whom many have
      emigrated. A large part of English intelligentsia suffer from a total
      colonial outlook and have no independent thought. These are the true
      heirs of British missionaries who see the personification of evil in
      local whites, and practise the kind of logical absurdities that are to be
      found among the Human Rights Commission�s racist theories. I always
      confirm with satisfaction to what degree an institution like the HRC with
      its exaggerated black-nationalist sense of white evil, is dependent on
      the researchers of the University of Cape Town � as well as those of
      other traditional English Universities. The ANC would never have come to
      power without the intellectual help of the English intelligentsia.
      Besides the gravy-train nomenclature of Xhosas and Zulus making up our
      government, there are a large amount of English intellectuals of the
      colonial types that make up the more technocratic positions who, as
      overpaid �consultants� are busy with the final victimisation against
      Afrikaans and Afrikaners. Some of them are even deputy-ministers.
      Somewhere around 1948 a section of the English intelligentsia realised
      that the only way to gain power was through the blacks. This was no new
      idea and fitted in perfectly with the ideology of the Missionaries.
      Rather than setting out to convert the blacks, the early Missionaries
      gained untold power and privileges through the tribal chief, and besides
      their trade in religious concepts, they also became involved in the
      market for goods. Nobody must underestimate the hatred and frustration
      caused among the colonial English component after the National Party came
      into power in 1948.

      In the general atmosphere of hysteria and apocalypse that created fear
      for a republican and Afrikaner-ruled South Africa, the Torch Commando,
      consisting of ex-soldiers and especially Natalians. Natal, that had no
      exe to grind with the NP�s segregationist policies, was nonetheless in
      the grip of separatist feelings, because the thought of a republic and
      loss of the umbilical cord with England was just too much to bear. The
      academics, and Nadine Gordimer in particular, felt alienated from the
      Afrikaner-controlled South Africa and the start of poisonous
      anti-Afrikaner literature was marked through the satirical work, When
      Smuts Goes from the pen of an immigrant historian, Arthur Keppel-Jones,
      who would emigrate not long after. This piece of literature bristles
      with an almost racist belief in the backwardness and inborn nazistic
      inclination of Afrikaners and Boers. It can be seen as a sort of
      manifesto of the Torch Commando.

      Nadine Gordimer wrote that since birth she felt that her fatherland was
      �somewhere overseas,� but the takeover by the ANC was a homecoming for
      her, as for the first time she could call the country �her own.� She
      felt totally alienated with Afrikaners in government and longed for the
      elusive metropolis. The manner in which South Africa has been reinstated
      in the Commonwealth, and a greater psychological British Empire during
      the past seven years, and praised by Mrs. Gordimer and others, is the key
      to the shift of identity that the country has undergone. Even in South
      African newspapers one reads about brown (coloured) columnists becoming
      lyrical over British culture and the soothing effect on South Africa.
      That is why the present regime is paradoxically based on anti-Afrikaans
      resentment. One finds it everywhere � from changing street and place
      names to Asmal�s desire to Anglicise Afrikaners and inaugurate them into
      a Blairistic Labour empire of political-correctness.

      The worst hyperbole of the Missionary representation in our history has
      now become dogma. In the Cape I recently had a symbolic confirmation of
      my status as subject of the Third British Occupation when a Xhosa woman
      at McDonalds swore at me for daring to speak Afrikaans. �Do you speak
      Xhosa? Your language is nothing! Nothing! The whole world speaks
      English!� she yelled at me. It is often in the course of ordinary daily
      events that one is given the impression of the time in which we are
      living. The manner in which hundreds of thousands of highly qualified
      young Afrikaans-speaking people are today forced to go and do dirty work
      in England because of affirmative action, is typical of how the wheel has
      turned. The point of gravity has once again � like twice before �
      shifted to England. Many of the English-speaking negotiators on ANC side
      during the early 90�s � people like Joe Slovo and Arthur Chaskalson �
      were youngsters during the 1948 elections who must have experienced the
      takeover by Afrikaners as a disaster. Years of suppressed English
      frustration, especially among intellectuals, with the stupid and backward
      Boers in government, were bedded into a perfect strategy with typical
      British craftiness, thus reinstating Milner�s ideal of �nation-building.�
      The new constitution was not only of the Westminster type; it was also
      intended to validate the Westminster influence in South Africa by means
      of a radical shift of identity, back to a �British South Africa.� 1994
      was in retaliation for 1948. Every effort was made on TV and elsewhere
      to besmirch Afrikaners and render their history as laughing stock.

      The SABC broadcast a program in which Dingaan was held up as a good man
      who only wanted to protect his territory attains Trekker Imperialism.
      Nary a word about Blaaukrantz and Weenen, and the tract made out to be
      fraudulent. In another broadcast, Verwoerd was depicted as some sort of
      Eichmann, whereas Verwoerd was the Premier under whose rule the amount of
      black schools doubled and he did just as much for black housing. The
      role played in all these actions by discontented English to undermine
      Afrikaners and Afrikaans is certain. The photographer, David Goldblatt,
      who had previously depicted Afrikaners as being exceedingly backward and
      mentally disabled, produced a new work, �The Structure of Things Then� in
      which Afrikaner culture is shown to be totalitarian and fascistic.

      A huge exhibition, financed with contributions by the Dutch government;
      the so-called �WHITE� exhibition, the old Torch Commando route was
      followed by depicting all Afrikaans arts and culture having been
      influenced by nazism. Everything, from the architecture of the Rand
      Afrikaans University , as well as the indigenous subtle architecture of
      Gawie Fagan, was made out to be authoritarian, racist, naziist, and
      Afrikaners attempting to enclose themselves in some type of laager.
      So-called �Brown� literary men like Proff. Jakes Gerwel and Hein Willemse
      have also been in the forefront lately to damn Afrikaans literature �
      perhaps the only piece of culture to have come out of South Africa � as
      racist, sectarian and resisting transformation.

      English newspapers have often published highly jingoistic articles in
      which Afrikaans art festivals have been attacked and ridiculed, among
      which a Coloured author, Zebulon Dread, depicted Afrikaner visitors to
      the KKNK festival in Oudtshoorn as animalistic and disgusting in the
      Weekly Mail and Guardian last year. The article evoked many reactions
      and complaints, but the general feeling is that the amount of
      anti-Afrikaans propaganda under a vengeful neo-British regime is just too
      much to fight off, so that many Afrikaners just accept their stereotyping
      and vilification in newspapers, books, on radio and TV. As the country
      is being bled dry with all the capital flowing out of it, as is happening
      now, we must face impoverishment. In actual fact a Rand is worth only 8
      American cents, and anyone believing that the �internal value of the Rand
      � is higher, as Tito Mboweni likes to remind us, is living in a fool�s
      paradise. Much has been written about the cultural devastation that has
      taken place during the last few years, as pax Britannica creates a
      desert. However, it is in the revival of disorder and chaos, moral decay
      as is seen in the spate of child rape, and crime that the cognitive
      dissonance of our colonial existence comes forward most clearly.
      �Cognitive Dissonance� was first coined with reference to conditions in
      the previous Eastern Europe where state propaganda daily informed the
      masses that they were living in a workers� paradise, that they were far
      better off than their peers in the capitalist West, and should therefore
      feel grateful if they get something to eat, or be able to buy a pair of
      shoes, although they might not find a size to fit them. Despite this
      �controlled reality,� people can never be completely brainwashed to not
      see the problems surrounding them. That is when cognitive dissonance
      enters, when the difference between the ideological presentation and
      reality materialises. After my lecture on history, chaos, crime, murder
      and rape always followed after strong British-colonial interventions in
      South Africa.

      Natives were armed during the Anglo Boer War to strengthen the anti-Boer
      powers, and this led to plundering and sexual abuse against Boer women by
      the blacks. During the more philanthropic phases in the Cape, lax
      implementation of the law, and even exploitation of the legal system by
      dishonest native complainants were often the order of the day. Because
      the British are blind to differences in culture in our country, a system
      that is equally �dissonant� as was the case in the Sowiet Union is being
      enforced here in South Africa. During the 1930�s of the previous
      century, Afrikaners controlled only 8% of the economy, and this was
      agriculturally based. The rest was in English hands. Like the French,
      Afrikaners used the public sector to launch long-term projects like Iscor
      and Sasol, thus forming the basis of large local industries that included
      the motor manufacturing trade.

      A predicted result of aggressive affirmative action in South Africa is
      going to lead to the remaining large industries � those that have not
      already moved to England � will eventually become bankrupt as a result of
      mismanagement, and will be open to takeovers from outside. With a Rand
      that is hovering around R20 = �1, itg won�t be the easiest thing for
      London to gain full control over our economy as was the case in 1902. To
      a certain degree we have to admire the British. Afrikaner honesty has
      always resulted in unpopularity, and what the Xhosa worker at McDonalds
      expressed, indicates her admiration for Britain.

      One of the most surprising achievements of the British Empire was the
      conquering of the Indian sub-continent with only 1800 men, as well as
      2000 Indian mercenaries, without a shot being fired. As far as her
      relationship with South Africa is concerned, perhaps Black Liberation
      could be the best thing that ever happened to Britain. After all, the
      Second Occupation took place without a shot being fired during what that
      British South African, Alastair Sparks, described as a �negotiated
      revolution� or surrender.
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