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  • Edward Moore
    ... From: To: ; Sent: Sunday, July 25, 2004 2:27 PM Subject: BMCR 2004.07.50, Four
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      Sent: Sunday, July 25, 2004 2:27 PM
      Subject: BMCR 2004.07.50, Four Spanish books on Daimons and Magic


      > Aurelio Pe/rez Jime/nez, Gonzalo Cruz Andreotti, Seres Intermedios.
      > A/ngeles, Demonios y Genios en el Mundo Mediterra/neo. Mediterranea, 7.
      > Madrid-Ma/laga: Ediciones Cla/sicas & Charta Antiqua, 2000. Pp. 232.
      > ISBN 84-7882-457-X.
      >
      > Aurelio Pe/rez Jime/nez, Gonzalo Cruz Andreotti, Dai/mon Pa/redros:
      > Magos y pra/cticas ma/gicas en el Mundo Mediterra/neo. Mediterranea, 9.
      > Madrid-Ma/laga: Ediciones Cla/sicas & Charta Antiqua, 2002. Pp. 294.
      > ISBN 84-7882-494-4.
      >
      > J. L. Calvo Martinez, A. Pe/rez Jime/nez, MHNH. Revista Internacional
      > de Investigacio/n sobre Magia y Astrologi/a Antiguas. 1 (2001).
      > Ma/laga: Charta Antiqua, 2001. Pp. 350. ISSN 1578-4517.
      >
      > J. L. Calvo Martinez, A. Pe/rez Jime/nez, MHNH. Revista Internacional
      > de Investigacio/n sobre Magia y Astrologi/a Antiguas. 2 (2002).
      > Ma/laga: Charta Antiqua, 2002. Pp. 337. ISSN 1578-4517.
      >
      > Reviewed by Edmund P. Cueva, Xavier University (cueva@...)
      > -------------------------------
      >
      > **Seres Intermedios**
      >
      > Seres Intermedios is a collection of eight essays presented at the
      > conference "XI Curso-Seminario de Oton~o de Estudios sobre el
      > Mediterra/neo Antiguo" held at the University of Ma/laga in September
      > 14-16, 1998. The aim of the collection is to examine the functions that
      > the ancient Mediterranean peoples gave to beings that had intermediate
      > or intervening roles between humans and superhuman entities. The
      > approaches range from the anthropological to hispanist, from
      > Graeco-Roman to Byzantine and Islamic. Quite a bit of material is
      > covered in these essays. My approach for all four books is to touch
      > briefly on the contributions and to point out any major themes that may
      > emerge.
      >
      > The first essay, "Seres Intermedios: Decadencia y Retroceso en la
      > Modernidad," by J. A. Gonza/lez Alcantud, examines how Christian
      > martyrs became saints and thus had intermediating functions before God
      > on behalf of humans. The saints also gave flesh to the struggle against
      > temptation and above all helped humans by granting a "logical solution
      > to the fissure between the miseries of daily reality and eschatological
      > beliefs" (12). In addition, saints had to be interpreted as existing
      > somewhere between the monotheistic belief inherited from Judaism and
      > Graeco-Roman anthropocentrism; this interpretation opens the door to
      > the secularization of the world and a faith that has to be "approached
      > through reason" (16).
      >
      > Mercedes Lo/pez Salva/ ("Demonios y Espi/ritus en las Religiones
      > Primitivas del Pro/ximo Oriente") follows with an intriguing analysis
      > of intermediary beings in Sumer and Babylon. It is in the Near East,
      > she writes, that the "poetical imagination of man unites with the
      > religious imagination" in order to create a world of beings who "assist
      > and protect and at the same time help give an explanation for the
      > causes of evil in the world or of those forces that the human mind
      > cannot understand" (23). It should be noted that these beings not only
      > help but also plague humans, all of whom are situated in a tripartite
      > universe: humans on earth, superior and divine beings in the heavens,
      > and creatures that terrify humans below. The author argues that it was
      > necessary to believe in the intermediary beings in order to elevate
      > oneself from the terrestrial to the heavenly or to account for the
      > terrors that stem from the infernal world. Listed among intermediary
      > beings are the sebittu, iminbi, kalaurru, kurgaruu, apkallu, and milla
      > gallu.
      >
      > E. Sua/rez de la Torre's "La Nocion de Daimon en la Literatura de la
      > Grecia Arcaica y Cla/sica" writes that <greek>dai/mwn</greek> can be
      > interpreted as: 1) an unnamed deity that intervenes directly in human
      > affairs and can be equated with the theoi, 2) something similar at
      > times to destiny or fortune, 3) something that need not be identified
      > with Olympic deities, but can have negative and frightening
      > associations, 4) the soul of a hero or of someone who has died, or 5)
      > the "soul" as understood in philosophical terms. The author explores
      > the texts of Homer, Hesiod, Homeric Hymns, Alcman, Pindar, Bacchylides,
      > Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, Heraclitus, Pythagoras, Empedocles,
      > Iamblichus, and Plato, among others.
      >
      > In "Seres Intermedios en la Tradicio/n Plato/nica Tardi/a", John Dillon
      > continues with this theme when he begins his essay with the passage
      > from Plato's Symposium 203a1-2, which states that "God does not deal
      > directly with man" because there is a series of intermediary beings
      > called daimones, who can be "good or bad" (117). Dillon explores the
      > contributions of Xenocrates, Plutarch, Philo of Alexandria, Apuleius,
      > and Calicidius to the development in the explication and expansion on
      > the concept of the demonic in Platonism.
      >
      > In "Seres Intermedios y Religiosidad Popular en el Mundo Romano,"
      > Clelia Marti/nez Maza reviews the function of the intermediary beings
      > in "popular and private" spheres, in particular, the domestic roles in
      > which these beings were worshipped. The penates and their relationship
      > to the nourishment of the family and the lares and their involvement in
      > the delineation of property ownership form the bulk of the essay. The
      > manes, lemures, and larvae are seen as "divine groups that act
      > collectively and possess a field of action that is closer to that of
      > the human individual than that of the gods" (143). These supernatural
      > entities survived the rise of Christianity in better shape than the
      > gods of the pantheon.
      >
      > The essay by Frederick E. Brenk, "El Exorcismo en Filipos en Hechos
      > 16.11-40: Posesio/n Divina o Inspiracio/n Diabo/lica," tackles the
      > proper interpretation of <greek>pneu=ma</greek> in the biblical passage
      > -- more accurately <greek>pneu=ma pu/qwna</greek>, which Brenk
      > translates as "prophetic spirit." This <greek>pneu=ma</greek> can, of
      > course, be divine inspiration, the Holy Spirit, or an evil spirit (a
      > reading not found in Pauline literature). Exorcism, Brenk intriguingly
      > notes, was a common Jewish practice that posed no problems in being
      > incorporated into the Christian world. Christians, however, did
      > perceive the worship of Apollo and the consultation of his oracles as
      > demonically inspired.
      >
      > In "El Diablo en Bizancio: Metodologi/a, Orientaciones y Resultados de
      > su Estudio," Antonio Bravo Garci/a uses sociological and psychological
      > methodologies to consider the question of the demonic in Byzantine
      > times as found in hagiographic literature. The models he employs are
      > "demonic" (malignant beings perpetrating evil acts), "scriptural" (the
      > deeds involved are similar to those found in the Bible), and "ascetic"
      > (the deeds involve asceticism, virtue, and sin). In Byzantine times
      > there developed a fundamental postulate: "to recognize, avoid, and
      > conquer the demons comes to be at length something like a new science,
      > a new compendium of knowledge, a philosophy of incalculable value and
      > difficulty that supplants other types of knowledge" (196). The author
      > concludes by stating that psychologically it was demanded that this
      > fundamental postulate be recognized as true, since not doing so would
      > run the risk of madness.
      >
      > The final essay, Antonio Garrido Moraga's "Ana/lisis Cri/tico de un
      > Mitema: El Demonio en Algunos Casos de la Literatura Espan~ola," is an
      > attempt to arrive at a valid macrostructural typology (in the manner of
      > Le/vy-Strauss) of the demonic in Spanish literature. Lope de Vega,
      > Amescua, Caldero/n, and Cernuda serve as texts for this attempt.
      >
      > This compilation is thorough in its approach and the authors make
      > forceful and convincing presentations. The text is free from any
      > egregious mistakes. Anyone interested in the history of the occult
      > sciences will find this book a worthwhile purchase.
      >
      > **Dai/mon Pa/redros**
      >
      > Dai/mon Pa/redros, another collection of essays, is a product of the
      > "XIII Curso-Seminario de Oton~o de Estudios sobre el Mediterra/neo
      > Antiguo" conference held at the University of Ma/laga in September
      > 19-22, 2000. The collection also includes articles by Ma/rquez Romero
      > and Jose/ Luis Jime/nez Mun~oz that were not presented at the
      > gathering. The focus of this collection complements that of the
      > collection reviewed above by noting that once the ancients recognized
      > the intermediary beings' roles, passions, and weaknesses, they could
      > try to make them "submit to their wills and convert them into their
      > instruments as servants and assistants ... capable of accomplishing for
      > us what for us is impossible" (2) -- hence the title of the work,
      > <greek>dai/mwn pa/redros</greek>.
      >
      > Concepcio/n Mora's "La Magia como Respuesta a lo Desconocido: Una
      > Visio/n Antropolo/gica" not only reviews some of the scholars in
      > anthropology who have worked to establish the boundaries between magic
      > and religion (Frazer, Malinowski, Redfield), but also goes through the
      > practices and methodologies of those associated with magic (e.g.,
      > exorcists, wise men, witches, shamans, wizards). These are the people,
      > the author summarizes, "to whom some power or supernatural force has
      > been attributed, who can use this power or force positively or
      > negatively, although all of them do not have an equal amount of power
      > or efficacy. Their resources stem from oral traditions" (23). Some of
      > these practitioners of magic move easily between white and black magic
      > and have had and still do have the trust and confidence of some people.
      >
      > In "Lugares Rituales y Magia en la Prehistoria: Dos Casos Singulares,"
      > Jose/ E. Ma/rquez Romero demonstrates that although magic could be
      > associated with a multitude of locations in prehistoric times, it tends
      > to be linked most often with painted caves and Paleolithic sanctuaries,
      > and to a lesser extent with entrenched stone circles from the Neolithic
      > period. In order to understand completely this interrelationship it is
      > of paramount importance for the modern scholar to become aware of what
      > Eliade terms "archaic ontology," which is similar to Levy-Bruhl's "soul
      > of the primitive" or Le/vi-Strauss' "savage mind" -- Ma/rquez Romero
      > avoids any disparagement of prehistoric thought. This ontology can best
      > be seen in myth, ritual, and the animistic form of the experience
      > undergone in these rituals in such places as painted caves. Magic for
      > the author must be viewed as the "consubstantial element" (39) of all
      > primitive rituals and ceremonies, which are intended to give a social
      > configuration to the beliefs of primitive peoples.
      >
      > "La Magia en la Grecia Arcaica y Cla/sica" by Jose/ Luis Calvo
      > Marti/nez begins with a survey of Greek literature from Homer to
      > approximately 300 B.C. -- it should be noted that magic in literature
      > is viewed as being more than just another poetic function. The second
      > kind of data in the essay is the scientific and philosophic opinions on
      > and manifestations of magic; the third comes from those who actually
      > practiced some form of magic. Epic, tragedy, the works of Hippocrates,
      > Plato's Laws, and the tabellae defixionum form the bulk of the material
      > examined. Nothing really new is revealed in this examination, but the
      > survey of sources is well done.
      >
      > Paired with the concluding time period of Calvo Marti/nez' chronology
      > is Manuel Garci/a Teijeiro's "Temas Ma/gicos en la Literatura
      > Heleni/stica." The author argues that during the Hellenistic period not
      > only did the Greek language move to its koine or universal form but
      > that local forms of magic extended throughout the Mediterranean in the
      > Imperial period in a syncretistic manner. Magic, it is argued, took on
      > a scientific quality, with universal laws and regulations. The proof
      > for this transformation can be found in the poetry of the period (e.g.,
      > Apollonius of Rhodes and Theocritus).
      >
      > In "La Magia en la Biblia," Antonio Pin~ero moves the spotlight from
      > the Greek world to Israel. This essay, which is a summary of two
      > chapters from his book En la frontera de lo imposible: Magos, me/dicos
      > y taumaturgos en el Mediterra/neo Antiguo en tiempos del Nuevo
      > Testamento (2001), indicates that ancient Israel was well-versed in
      > magic. The author cites examples from the Old Testament that evidence
      > the magical use of prayer, sacred places, rites of sacrifices,
      > apotropaic rituals, amulets, the invocation of the dead, the divine
      > name, miracles, and prophecy -- all of which were forbidden by official
      > legislation but tended to remain in private practice. In the New
      > Testament any sort of paranormal activity must be interpreted to see
      > whether it comes through Jesus Christ. If it does, it is not magic. If
      > it does not, either evil spirits are at work or someone who has control
      > over the forces of nature. This is therefore termed magic.
      >
      > Claudio Moreschini heads back to the Graeco-Roman world with his
      > intriguing "Apuleyo Mago o Apuleius Philosophus Platonicus?" The
      > premise of the essay is quite simple: the Christian belief is that
      > demons and the terror caused by them are evidenced through a series of
      > proofs, literary or folklore, which are extremely varied. The pagan,
      > however, views demons as causing not necessarily fear but rather
      > reverence (this reverence is limited to people of the middle and elite
      > classes). Among the latter interpretation are the observations of
      > Plutarch, Apuleius, Maximus of Tyre, and Philostratus. It is Apuleius
      > who sums up this notion by observing that magic, at least as evidenced
      > in his own writings, is a form of philosophy and theurgy; the
      > philosopher is the priest of all of the numina and is in contact with
      > all divinities, with which he is allowed to speak.
      >
      > The last essay that touches upon the classical world is "Magia
      > Literaria y Pra/cticas Ma/gicas en el Mundo Roman-Ce/ltico" by
      > Francisco Marco-Simo/n. The author suggests that it is difficult to get
      > an accurate picture of Celtic magic in Ireland because most accounts
      > that deal with this phenomenon are mediated through myths and Christian
      > hagiographical narratives. Marco-Simo/n also argues that orality played
      > a large part in the way the traditions and religious knowledge of this
      > phenomenon were conveyed. Celtic magic, in conclusion, must be sought
      > in the vernacular epigraphy written in the Gallic tongue. The accounts
      > of such writers as Pliny the Elder do not supply a clear picture of
      > Celtic magic; they only stress Celtic peculiarities and the inversion
      > of Roman practices and ideas.
      >
      > The final three essays break away from the Classical world and focus on
      > Byzantine, Andalusian/Muslim, and Medieval and Renaissance Spanish
      > writings. In "La Magia en Bizancio: Una Ojeada de Conjunto," Antonio
      > Bravo Garci/a gives an overview of magic in Byzantine times: magic in
      > Byzantium was a constant presence, notwithstanding Church opposition,
      > which from the fourth century had imperial legislation on its side to
      > punish severely not only those involved in causing harm but also those
      > sympathetic to the practice of magic. Amulets, tabellae defixionum,
      > exorcism, and myriad forms of divination were prevalent. Maribel
      > Fierro's "La Magia en Al-Andalus" concentrates on the ancient and
      > modern Muslim preoccupation with magic. In particular, the author
      > addresses the question whether there is revelation after the
      > composition of the Koran. Although magic has been prohibited and
      > strenuously punished during all periods and in all places in the Muslim
      > world, it nevertheless has been an "integral part in Muslim beliefs,
      > rituals, and social customs" (248-249). The last essay, Miguel A/ngel
      > Pe/rez Priego's "Tratados y Pra/cticas Ma/gicas en la Literatura
      > Espan~ola Medieval y Renacentista," is a cursory examination of motifs
      > and themes pertaining to magic that appear in Medieval and Renaissance
      > Spanish writings. The authors discussed range from Bishop de Lope
      > Barrientos, Marti/n de Castan~ega, Pedro Ciruelo, Don Enrique de
      > Villena, to Juan de Mena and Diego Sa/nchez de Badajoz.
      >
      > This volume, like its predecessor, is a detailed examination of the
      > role of magic in the ancient and medieval world. The essays are well
      > written, informative, and comprehensive. Both volumes accomplish the
      > goals set out by the editors.
      >
      > **MHNH 1**
      >
      > The first two volumes of MHNH. Revista Internacional de Investigacio/n
      > sobre Magia y Astrologi/a Antiguas, edited by J. L. Calvo Martinez and
      > A. Pe/rez Jime/nez, follow the same format: I. Studia, II. Documenta et
      > Notabilia, and III. Recensiones. Volume 1 comprises nine articles, plus
      > Giuseppe Bezza's introduction and Italian translation of the Greek text
      > of the horoscope found in Vaticanus graecus 191, 242v-248v and
      > Parisinus graecus 2507, 105r-113v (along with the critical apparatus)
      > and five book reviews. The contributions in the last two categories
      > will not be discussed in this review.
      >
      > The first article, "Cien An~os de Investigacio/n sobre la Magia
      > Antigua" by Jose/ Luis Calvo Martine/z, is a bibliography that anyone
      > interested in ancient magic and the occult should have. The meticulous
      > bibliography is divided into these categories:
      >
      > I. Magic in General: 0. Bibliography, 1. Anthropological and
      > Philosophic Studies, 2. Historic Studies;
      >
      > II. Magic in Ancient Peoples and Cultures: 1. Oriental Magic (and
      > Religion), 2. Jewish Magic, 3. Egyptian Magic (a. Pharaonic, b. Coptic
      > and Demotic), 4. Christianity (a. General Works, b. Demonology, c.
      > Magic and Scripture, d. People Gifted with Magic, especially Jesus);
      >
      > III. Magic in Greece and Rome:
      >
      > A. "Real" Magic:
      >
      > 0. Bibliographies,
      >
      > 1. Sources (a. Magical Papyri, b. tabellae defixionum, c. Amulets),
      >
      > 2. Translations,
      >
      > 3. Lexica,
      >
      > 4. General Works (a. Collections, b. Monographs and Encyclopedia
      > Entries, c. On the "Concept" of Magic, d. On Magic as "Force"),
      >
      > 5. Magic and Religion,
      >
      > 6. Magic and Science, especially Medicine,
      >
      > 7. Magic in Context (a. Syncretism and/or the Influence of Other
      > Cultures, b. Neoplatonism and Theurgy, c. Hermetism and Gnosis, d.
      > Astrology and Magic),
      >
      > 8. Magic and Language,
      >
      > 9. The Suppression of Magic: Magic and Law,
      >
      > 10. Types of Magic and Magical Practices (a. Evil, b. Meteorological,
      > c. Erotic, d. Defixiones, Binding Spells, Curses, e. Divination, f.
      > Exorcisms),
      >
      > 11. Passages and Practical Examples from the Magical Papyri,
      >
      > 12. The Elements of Magical Practice
      >
      > a. Supernatural Agents: Divinities and Demons [i. Abraxas, ii.
      > Akephalos, iii. Aion and Theos Hypsistos, iv. Iao, v. Egyptian Gods:
      > Isis, Osiris, Horus, Seth, Thoth, Harpocartes, etc., vi. Hecate, Selene
      > and other Similar Syncretized Female Deities, vii. Other Gods and Greek
      > Divinities, viii. Mithras and Other Oriental Deities, ix. Gods or
      > Goddesses that appear in magical texts whose identities are doubtful,
      > x. Demons and Angels, xi. Palindromes and Numerology],
      >
      > b. Human Agents [1. Magicians, Mediums, etc., ii. Witches],
      >
      > c. The Spoken Word,
      >
      > d. Objects used in Magic [i. Amulets, ii. Plants, iii. Animals, iv.
      > Objects and Instruments Endowed with Magic]);
      >
      > B. Literary Magic:
      >
      > B.1. Greece: 1. General Works on Greece and Rome, 2. Authors and Genres
      > (a. Homer: Circe, Helen, Odysseus, Aeolus, the Phaeacians, the Sirens,
      > the Nekuia, etc., b. Pindar, c. Drama [i. Aeschylus, ii. Sophocles,
      > iii. Euripides, iv. Aristophanes], d. Theocritus and Sophron, e.
      > Lucian);
      >
      > B.2. Rome: 1. General Works on Rome, 2. Authors (a. Pliny the Elder, b.
      > Horace, c. Vergil, d. Ovid, e. Propertius, f. Tibullus, g. Petronius,
      > h. Lucan, i. Apuleius).
      >
      > This bibliography is superb.
      >
      > Similar to the bibliography by Calvo Martine/z is the fifth essay,
      > Aurelio Pe/rez Jime/nez's "Cien An~os de Investgacio/n sobre la
      > Astrologia Antigua," which supplies us with a detailed and meticulous
      > bibliography on ancient astrology. The bibliography contains a
      > statement on the importance of research in this area, previous
      > bibliographies, a brief introduction to the Near Eastern origins,
      > studies and primary sources for Graeco-Roman texts compiled in the last
      > century, and a thematic bibliography. The major divisions of the
      > bibliography are as follows:
      >
      > 1. General Works: 1.1. Bibliographies, 1.2. Dictionaries and
      > Encyclopedias, 1.3. General Studies on Astrology, 1.4. Monographs, 1.5.
      > Anthologies, 1.6. General Works with Entries on Astrology, 1.7.
      > Linguistic, Lexical, and Terminology Scholarship;
      >
      > 2. Greek Astrology: 2.1. General Works, 2.2. Astrologers and Authors;
      >
      > 3. Roman Astrology: 3.1. General Works, 3.2. Astrologers and Authors,
      > 3.3. Astrology and the Emperors;
      >
      > 4. Astrology and Philosophy: 4.1. General Works, 4.2. Fatalism, the
      > Great Year and Palingenesis, 4.3. the Universe, Microcosmos,
      > Macrocosmos;
      >
      > 5. Astrology, Religion, Myth and Astral Mysticism: 5.1. Astrology, Myth
      > and Religion, 5.2. Astral Mysticism, 5.3. Astrology, Religions
      > associated with the sun and Near Eastern cults;
      >
      > 6. Astrology, Judaism, Gnosticism and Christian Thought: 6.1. General
      > Works, 6.3. (there is no section 6.2.) Authors: Church Fathers,
      > Gnostics, Heretics;
      >
      > 7. Polemics on Astrology;
      >
      > 8. Technical Aspects: 8.1. Constellations, 8.2. the Zodiac, 8.3.
      > Decans, 8.4. Planets, 8.5. Horoscopes and Dodecatropes, 8.6.
      > Melothesia, 8.7. Geography, 8.8. Botany, 8.9. Metals, Stones and Jems,
      > 8.10. Medical Arts, 8.11. Varia.
      >
      > Manuel Garci/a Teijeiro's "El Cuento de Miedo en la Antigu+edad
      > Cla/sica" tackles the question of when authors first wrote horror
      > stories for the sake of narrative. In other words, when were the first
      > "true" horror stories written? Garci/a Teijeiro defines horror stories
      > as literary, with the goal of causing terror: these stories may be
      > based on popular themes but have to be created uniquely by the author
      > with the sole aim of causing fear. In search of the first "true" horror
      > story, Garci/a Teijeiro reviews supernatural narratives in tragedy,
      > Philostratus, Antonius Liberalis, Phlegon of Tralles, Lucian's
      > Philopseudes, Xenophon of Ephesus, Heliodorus, and Antonius Diogenes.
      > He finds the answer in Petronius (61 and 63) and Apuleius
      > (Metamorphoses 1.5-19 and 2.21-30). This essay is perhaps the best in
      > this volume.
      >
      > Fritz Graf's "Mythos und Magie" examines how the words "myth" and
      > "magic" are understood in modern and ancient times. In the modern
      > world, "myth" has positive connotations, while "magic" does not. In the
      > ancient world, however, both terms had pejorative implications. Graf
      > examines the causes for the change in meaning.
      >
      > "Sobre la Emergencia de la Magia como Sistema de Alteridad en la Roma
      > Augu/stea y Julio-Claudia" by Francisco Marco Simo/n traces the public
      > and private reactions to magic from the late first century Republic to
      > the early Empire. The perception of magic as having negative subtexts
      > reaches its climax in Pliny, who sees that magic has two qualities: the
      > internal, as found in Nero, and the external, as found in Parthia. The
      > latter symbolizes malevolence and danger to the fledgling Empire. This
      > is a remarkable analysis of the opinions on magic at that most critical
      > time in Roman history.
      >
      > The next three essays deal with astrology. In "Los Compuestos de
      > <greek>sun-</greek> en Ge/mino: Su Valor Astrolo/gico (y
      > Astrono/mico)", Esteban Caldero/n Dorda demonstrates that as astrology
      > and its texts developed and increased in the Graeco-Roman world,
      > compounds formed with <greek>sun-</greek> also increased. For example,
      > Geminus' first century A.D. Introduction to Astronomy uses twenty-nine
      > verbs, eleven substantives, six adjectives, and three adverbs with the
      > compound prefix. In comparison, the second century Tetrabiblos by
      > Claudius Ptolemy has four times as many combinations. Wolfgang
      > Hu+bner's "Zur Verwendug und Umschreibung des Terminus
      > <greek>w(rosko/pos</greek> in der Astrologischen Lehrdichtung der
      > Antike" examines the preference for the terms
      > <greek>w(rono/mos</greek>, <greek>w(ronome/w</greek>, and
      > <greek>w(/ra</greek> over the terms <greek>w(rosko/pow</greek>,
      > <greek>w(ronoskop/ew</greek>, <greek>e)pi/skopos</greek> or
      > <greek>e)u+/skopos</greek> in Greek didactic poems. The first instance
      > of horoscopus or horoscopare appears in Manilius' Astronomica. Lastly,
      > Santiago Montero Herrero's "Astrologi/a y Etrusca Disciplina: Contactos
      > y Rivalidad" notes that Varro's circle attempted to syncretize
      > astrology and Etruscan forms of divination, but that with the rise of
      > the Empire this effort at unity broke down, with the senatorial class
      > going back to Etruscan rites and astrology serving individual needs.
      >
      > The last essay of this collection, "El Esoterismo Grecorromano en la
      > Red" by Juan Francisco Martos Montel and Cristo/bal Maci/as
      > Villalobos," is a survey of magical, astrological, and hermetic
      > Internet sites that deal with the Graeco-Roman world. The survey
      > contains numerous URLs, but as happens with most written media that
      > deal with the Web, it is now somewhat out of date. For example, the
      > authors supply results of Google and Lycos searches for the following
      > five terms:
      >
      > "astrology" -- Google: 80,900; Lycos: 28,536
      > "magic" -- Google: 30,000; Lycos: 222,276
      > "hermetism" -- Google: 10,200; Lycos: 7,649
      > "Hermes Trismegistus" -- Google: 489; Lycos: 544
      > "hermetic" -- Google: 14,300; Lycos: 10,320
      >
      > As of the writing of this review, the numbers are (and of course these
      > numbers also will be superseded):
      >
      > "astrology" -- Google: 4,980,000; Lycos: 2,235,322
      > "magic" -- Google: 28,800,000; Lycos: 10,111,359
      > "hermetism" -- Google: 3,080; Lycos: 1,424
      > "Hermes Trismegistus" -- Google: 13,400; Lycos: 6,164
      > "hermetic" -- Google: 271,000; Lycos: 85,988
      >
      > The essay is nevertheless a good survey of the vast amounts of
      > materials that can be accessed on the Internet.
      >
      > **MHNH 2**
      >
      > In volume two there are eleven articles, plus Giuseppe Bezza's
      > introduction and Italian translation of the Greek text of the horoscope
      > of Eleutherius Zebelenus of Elis (along with the critical apparatus), a
      > brief analysis of Pedro Gallego's Summa de Astronomia, and ten book
      > reviews. Again, only the articles will be discussed in this review.
      >
      > The series of essays begins with Antonio Bravo Garci/a's "<greek>h(
      > magikh\ kakotexni/a</greek>: Materiales para una Historia de la Magia y
      > la Demonologi/a Bizantinas," which is a greatly expanded version of the
      > essay cited above, "La Magia en Bizancio: Una Ojeada de Conjunto,"
      > which was published in Dai/mon Pa/redros.
      >
      > "El Tratamiento del Material Hi/mnico en los Papiros Ma/gicos: El Himno
      > <greek>deu=ro/ moi</greek>" by Jose/ Luis Calvo Marti/nez compares the
      > papyri XII.238-269, XIII.762-833, and XXI 1-25 in K. Preisendanz Papyri
      > Graecae Magicae: Die griechische Zauberpapyri. These texts invoke the
      > divine name to consecrate a gold ring and to get a direct view of the
      > divine. The author contrasts the three texts using eleven criteria and
      > concludes that these three papyri did not copy from each other but used
      > a common model.
      >
      > The focus of "El 'Milagro de la Lluvia,' Los Julianos Et Alii" by
      > A/lvaro Ferna/ndez Ferna/ndez is an attempt to verify the person(s)
      > responsible for the miraculous storm that helped Marcus Aurelius defeat
      > the Germanic tribes in the 170s A.D. The account is found in authors
      > such as Claudius Apollinaris, Tertullian, Dio Cassius, Eusebius,
      > Gregory of Nyssa, and Orosius. The possible candidates responsible for
      > the event are the Chaldeans, the divinity of the emperor, an Egyptian
      > by the name of Arnuphis, or the Christian soldiers in the XII Legio
      > Fulminata. In sum, as Christianity grew in the Empire the cause of the
      > rain became Christian; prior to the rise of Christianity, the texts
      > allow for pagan attribution.
      >
      > Enrique Ramos Jurado's "Magia y Teu/rgia en De Mysteriis de Ja/mblico"
      > assesses Iamblichus' differentiation between magic and theurgy. The
      > latter ran the risk of being confused with magic and therefore of being
      > debased; it was practiced in special circles that were intertwined with
      > philosophy. Theurgists, moreover, unlike magicians, were allowed to
      > have true contact with the divine. They could in fact contemplate the
      > true nature of the gods. "Il Segreto della Madre Lucente: Estasi e
      > Teurgia nel Sincretismo Gnostico" by Ezio Albrille again studies
      > theurgy, focussing on its relationship Gnostic syncretism (especially
      > the states of ecstasy that are associated with both practices).
      >
      > Pablo A. Toijano's "Salomo/n, Lilith, San Jorge y el Drago/n: Un
      > Ejemplo de Reinterpretacio/n Ma/gica en la Antigu+edad Tardi/a"
      > suggests that the iconography of king Solomon as a horseman (found on
      > amulets, etc.) may have been the sources of the iconography of St.
      > George and the Dragon. Thus, a story with Judaic roots was transformed
      > into one widely accepted by Christians. The amulets with king Solomon
      > on them are intrinsically associated with exorcism.
      >
      > A similar developmental and syncretistic approach is taken by Godefroid
      > de Callatay in "La Grande Ourse et le Taureau Apis," where the author
      > notes that Aratus' Phaenomena vv.91-93 makes an association between the
      > Great Bear and the figure of a bull. The author knowledgeably explains
      > that the Egyptians had allotted that part of the sky to the Egyptian
      > bull Apis, which later came to be known as Epaphos.
      >
      > Mari/a Paz de Hoz' "Men, un Dios Lunar, con Corona de Rayos" follows
      > the same pattern and demonstrates how the lunar deity Men came to be
      > associated with the solar deity Helios during Imperial times. It is a
      > brief yet fascinating look at the merger of these two gods.
      >
      > As in volume one, the last three essays deal with astrology.
      > "Precedentes de las Doctrinas Antiastrolo/gicas y Antifatalistas de
      > Tertulliano" by Virginia Alfaro Bech and Victoria E. Rodri/guez Marti/n
      > reviews Tertullian's juxtaposition of curiositas christiana with
      > curiositas vana or curiositas profana. The first type of curiosity,
      > which Tertullian terms necessaria, eschews astrology because the only
      > type of knowledge it seeks is the knowledge that comes from Christ's
      > resurrection. Moreover, Tertullian is aware of the "societas between
      > magic and astrology: they are mentioned jointly and are considered
      > allied" (212) against the true knowledge that is found in Christianity.
      > In "La Astrologi/a y los Astro/logos en la Antologi/a Palatina:
      > Alusiones y Parodias," Guillermo Gala/n Vioque studies references to
      > astrology in the anthology: 11.318, 9.112, 7.157, 5.105, 6.501, 11.159,
      > 11.160-164, 11.114, 11.183, 9.82, 12.227, 11.383, and 14.141-142. He
      > concludes by noting that the allusions and references are not many in
      > number, even though astrology was very popular. In fact, the allusions
      > and references are always found in pejorative or satirical contexts and
      > make fun of astrology and astrologers. The last essay, Aurelio Pe/rez
      > Jime/nez's "PERI DEIPNOU: A Propo/sito de Heph. III 36," examines
      > Hephaistion's enumeration of the twelve signs of the zodiac relative to
      > the seating arrangement (<greek>katarxh/</greek>) for twelve at
      > banquets. Comparable seating arrangements in Manilius, Dorotheus,
      > Julian of Laodicea, Nicetas of Paphlagonia, Peter of Antioch, and
      > Firmicus Maternus are examined as possible models.
      >
      > The two volumes of MHNH. Revista Internacional de Investigacio/n sobre
      > Magia y Astrologi/a Antiguas are useful for anyone interested in
      > ancient magic or astrology. The essays are of an excellent quality and
      > do much to increase our knowledge of these phenomena. It is satisfying
      > to see that our philological cousins in Spain are at the forefront of
      > research in these areas.
      >
      >
      >
      > -------------------------------
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      > and searchable archive of BMCR reviews since our first issue in 1990.
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      >
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