Fw: BMCR 2004.07.50, Four Spanish books on Daimons and Magic
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Subject: BMCR 2004.07.50, Four Spanish books on Daimons and Magic
> Aurelio Pe/rez Jime/nez, Gonzalo Cruz Andreotti, Seres Intermedios.
> A/ngeles, Demonios y Genios en el Mundo Mediterra/neo. Mediterranea, 7.
> Madrid-Ma/laga: Ediciones Cla/sicas & Charta Antiqua, 2000. Pp. 232.
> ISBN 84-7882-457-X.
> Aurelio Pe/rez Jime/nez, Gonzalo Cruz Andreotti, Dai/mon Pa/redros:
> Magos y pra/cticas ma/gicas en el Mundo Mediterra/neo. Mediterranea, 9.
> Madrid-Ma/laga: Ediciones Cla/sicas & Charta Antiqua, 2002. Pp. 294.
> ISBN 84-7882-494-4.
> J. L. Calvo Martinez, A. Pe/rez Jime/nez, MHNH. Revista Internacional
> de Investigacio/n sobre Magia y Astrologi/a Antiguas. 1 (2001).
> Ma/laga: Charta Antiqua, 2001. Pp. 350. ISSN 1578-4517.
> J. L. Calvo Martinez, A. Pe/rez Jime/nez, MHNH. Revista Internacional
> de Investigacio/n sobre Magia y Astrologi/a Antiguas. 2 (2002).
> Ma/laga: Charta Antiqua, 2002. Pp. 337. ISSN 1578-4517.
> Reviewed by Edmund P. Cueva, Xavier University (cueva@...)
> **Seres Intermedios**
> Seres Intermedios is a collection of eight essays presented at the
> conference "XI Curso-Seminario de Oton~o de Estudios sobre el
> Mediterra/neo Antiguo" held at the University of Ma/laga in September
> 14-16, 1998. The aim of the collection is to examine the functions that
> the ancient Mediterranean peoples gave to beings that had intermediate
> or intervening roles between humans and superhuman entities. The
> approaches range from the anthropological to hispanist, from
> Graeco-Roman to Byzantine and Islamic. Quite a bit of material is
> covered in these essays. My approach for all four books is to touch
> briefly on the contributions and to point out any major themes that may
> The first essay, "Seres Intermedios: Decadencia y Retroceso en la
> Modernidad," by J. A. Gonza/lez Alcantud, examines how Christian
> martyrs became saints and thus had intermediating functions before God
> on behalf of humans. The saints also gave flesh to the struggle against
> temptation and above all helped humans by granting a "logical solution
> to the fissure between the miseries of daily reality and eschatological
> beliefs" (12). In addition, saints had to be interpreted as existing
> somewhere between the monotheistic belief inherited from Judaism and
> Graeco-Roman anthropocentrism; this interpretation opens the door to
> the secularization of the world and a faith that has to be "approached
> through reason" (16).
> Mercedes Lo/pez Salva/ ("Demonios y Espi/ritus en las Religiones
> Primitivas del Pro/ximo Oriente") follows with an intriguing analysis
> of intermediary beings in Sumer and Babylon. It is in the Near East,
> she writes, that the "poetical imagination of man unites with the
> religious imagination" in order to create a world of beings who "assist
> and protect and at the same time help give an explanation for the
> causes of evil in the world or of those forces that the human mind
> cannot understand" (23). It should be noted that these beings not only
> help but also plague humans, all of whom are situated in a tripartite
> universe: humans on earth, superior and divine beings in the heavens,
> and creatures that terrify humans below. The author argues that it was
> necessary to believe in the intermediary beings in order to elevate
> oneself from the terrestrial to the heavenly or to account for the
> terrors that stem from the infernal world. Listed among intermediary
> beings are the sebittu, iminbi, kalaurru, kurgaruu, apkallu, and milla
> E. Sua/rez de la Torre's "La Nocion de Daimon en la Literatura de la
> Grecia Arcaica y Cla/sica" writes that <greek>dai/mwn</greek> can be
> interpreted as: 1) an unnamed deity that intervenes directly in human
> affairs and can be equated with the theoi, 2) something similar at
> times to destiny or fortune, 3) something that need not be identified
> with Olympic deities, but can have negative and frightening
> associations, 4) the soul of a hero or of someone who has died, or 5)
> the "soul" as understood in philosophical terms. The author explores
> the texts of Homer, Hesiod, Homeric Hymns, Alcman, Pindar, Bacchylides,
> Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, Heraclitus, Pythagoras, Empedocles,
> Iamblichus, and Plato, among others.
> In "Seres Intermedios en la Tradicio/n Plato/nica Tardi/a", John Dillon
> continues with this theme when he begins his essay with the passage
> from Plato's Symposium 203a1-2, which states that "God does not deal
> directly with man" because there is a series of intermediary beings
> called daimones, who can be "good or bad" (117). Dillon explores the
> contributions of Xenocrates, Plutarch, Philo of Alexandria, Apuleius,
> and Calicidius to the development in the explication and expansion on
> the concept of the demonic in Platonism.
> In "Seres Intermedios y Religiosidad Popular en el Mundo Romano,"
> Clelia Marti/nez Maza reviews the function of the intermediary beings
> in "popular and private" spheres, in particular, the domestic roles in
> which these beings were worshipped. The penates and their relationship
> to the nourishment of the family and the lares and their involvement in
> the delineation of property ownership form the bulk of the essay. The
> manes, lemures, and larvae are seen as "divine groups that act
> collectively and possess a field of action that is closer to that of
> the human individual than that of the gods" (143). These supernatural
> entities survived the rise of Christianity in better shape than the
> gods of the pantheon.
> The essay by Frederick E. Brenk, "El Exorcismo en Filipos en Hechos
> 16.11-40: Posesio/n Divina o Inspiracio/n Diabo/lica," tackles the
> proper interpretation of <greek>pneu=ma</greek> in the biblical passage
> -- more accurately <greek>pneu=ma pu/qwna</greek>, which Brenk
> translates as "prophetic spirit." This <greek>pneu=ma</greek> can, of
> course, be divine inspiration, the Holy Spirit, or an evil spirit (a
> reading not found in Pauline literature). Exorcism, Brenk intriguingly
> notes, was a common Jewish practice that posed no problems in being
> incorporated into the Christian world. Christians, however, did
> perceive the worship of Apollo and the consultation of his oracles as
> demonically inspired.
> In "El Diablo en Bizancio: Metodologi/a, Orientaciones y Resultados de
> su Estudio," Antonio Bravo Garci/a uses sociological and psychological
> methodologies to consider the question of the demonic in Byzantine
> times as found in hagiographic literature. The models he employs are
> "demonic" (malignant beings perpetrating evil acts), "scriptural" (the
> deeds involved are similar to those found in the Bible), and "ascetic"
> (the deeds involve asceticism, virtue, and sin). In Byzantine times
> there developed a fundamental postulate: "to recognize, avoid, and
> conquer the demons comes to be at length something like a new science,
> a new compendium of knowledge, a philosophy of incalculable value and
> difficulty that supplants other types of knowledge" (196). The author
> concludes by stating that psychologically it was demanded that this
> fundamental postulate be recognized as true, since not doing so would
> run the risk of madness.
> The final essay, Antonio Garrido Moraga's "Ana/lisis Cri/tico de un
> Mitema: El Demonio en Algunos Casos de la Literatura Espan~ola," is an
> attempt to arrive at a valid macrostructural typology (in the manner of
> Le/vy-Strauss) of the demonic in Spanish literature. Lope de Vega,
> Amescua, Caldero/n, and Cernuda serve as texts for this attempt.
> This compilation is thorough in its approach and the authors make
> forceful and convincing presentations. The text is free from any
> egregious mistakes. Anyone interested in the history of the occult
> sciences will find this book a worthwhile purchase.
> **Dai/mon Pa/redros**
> Dai/mon Pa/redros, another collection of essays, is a product of the
> "XIII Curso-Seminario de Oton~o de Estudios sobre el Mediterra/neo
> Antiguo" conference held at the University of Ma/laga in September
> 19-22, 2000. The collection also includes articles by Ma/rquez Romero
> and Jose/ Luis Jime/nez Mun~oz that were not presented at the
> gathering. The focus of this collection complements that of the
> collection reviewed above by noting that once the ancients recognized
> the intermediary beings' roles, passions, and weaknesses, they could
> try to make them "submit to their wills and convert them into their
> instruments as servants and assistants ... capable of accomplishing for
> us what for us is impossible" (2) -- hence the title of the work,
> <greek>dai/mwn pa/redros</greek>.
> Concepcio/n Mora's "La Magia como Respuesta a lo Desconocido: Una
> Visio/n Antropolo/gica" not only reviews some of the scholars in
> anthropology who have worked to establish the boundaries between magic
> and religion (Frazer, Malinowski, Redfield), but also goes through the
> practices and methodologies of those associated with magic (e.g.,
> exorcists, wise men, witches, shamans, wizards). These are the people,
> the author summarizes, "to whom some power or supernatural force has
> been attributed, who can use this power or force positively or
> negatively, although all of them do not have an equal amount of power
> or efficacy. Their resources stem from oral traditions" (23). Some of
> these practitioners of magic move easily between white and black magic
> and have had and still do have the trust and confidence of some people.
> In "Lugares Rituales y Magia en la Prehistoria: Dos Casos Singulares,"
> Jose/ E. Ma/rquez Romero demonstrates that although magic could be
> associated with a multitude of locations in prehistoric times, it tends
> to be linked most often with painted caves and Paleolithic sanctuaries,
> and to a lesser extent with entrenched stone circles from the Neolithic
> period. In order to understand completely this interrelationship it is
> of paramount importance for the modern scholar to become aware of what
> Eliade terms "archaic ontology," which is similar to Levy-Bruhl's "soul
> of the primitive" or Le/vi-Strauss' "savage mind" -- Ma/rquez Romero
> avoids any disparagement of prehistoric thought. This ontology can best
> be seen in myth, ritual, and the animistic form of the experience
> undergone in these rituals in such places as painted caves. Magic for
> the author must be viewed as the "consubstantial element" (39) of all
> primitive rituals and ceremonies, which are intended to give a social
> configuration to the beliefs of primitive peoples.
> "La Magia en la Grecia Arcaica y Cla/sica" by Jose/ Luis Calvo
> Marti/nez begins with a survey of Greek literature from Homer to
> approximately 300 B.C. -- it should be noted that magic in literature
> is viewed as being more than just another poetic function. The second
> kind of data in the essay is the scientific and philosophic opinions on
> and manifestations of magic; the third comes from those who actually
> practiced some form of magic. Epic, tragedy, the works of Hippocrates,
> Plato's Laws, and the tabellae defixionum form the bulk of the material
> examined. Nothing really new is revealed in this examination, but the
> survey of sources is well done.
> Paired with the concluding time period of Calvo Marti/nez' chronology
> is Manuel Garci/a Teijeiro's "Temas Ma/gicos en la Literatura
> Heleni/stica." The author argues that during the Hellenistic period not
> only did the Greek language move to its koine or universal form but
> that local forms of magic extended throughout the Mediterranean in the
> Imperial period in a syncretistic manner. Magic, it is argued, took on
> a scientific quality, with universal laws and regulations. The proof
> for this transformation can be found in the poetry of the period (e.g.,
> Apollonius of Rhodes and Theocritus).
> In "La Magia en la Biblia," Antonio Pin~ero moves the spotlight from
> the Greek world to Israel. This essay, which is a summary of two
> chapters from his book En la frontera de lo imposible: Magos, me/dicos
> y taumaturgos en el Mediterra/neo Antiguo en tiempos del Nuevo
> Testamento (2001), indicates that ancient Israel was well-versed in
> magic. The author cites examples from the Old Testament that evidence
> the magical use of prayer, sacred places, rites of sacrifices,
> apotropaic rituals, amulets, the invocation of the dead, the divine
> name, miracles, and prophecy -- all of which were forbidden by official
> legislation but tended to remain in private practice. In the New
> Testament any sort of paranormal activity must be interpreted to see
> whether it comes through Jesus Christ. If it does, it is not magic. If
> it does not, either evil spirits are at work or someone who has control
> over the forces of nature. This is therefore termed magic.
> Claudio Moreschini heads back to the Graeco-Roman world with his
> intriguing "Apuleyo Mago o Apuleius Philosophus Platonicus?" The
> premise of the essay is quite simple: the Christian belief is that
> demons and the terror caused by them are evidenced through a series of
> proofs, literary or folklore, which are extremely varied. The pagan,
> however, views demons as causing not necessarily fear but rather
> reverence (this reverence is limited to people of the middle and elite
> classes). Among the latter interpretation are the observations of
> Plutarch, Apuleius, Maximus of Tyre, and Philostratus. It is Apuleius
> who sums up this notion by observing that magic, at least as evidenced
> in his own writings, is a form of philosophy and theurgy; the
> philosopher is the priest of all of the numina and is in contact with
> all divinities, with which he is allowed to speak.
> The last essay that touches upon the classical world is "Magia
> Literaria y Pra/cticas Ma/gicas en el Mundo Roman-Ce/ltico" by
> Francisco Marco-Simo/n. The author suggests that it is difficult to get
> an accurate picture of Celtic magic in Ireland because most accounts
> that deal with this phenomenon are mediated through myths and Christian
> hagiographical narratives. Marco-Simo/n also argues that orality played
> a large part in the way the traditions and religious knowledge of this
> phenomenon were conveyed. Celtic magic, in conclusion, must be sought
> in the vernacular epigraphy written in the Gallic tongue. The accounts
> of such writers as Pliny the Elder do not supply a clear picture of
> Celtic magic; they only stress Celtic peculiarities and the inversion
> of Roman practices and ideas.
> The final three essays break away from the Classical world and focus on
> Byzantine, Andalusian/Muslim, and Medieval and Renaissance Spanish
> writings. In "La Magia en Bizancio: Una Ojeada de Conjunto," Antonio
> Bravo Garci/a gives an overview of magic in Byzantine times: magic in
> Byzantium was a constant presence, notwithstanding Church opposition,
> which from the fourth century had imperial legislation on its side to
> punish severely not only those involved in causing harm but also those
> sympathetic to the practice of magic. Amulets, tabellae defixionum,
> exorcism, and myriad forms of divination were prevalent. Maribel
> Fierro's "La Magia en Al-Andalus" concentrates on the ancient and
> modern Muslim preoccupation with magic. In particular, the author
> addresses the question whether there is revelation after the
> composition of the Koran. Although magic has been prohibited and
> strenuously punished during all periods and in all places in the Muslim
> world, it nevertheless has been an "integral part in Muslim beliefs,
> rituals, and social customs" (248-249). The last essay, Miguel A/ngel
> Pe/rez Priego's "Tratados y Pra/cticas Ma/gicas en la Literatura
> Espan~ola Medieval y Renacentista," is a cursory examination of motifs
> and themes pertaining to magic that appear in Medieval and Renaissance
> Spanish writings. The authors discussed range from Bishop de Lope
> Barrientos, Marti/n de Castan~ega, Pedro Ciruelo, Don Enrique de
> Villena, to Juan de Mena and Diego Sa/nchez de Badajoz.
> This volume, like its predecessor, is a detailed examination of the
> role of magic in the ancient and medieval world. The essays are well
> written, informative, and comprehensive. Both volumes accomplish the
> goals set out by the editors.
> **MHNH 1**
> The first two volumes of MHNH. Revista Internacional de Investigacio/n
> sobre Magia y Astrologi/a Antiguas, edited by J. L. Calvo Martinez and
> A. Pe/rez Jime/nez, follow the same format: I. Studia, II. Documenta et
> Notabilia, and III. Recensiones. Volume 1 comprises nine articles, plus
> Giuseppe Bezza's introduction and Italian translation of the Greek text
> of the horoscope found in Vaticanus graecus 191, 242v-248v and
> Parisinus graecus 2507, 105r-113v (along with the critical apparatus)
> and five book reviews. The contributions in the last two categories
> will not be discussed in this review.
> The first article, "Cien An~os de Investigacio/n sobre la Magia
> Antigua" by Jose/ Luis Calvo Martine/z, is a bibliography that anyone
> interested in ancient magic and the occult should have. The meticulous
> bibliography is divided into these categories:
> I. Magic in General: 0. Bibliography, 1. Anthropological and
> Philosophic Studies, 2. Historic Studies;
> II. Magic in Ancient Peoples and Cultures: 1. Oriental Magic (and
> Religion), 2. Jewish Magic, 3. Egyptian Magic (a. Pharaonic, b. Coptic
> and Demotic), 4. Christianity (a. General Works, b. Demonology, c.
> Magic and Scripture, d. People Gifted with Magic, especially Jesus);
> III. Magic in Greece and Rome:
> A. "Real" Magic:
> 0. Bibliographies,
> 1. Sources (a. Magical Papyri, b. tabellae defixionum, c. Amulets),
> 2. Translations,
> 3. Lexica,
> 4. General Works (a. Collections, b. Monographs and Encyclopedia
> Entries, c. On the "Concept" of Magic, d. On Magic as "Force"),
> 5. Magic and Religion,
> 6. Magic and Science, especially Medicine,
> 7. Magic in Context (a. Syncretism and/or the Influence of Other
> Cultures, b. Neoplatonism and Theurgy, c. Hermetism and Gnosis, d.
> Astrology and Magic),
> 8. Magic and Language,
> 9. The Suppression of Magic: Magic and Law,
> 10. Types of Magic and Magical Practices (a. Evil, b. Meteorological,
> c. Erotic, d. Defixiones, Binding Spells, Curses, e. Divination, f.
> 11. Passages and Practical Examples from the Magical Papyri,
> 12. The Elements of Magical Practice
> a. Supernatural Agents: Divinities and Demons [i. Abraxas, ii.
> Akephalos, iii. Aion and Theos Hypsistos, iv. Iao, v. Egyptian Gods:
> Isis, Osiris, Horus, Seth, Thoth, Harpocartes, etc., vi. Hecate, Selene
> and other Similar Syncretized Female Deities, vii. Other Gods and Greek
> Divinities, viii. Mithras and Other Oriental Deities, ix. Gods or
> Goddesses that appear in magical texts whose identities are doubtful,
> x. Demons and Angels, xi. Palindromes and Numerology],
> b. Human Agents [1. Magicians, Mediums, etc., ii. Witches],
> c. The Spoken Word,
> d. Objects used in Magic [i. Amulets, ii. Plants, iii. Animals, iv.
> Objects and Instruments Endowed with Magic]);
> B. Literary Magic:
> B.1. Greece: 1. General Works on Greece and Rome, 2. Authors and Genres
> (a. Homer: Circe, Helen, Odysseus, Aeolus, the Phaeacians, the Sirens,
> the Nekuia, etc., b. Pindar, c. Drama [i. Aeschylus, ii. Sophocles,
> iii. Euripides, iv. Aristophanes], d. Theocritus and Sophron, e.
> B.2. Rome: 1. General Works on Rome, 2. Authors (a. Pliny the Elder, b.
> Horace, c. Vergil, d. Ovid, e. Propertius, f. Tibullus, g. Petronius,
> h. Lucan, i. Apuleius).
> This bibliography is superb.
> Similar to the bibliography by Calvo Martine/z is the fifth essay,
> Aurelio Pe/rez Jime/nez's "Cien An~os de Investgacio/n sobre la
> Astrologia Antigua," which supplies us with a detailed and meticulous
> bibliography on ancient astrology. The bibliography contains a
> statement on the importance of research in this area, previous
> bibliographies, a brief introduction to the Near Eastern origins,
> studies and primary sources for Graeco-Roman texts compiled in the last
> century, and a thematic bibliography. The major divisions of the
> bibliography are as follows:
> 1. General Works: 1.1. Bibliographies, 1.2. Dictionaries and
> Encyclopedias, 1.3. General Studies on Astrology, 1.4. Monographs, 1.5.
> Anthologies, 1.6. General Works with Entries on Astrology, 1.7.
> Linguistic, Lexical, and Terminology Scholarship;
> 2. Greek Astrology: 2.1. General Works, 2.2. Astrologers and Authors;
> 3. Roman Astrology: 3.1. General Works, 3.2. Astrologers and Authors,
> 3.3. Astrology and the Emperors;
> 4. Astrology and Philosophy: 4.1. General Works, 4.2. Fatalism, the
> Great Year and Palingenesis, 4.3. the Universe, Microcosmos,
> 5. Astrology, Religion, Myth and Astral Mysticism: 5.1. Astrology, Myth
> and Religion, 5.2. Astral Mysticism, 5.3. Astrology, Religions
> associated with the sun and Near Eastern cults;
> 6. Astrology, Judaism, Gnosticism and Christian Thought: 6.1. General
> Works, 6.3. (there is no section 6.2.) Authors: Church Fathers,
> Gnostics, Heretics;
> 7. Polemics on Astrology;
> 8. Technical Aspects: 8.1. Constellations, 8.2. the Zodiac, 8.3.
> Decans, 8.4. Planets, 8.5. Horoscopes and Dodecatropes, 8.6.
> Melothesia, 8.7. Geography, 8.8. Botany, 8.9. Metals, Stones and Jems,
> 8.10. Medical Arts, 8.11. Varia.
> Manuel Garci/a Teijeiro's "El Cuento de Miedo en la Antigu+edad
> Cla/sica" tackles the question of when authors first wrote horror
> stories for the sake of narrative. In other words, when were the first
> "true" horror stories written? Garci/a Teijeiro defines horror stories
> as literary, with the goal of causing terror: these stories may be
> based on popular themes but have to be created uniquely by the author
> with the sole aim of causing fear. In search of the first "true" horror
> story, Garci/a Teijeiro reviews supernatural narratives in tragedy,
> Philostratus, Antonius Liberalis, Phlegon of Tralles, Lucian's
> Philopseudes, Xenophon of Ephesus, Heliodorus, and Antonius Diogenes.
> He finds the answer in Petronius (61 and 63) and Apuleius
> (Metamorphoses 1.5-19 and 2.21-30). This essay is perhaps the best in
> this volume.
> Fritz Graf's "Mythos und Magie" examines how the words "myth" and
> "magic" are understood in modern and ancient times. In the modern
> world, "myth" has positive connotations, while "magic" does not. In the
> ancient world, however, both terms had pejorative implications. Graf
> examines the causes for the change in meaning.
> "Sobre la Emergencia de la Magia como Sistema de Alteridad en la Roma
> Augu/stea y Julio-Claudia" by Francisco Marco Simo/n traces the public
> and private reactions to magic from the late first century Republic to
> the early Empire. The perception of magic as having negative subtexts
> reaches its climax in Pliny, who sees that magic has two qualities: the
> internal, as found in Nero, and the external, as found in Parthia. The
> latter symbolizes malevolence and danger to the fledgling Empire. This
> is a remarkable analysis of the opinions on magic at that most critical
> time in Roman history.
> The next three essays deal with astrology. In "Los Compuestos de
> <greek>sun-</greek> en Ge/mino: Su Valor Astrolo/gico (y
> Astrono/mico)", Esteban Caldero/n Dorda demonstrates that as astrology
> and its texts developed and increased in the Graeco-Roman world,
> compounds formed with <greek>sun-</greek> also increased. For example,
> Geminus' first century A.D. Introduction to Astronomy uses twenty-nine
> verbs, eleven substantives, six adjectives, and three adverbs with the
> compound prefix. In comparison, the second century Tetrabiblos by
> Claudius Ptolemy has four times as many combinations. Wolfgang
> Hu+bner's "Zur Verwendug und Umschreibung des Terminus
> <greek>w(rosko/pos</greek> in der Astrologischen Lehrdichtung der
> Antike" examines the preference for the terms
> <greek>w(rono/mos</greek>, <greek>w(ronome/w</greek>, and
> <greek>w(/ra</greek> over the terms <greek>w(rosko/pow</greek>,
> <greek>w(ronoskop/ew</greek>, <greek>e)pi/skopos</greek> or
> <greek>e)u+/skopos</greek> in Greek didactic poems. The first instance
> of horoscopus or horoscopare appears in Manilius' Astronomica. Lastly,
> Santiago Montero Herrero's "Astrologi/a y Etrusca Disciplina: Contactos
> y Rivalidad" notes that Varro's circle attempted to syncretize
> astrology and Etruscan forms of divination, but that with the rise of
> the Empire this effort at unity broke down, with the senatorial class
> going back to Etruscan rites and astrology serving individual needs.
> The last essay of this collection, "El Esoterismo Grecorromano en la
> Red" by Juan Francisco Martos Montel and Cristo/bal Maci/as
> Villalobos," is a survey of magical, astrological, and hermetic
> Internet sites that deal with the Graeco-Roman world. The survey
> contains numerous URLs, but as happens with most written media that
> deal with the Web, it is now somewhat out of date. For example, the
> authors supply results of Google and Lycos searches for the following
> five terms:
> "astrology" -- Google: 80,900; Lycos: 28,536
> "magic" -- Google: 30,000; Lycos: 222,276
> "hermetism" -- Google: 10,200; Lycos: 7,649
> "Hermes Trismegistus" -- Google: 489; Lycos: 544
> "hermetic" -- Google: 14,300; Lycos: 10,320
> As of the writing of this review, the numbers are (and of course these
> numbers also will be superseded):
> "astrology" -- Google: 4,980,000; Lycos: 2,235,322
> "magic" -- Google: 28,800,000; Lycos: 10,111,359
> "hermetism" -- Google: 3,080; Lycos: 1,424
> "Hermes Trismegistus" -- Google: 13,400; Lycos: 6,164
> "hermetic" -- Google: 271,000; Lycos: 85,988
> The essay is nevertheless a good survey of the vast amounts of
> materials that can be accessed on the Internet.
> **MHNH 2**
> In volume two there are eleven articles, plus Giuseppe Bezza's
> introduction and Italian translation of the Greek text of the horoscope
> of Eleutherius Zebelenus of Elis (along with the critical apparatus), a
> brief analysis of Pedro Gallego's Summa de Astronomia, and ten book
> reviews. Again, only the articles will be discussed in this review.
> The series of essays begins with Antonio Bravo Garci/a's "<greek>h(
> magikh\ kakotexni/a</greek>: Materiales para una Historia de la Magia y
> la Demonologi/a Bizantinas," which is a greatly expanded version of the
> essay cited above, "La Magia en Bizancio: Una Ojeada de Conjunto,"
> which was published in Dai/mon Pa/redros.
> "El Tratamiento del Material Hi/mnico en los Papiros Ma/gicos: El Himno
> <greek>deu=ro/ moi</greek>" by Jose/ Luis Calvo Marti/nez compares the
> papyri XII.238-269, XIII.762-833, and XXI 1-25 in K. Preisendanz Papyri
> Graecae Magicae: Die griechische Zauberpapyri. These texts invoke the
> divine name to consecrate a gold ring and to get a direct view of the
> divine. The author contrasts the three texts using eleven criteria and
> concludes that these three papyri did not copy from each other but used
> a common model.
> The focus of "El 'Milagro de la Lluvia,' Los Julianos Et Alii" by
> A/lvaro Ferna/ndez Ferna/ndez is an attempt to verify the person(s)
> responsible for the miraculous storm that helped Marcus Aurelius defeat
> the Germanic tribes in the 170s A.D. The account is found in authors
> such as Claudius Apollinaris, Tertullian, Dio Cassius, Eusebius,
> Gregory of Nyssa, and Orosius. The possible candidates responsible for
> the event are the Chaldeans, the divinity of the emperor, an Egyptian
> by the name of Arnuphis, or the Christian soldiers in the XII Legio
> Fulminata. In sum, as Christianity grew in the Empire the cause of the
> rain became Christian; prior to the rise of Christianity, the texts
> allow for pagan attribution.
> Enrique Ramos Jurado's "Magia y Teu/rgia en De Mysteriis de Ja/mblico"
> assesses Iamblichus' differentiation between magic and theurgy. The
> latter ran the risk of being confused with magic and therefore of being
> debased; it was practiced in special circles that were intertwined with
> philosophy. Theurgists, moreover, unlike magicians, were allowed to
> have true contact with the divine. They could in fact contemplate the
> true nature of the gods. "Il Segreto della Madre Lucente: Estasi e
> Teurgia nel Sincretismo Gnostico" by Ezio Albrille again studies
> theurgy, focussing on its relationship Gnostic syncretism (especially
> the states of ecstasy that are associated with both practices).
> Pablo A. Toijano's "Salomo/n, Lilith, San Jorge y el Drago/n: Un
> Ejemplo de Reinterpretacio/n Ma/gica en la Antigu+edad Tardi/a"
> suggests that the iconography of king Solomon as a horseman (found on
> amulets, etc.) may have been the sources of the iconography of St.
> George and the Dragon. Thus, a story with Judaic roots was transformed
> into one widely accepted by Christians. The amulets with king Solomon
> on them are intrinsically associated with exorcism.
> A similar developmental and syncretistic approach is taken by Godefroid
> de Callatay in "La Grande Ourse et le Taureau Apis," where the author
> notes that Aratus' Phaenomena vv.91-93 makes an association between the
> Great Bear and the figure of a bull. The author knowledgeably explains
> that the Egyptians had allotted that part of the sky to the Egyptian
> bull Apis, which later came to be known as Epaphos.
> Mari/a Paz de Hoz' "Men, un Dios Lunar, con Corona de Rayos" follows
> the same pattern and demonstrates how the lunar deity Men came to be
> associated with the solar deity Helios during Imperial times. It is a
> brief yet fascinating look at the merger of these two gods.
> As in volume one, the last three essays deal with astrology.
> "Precedentes de las Doctrinas Antiastrolo/gicas y Antifatalistas de
> Tertulliano" by Virginia Alfaro Bech and Victoria E. Rodri/guez Marti/n
> reviews Tertullian's juxtaposition of curiositas christiana with
> curiositas vana or curiositas profana. The first type of curiosity,
> which Tertullian terms necessaria, eschews astrology because the only
> type of knowledge it seeks is the knowledge that comes from Christ's
> resurrection. Moreover, Tertullian is aware of the "societas between
> magic and astrology: they are mentioned jointly and are considered
> allied" (212) against the true knowledge that is found in Christianity.
> In "La Astrologi/a y los Astro/logos en la Antologi/a Palatina:
> Alusiones y Parodias," Guillermo Gala/n Vioque studies references to
> astrology in the anthology: 11.318, 9.112, 7.157, 5.105, 6.501, 11.159,
> 11.160-164, 11.114, 11.183, 9.82, 12.227, 11.383, and 14.141-142. He
> concludes by noting that the allusions and references are not many in
> number, even though astrology was very popular. In fact, the allusions
> and references are always found in pejorative or satirical contexts and
> make fun of astrology and astrologers. The last essay, Aurelio Pe/rez
> Jime/nez's "PERI DEIPNOU: A Propo/sito de Heph. III 36," examines
> Hephaistion's enumeration of the twelve signs of the zodiac relative to
> the seating arrangement (<greek>katarxh/</greek>) for twelve at
> banquets. Comparable seating arrangements in Manilius, Dorotheus,
> Julian of Laodicea, Nicetas of Paphlagonia, Peter of Antioch, and
> Firmicus Maternus are examined as possible models.
> The two volumes of MHNH. Revista Internacional de Investigacio/n sobre
> Magia y Astrologi/a Antiguas are useful for anyone interested in
> ancient magic or astrology. The essays are of an excellent quality and
> do much to increase our knowledge of these phenomena. It is satisfying
> to see that our philological cousins in Spain are at the forefront of
> research in these areas.
> The BMCR website (http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/bmcr/) contains a complete
> and searchable archive of BMCR reviews since our first issue in 1990.
> It also contains information about subscribing and unsubscribing from
> the service.