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Songs for Saturday - Venezuela Audit

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  • Cort Greene
    *RUBIERAS- Campesinos Rap y Gilmary Caña. Prod AlterMedia* *http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BCNeJM_neHM&feature=youtu.be* ... Anacaona: La Madre De Resistencia
    Message 1 of 1 , Apr 27, 2013
      *RUBIERAS- Campesinos Rap y Gilmary Ca�a. Prod AlterMedia*


      Anacaona: La Madre De Resistencia En El Caribe
      The legacy of Anacaona, the Ta�na queen who fought against the incoming
      Spanish, echoes throughout the Carribbean. She is recognized as a supreme
      figure of resistance, an idol of Boricua and Dominican culture, and a
      semblance of the matrilineal heritage that made up the historical tribes of
      the islands. Anacaona (1474 � c. 1503), Ta�no for "Golden Flower", was
      chief of Xaragua, and wife of Caonabo, chief of the nearby territory of
      Maguana. These were two of the five highest caciques that ruled the island
      of Haiti when the Spaniards settled there in 1492. It was this year
      that Columbus
      and his men landed in the island of Quisqueya (the Spaniards would re-name
      it Hispaniola) where the Ta�nos had resided for years and built communities
      divided up into the five chiefdoms .

      At first, relations between the Spanish and Ta�nos were relatively friendly
      and resulted in mutual exchanges of items from each culture. Eventually,
      the Ta�nos saw the Spanish's long-term (or short-term) plan of taking over
      the lands and their people. The Ta�nos resisted the conquest, led by
      Anacaona after her husband was captured, made prisoner, and died while
      being shipped to Spain. In spite of the tragic event of having lost her
      lover, Anacaona, who was charismatic, fired up the warrior spirit in the
      Tainos and invigorated them to fight for their communities. The Spaniards,
      however, eventually outnumbered the Ta�nos once the majority of them were
      wiped out by diseases, swords, and horses. Anacaona's daughter, Higuemota,
      and granddaughter, Mencia, were saved by the massacre by tribal leaders who
      were put in charge to get the young as far away from the island. Anacaona,
      accused of being a traitor, was hung in Xaragua in 1503. Today, Anacaona's
      name and story is told and mentioned in many songs written by
      Puerto-Ricans, Haitians, and Dominicans. These islands recognize the
      history of Anacaona as fundamental to the current cultures and symbolic of
      the greatness of the matriarchal organization that had prevailed in
      Carribbean society before contact with the Spanish.



      Festive Left Friday Blogging: Here, have my
      26, 2013 � Sabina Becker

      This has been in my head all day, for reasons understandable if you�ve been
      reading me lately. Now, let it infiltrate YOUR head:



      Oh, you want lyrics too? All righty then:

      *Working Latin America*

      The Yankee is afraid that you�ll rise up,
      Working Latin America,
      I don�t know, why don�t you do it?
      The Yankee is afraid of the Revolution,
      The Yankee fears the call:
      Yankee go home!
      Yankee go home�

      And rising up over the Amazon,
      Comes the rebel cry of the Carioca*,
      And comes to unite with his brother,
      The Venezuelan worker�

      Working Latin America,
      Working Latin America,
      Latin America�

      Lift up in your hands the flag of the Revolution
      Working Latin America,
      and shout, forcefully:
      Yankee go home!
      Yankee go home!
      Yankee go home!

      �Gringo, go home.
      The workers of Latin America are telling you:
      Gringo, go home!
      Yankee go home!�

      *Lift up in your hands the flag of the Revolution
      Working Latin America,
      and shout, forcefully:
      Yankee go home!
      Yankee go home!
      Yankee go home!

      Translation mine.

      *A Carioca is a native of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Since the Brazilian
      Amazon region borders on Venezuela�s own Amazonas state, there is a
      geographic connection between the two lands. Al� Primera is making the case
      for unity between the workers of these two and all other Latin American
      countries, as well. And I like to think he�d smile if he saw how
      Chavecito�s election paved the way for Brazil�s Lula and Dilma, who are
      from the Workers� Party, and both strong allies of Venezuela�and its


      Venezuelan Audit Can�t Find Any Different Result in Presidential Election,
      Statistical Analysis Shows

      Apr 26th 2013, by Center for Economic and Policy Research
      [image: The Venezuelan electoral system has been described by former US
      president Jimmy Carter as one of the "best in the world&quo]

      The Venezuelan electoral system has been described by former US president
      Jimmy Carter as one of the "best in the world" (Tomas Bravo/Reuters)

      A statistical analysis<http://org.salsalabs.com/dia/track.jsp?key=-1&url_num=2&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.cepr.net%2Findex.php%2Fblogs%2Fthe-americas-blog%2Fthe-venezuelan-presidential-vote-what-is-the-probability-that-it-could-have-been-stolen>
      the Center for Economic and Policy
      has shown that if Venezuelan opposition claims that Nicol�s Maduro's
      victory was obtained by fraud were true, it is practically impossible to
      have obtained the result that was found in an audit of 53% of electronic
      voting machines that took place on the evening of Venezuela�s April 14
      elections. The odds of this occurring would be far less than one in 25
      thousand trillion.

      �The U.S. government must know this, too,� said CEPR Co-Director Mark
      economist and co-author of a forthcoming paper with economist and computer
      scientist David Rosnick. �So it is difficult to explain why they are
      refusing to recognize the elected president � in opposition to all of the
      countries in Latin America and most of the world.�

      The results of Venezuela�s April 14 presidential election returned
      7,575,506 votes for Nicol�s Maduro, and 7,302,641 votes for challenger
      Henrique Capriles Radonski. This is a difference of 272,865 votes, or 1.8
      percent of the two-way total between the candidates.

      In this election, voters express their preference by pressing a computer
      touch-screen, which then prints out a paper receipt of their vote. The
      voter then checks to make sure that the receipt was the same as her choice,
      and deposits the paper receipt in a sealed box.

      When the polls closed, a random sample of 53
      all the machines (20,825 out of 39,303) was chosen, and a manual tally was
      made of the paper receipts. This �hot audit� was done on site, in the
      presence of the observers from both campaigns, as well as witnesses from
      the community. There were no reports from witnesses or election officials
      on site of discrepancies between the machine totals and the hand count.

      Immediately after the election results were announced on the night of April
      14th, the Venezuelan opposition demanded a full �recount� of all of the
      voting machines� paper receipts and subsequently called for an audit � or
      manual count � of the 46% of the sealed boxes containing the paper receipts
      that had not yet been audited. After the Venezuelan Electoral Council�s
      (CNE�s) decision to grant their request, on April 18th, the main opposition
      party came up with a series of new demands suggesting that they did not
      believe that a full audit would provide evidence of any significant fraud.
      On April 26 they announced that they would �boycott� the audit that they
      had requested the previous week.

      What if it were true that there were enough mismatches in the 39,303
      machines to have given Maduro a 50.8 percent majority, when Capriles had
      been the true winner? CEPR calculated that the probability of getting the
      results of the first audit would then have been less than one in 25
      thousand trillion.

      �The results are pretty much intuitive,� said Weisbrot. �With a sample
      that huge verified during the April 14 �hot audit,� if there were any
      discrepancies between the machine count and the paper ballots, it would
      have shown up somewhere. But it didn�t.�

      It is therefore practically impossible that an audit of the remaining 46
      percent of ballot boxes could find enough discrepancies to reverse the
      result of the election.

      The forthcoming paper also calculates the probability that the remaining 46
      percent of ballot boxes, if audited, could change the outcome. It also
      looks at other possible scenarios, including allegations from Capriles that
      there were irregularities in some 12,000 of the remaining machines, and
      other ways that the unaudited machines could have enough errors to change
      the result. The above calculation can be seen
      The full paper will be available next week.

      [i] Another 1 percent was audited the next day.
      *Source URL (retrieved on 26/04/2013 - 10:17pm):*

      [Non-text portions of this message have been removed]
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