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Cuban 5 - SEEKING U.S. GOVERNMENT TRANSPARENCY ON THE 1996 BROTHERS TO THE RESCUE SHOOTDOWN

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  • Cort Greene
    http://myemail.constantcontact.com/Cuban-5--Seeking-U-S--Government-Transparency.html?soid=1102700155448&aid=mipUz0pevq0 * International Committee for the
    Message 1 of 1 , Feb 11, 2013
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      http://myemail.constantcontact.com/Cuban-5--Seeking-U-S--Government-Transparency.html?soid=1102700155448&aid=mipUz0pevq0


      *

      International Committee for the

      Freedom of the Cuban 5
      *

      *SEEKING U.S. GOVERNMENT TRANSPARENCY ON THE 1996 BROTHERS TO THE RESCUE
      SHOOTDOWN *

      **

      The Los Angeles-based Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law has
      initiated several requests under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA)
      seeking access to records that may show (1) what the U.S. Government knew
      about the likelihood for a confrontation between Cuba and Brothers to the
      Rescue (BTTR) planes that were routinely taking off from Florida after
      filing false flight plans and penetrating Cuban airspace in 1995-96, and
      (2) what the U.S. Government could have done to prevent the February 24,
      1996 incident in which a Cuban MiG shot down two Brothers to the Rescue
      planes that had illegally penetrated Cuban airspace.

      This interview was conducted on February 8, 2013 by the International
      Committee for the Freedom of the Cuban 5 with Peter Schey, President of the
      Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law and lead counsel in the FOIA
      cases.

      IC: When did the Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law file a
      federal lawsuit seeking documents from the U.S. National Geospatial
      Intelligence Agency (NGA)?

      PS: The Center filed a federal lawsuit in 2010 under the Freedom of
      Information Act against the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA).

      IC: Why did the Center file the lawsuit?

      PS: The Center is pursuing this information for several reasons that were
      explained in the letters sent under the Freedom of Information Act
      addressed to the NGA and other U.S. agencies seeking disclosure of records
      relating to the 1996 Brothers to the Rescue (BTTR) shoot down incident.
      First, the records the Center is trying to obtain are of interest to all
      persons concerned with the BTTR shoot down and the Cuban Five case. Second,
      the information the Center is seeking is also relevant to the conviction
      and life prison sentence of Gerardo Hernandez, and legal and non-legal
      efforts to have his sentence vacated or reduced.

      IC: Can you explain how this lawsuit may be relevant to the life sentence
      of *Gerardo Hernandez?

      PS: Gerardo stands sentenced by a U.S. court to serve life in prison only
      because of the Brothers to the Rescue shoot down in 1996. There are at
      least four reasons why it may be helpful to achieve more transparency by
      the U.S. Government and eventually win a legal or political decision to
      reconsider Gerardo's conviction or his sentence:

      First, all Gerardo allegedly knew before the shoot down was that there
      would be a "confrontation" with BTTR pilots in February 1996. He had no
      knowledge whether that might mean an attempted interception and demand that
      the BTTR pilots land in Cuba to face charges, whether the BTTR planes would
      be chased out of Cuban airspace (if they entered Cuban air space), whether
      warning shots may be fired to force the BTTR pilots to leave Cuban airspace
      (if they entered Cuban air space), or whether the BTTR planes would
      actually be shot down. We are seeking transparency by the U.S. Government
      because it is very possible that the U.S.G. possessed more information than
      was available to Gerardo about the planned confrontation. If the U.S.
      Government possessed more information than Gerardo about the shoot down
      before it took place, this would clearly make his life sentence extremely
      unjust.

      Second, it is likely that the U.S. Government was in a position to prevent
      whatever confrontation may take place, while Gerardo possessed no way to
      prevent a confrontation. BTTR pilots obviously knew that their illegal
      penetration of Cuban airspace and flying over the rooftops of Havana would
      eventually trigger a confrontation with Cuba. If Gerardo had warned them
      that a confrontation may take place in February 1996, they most likely
      would have been delighted and kept flying into Cuban airspace precisely to
      provoke the confrontation. In any event, the Cuban Government knew what
      planes the BTTR pilots were flying and had radar to track any planes
      entering Cuban airspace so they didn't need information from Gerardo about
      the plans of BTTR pilots.

      We are seeking transparency by the U.S. Government about reasonable steps
      it could have taken--but failed to take--to prevent BTTR pilots from filing
      false flight plans with the U.S. Federal Aviation Administration and using
      U.S. airports from which to depart to illegally invade Cuban airspace. If
      the U.S.G. was in a position to prevent the Cuban-BTTR confrontation, but
      failed to do so, this also makes Gerardo's sentence extremely unjust.
      Unlike the U.S. Government, Gerardo had no power to avoid the confrontation.

      IC: Are there other reasons why you believe seeking these records is
      important to Gerardo's conviction and life sentence?

      PS: Yes. The U.S. Government made clear at Gerardo's trial that the
      location of the shoot down was critical. It believed Gerardo could only be
      convicted of conspiracy to commit murder if the shoot down took place in
      international airspace. However, not a shred of evidence showed that
      Gerardo, or anyone else including U.S. Government officials, had any
      knowledge or would have ever predicted, that a confrontation with BTTR
      planes would take place in international airspace rather than in Cuban
      airspace. In addition, if transparency by the U.S. Government showed that
      the shoot down took place in Cuban air space, or may have taken place in
      Cuban air space, this also would obviously make Gerardo's conviction and
      sentence completely unjust.

      Finally, while Gerardo is serving a life sentence in prison, the U.S.
      authorities who likely had more information than Gerardo possessed, and
      were in a position to prevent the shoot down, have shared in none of the
      responsibility for the incident.

      IC: If Gerardo only knew that some kind of confrontation would take place
      between Cuba and the BTTR in February 1996, why then was Gerardo convicted
      of conspiracy to commit murder and sentenced to life in prison?

      PS: Technicalities of U.S. law and a biased jury allowed Gerardo to be
      convicted of "conspiracy to commit murder" despite the minimal knowledge he
      possessed, his inability to change the course of events, and his obvious
      lack of knowledge that any confrontation may take place in international
      airspace. The legality of Gerardo's sentence is being addressed in his writ
      now before the federal courts. Conspiracy has been defined in the U.S. as
      an agreement of two or more people to commit a crime. The U.S. Government
      believes the shoot down was a crime because it took place in international
      airspace, not Cuban airspace. But there is no evidence that Gerardo had any
      idea that any confrontation, or a shoot down, would take place in
      international airspace. Under U.S. law someone can be guilty of
      "conspiracy" even if he or she has no direct involvement in the alleged
      crime and does not know the identity of the other members of the alleged
      conspiracy. However, regardless of the technicalities in U.S. law that
      allowed this conviction to take place and a life sentence to be imposed,
      the facts in this case make clear that Gerardo's "life" sentence is grossly
      excessive and should be reconsidered by any U.S. authorities with the
      authority to reduce the sentence and permit Gerardo to be released.

      IC: What is the Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law plan to do
      next?

      PS: The Center will continue to seek transparency by the U.S. Government
      using legal methods under the Freedom of Information Act and the
      Presidential Records Act which may disclose records showing the U.S.
      Government's level of knowledge about the shoot down before it took place,
      and why the U.S. Government failed to take reasonable measures to prevent
      the shoot down long before it happened.

      IC: Can you explain where the case stands right now?

      PS: The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit recently reversed the
      decision of the U.S. District Court in the case entitled Center for Human
      Rights and Constitutional Law v. National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency, a
      case we initiated with Len Weinglass before he passed away.

      In a unanimous decision issued on January 23, 2013, by Chief Judge
      KOZINSKI, Circuit Judge McKEOWN and Circuit Judge M. SMITH, the Court of
      Appeals decided that the lower federal court "erred in granting summary
      judgment without requiring the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency to
      submit a classified declaration for in camera review." The Court of Appeals
      agreed with the Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law position
      that the NGA's "unclassified declaration [explaining why it would neither
      confirm or deny that the requested images of the BTTR shoot-down even
      exist] failed to provide 'reasonably specific detail' that would show why
      merely acknowledging the existence of records might reveal intelligence
      sources or methods, or affect our foreign relations."

      The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals also agreed with the center argument
      that if the NGA sworn declaration submitted in support of its "Glomar"
      exemption allowing the agency to neither confirm nor deny that the
      requested images exist, then "the government would be free to issue a
      Glomar response in practically every case involving satellite images and
      records, as well as many other surveillance activities."

      The Ninth Circuit decided that the case must be returned to the U.S.
      District Court where it ordered that the NGA must provide a classified more
      detailed declaration for "in camera" review by the district court, as it
      offered to do at the oral argument The U.S. District Court must then
      "reconsider its summary judgment ruling in light of the information so
      provided."

      IC: Could the NGA appeal the decision of the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals?

      PS: We don't know whether the NGA will seek further review by the Court of
      Appeals or seek review by the U.S. Supreme Court. The NGA has 45 days to
      ask the Ninth Circuit panel to reconsider its decision. Second, the NGA
      could petition the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals to rehear the case "en
      banc." If the NGA petitions the Ninth Circuit to rehear the case en banc,
      all judges on the Ninth Circuit vote on the petition and the case will only
      be reheard en banc if a majority of judges vote that the three-judge
      decision was wrongly decided. If the case is reheard en banc, it will be
      reheard before a panel of 11 judges. We believe it is unlikely the NGA will
      seek reconsideration or en banc review, but even if it does, it is unlikely
      that a majority of Ninth Circuit judges will vote to rehear the case en
      banc.

      Finally, the NGA has 90 days in which to file a petition asking the U.S.
      Supreme Court to review the case. We doubt that the NGA will seek review
      before the U.S. Supreme Court because this could invite a decision that
      would apply nationwide and would make clear that the NGA cannot respond to
      every FOIA request for satellite images with a response that refuses to
      confirm or deny the existence of the requested records.

      IC: What do you think will happen next in the NGA case?

      PS: We believe it is likely that the NGA will agree that the case should be
      returned to the U.S. District Court where the NGA will have to submit a
      more detailed declaration "in camera" to the District Court judge. This
      means that the more detailed declaration will not be provided to the Center
      for Human Rights and Constitutional Law or made public. It will be
      submitted only to the judge for her private review. She will then have to
      decide if the new declaration provides "reasonably specific detail" that
      actually shows why "acknowledging the existence of [the requested] records
      might reveal intelligence sources or methods, or affect [U.S.] foreign
      relations."

      Whatever decision the U.S. District Judge reaches can then again be
      appealed to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit by either the
      Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law or the NGA. If the district
      judge's decision is again appealed to the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals,
      the "in camera" NGA declaration will be reviewed by the panel of the Ninth
      Circuit judges to decide whether they agree that it provides reasonably
      specific detail that shows why acknowledging the existence of the requested
      BTTR satellite images or related documents may reveal intelligence sources
      or methods, or affect United States' foreign relations.

      We are also pursuing separate FOIA requests to the Clinton Presidential
      Library, the U.S. Coast Guard, and the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency.
      The Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law will continue to seek
      transparency by the U.S. Government using legal methods under the Freedom
      of Information Act and the Presidential Records Act which may disclose
      records showing the U.S. Government's level of knowledge about the shoot
      down before it took place, and why it failed to take steps to prevent BTTR
      pilots from filing false flight plans and using U.S. airports from which to
      launch illegal and provocative flights into Cuban airspace. We believe that
      transparency by the U.S. Government will show that whether or not Gerardo's
      "conspiracy to commit murder" conviction is technically correct or not, his
      involvement in the shoot down was so minimal, and his ability to avoid the
      shoot down so minimal, that his life sentence is grossly unfair and should
      be reconsidered by appropriate U.S. authorities in both the Judicial and
      the Executive branches of the government.

      IC: What significance do you think that the release of Gerardo Hernandez
      would have on the general situation of the US/Cuban relations?

      PS: First, for the reasons I already explained, we believe that Gerardo's
      conviction and life sentence are unjust and unfair. Second, President Obama
      and his foreign policy staff should understand that Gerardo's life prison
      sentence is of great concern to the Cuban people who view Gerardo as a hero
      and a political prisoner. Because of the widespread Cuban public sentiment
      that strongly supports Gerardo, finding a way to achieve his release and
      return to Cuba may be an essential pre-condition to improvement of
      Cuban-U.S. relations, and eventually a normalization of relations between
      the two countries.

      *Gerardo Hernández Nordelo, one of the five Cubans imprisoned in the United
      States for almost 15 years.


      / / /
      *For more information about the Cuban 5 visit: www.thecuban5.org

      *
      * Support the projects of the International Committee** by making a *
      DONATION <http://thecuban5.org/wordpress/donate-2/>


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