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Protest Executions & Glimpses of Iran

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  • Cort Greene
    http://freethoughtblogs.com/maryamnamazie/2013/01/10/list-of-protests-against-execution-of-zanyar-and-loghman-moradi/ JAN102013 List of protests against
    Message 1 of 1 , Jan 10, 2013
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      JAN102013
      List of protests against Execution of Zanyar and Loghman
      Moradi<http://freethoughtblogs.com/maryamnamazie/2013/01/10/list-of-protests-against-execution-of-zanyar-and-loghman-moradi/>

      Politics <http://freethoughtblogs.com/maryamnamazie/category/politics/>

      by Maryam Namazie<http://freethoughtblogs.com/maryamnamazie/author/maryamnamazie/>

      Zanyar and Loghman Moradi, two young men, face imminent execution in Iran
      on trumped up charges of “enmity against god” and “corruption on earth”.

      Zanyar asks<http://freethoughtblogs.com/maryamnamazie/2013/01/10/i-dreamed-god-forgiving/>:
      “Is the world so cruel as to stand by and watch [our] public execution and
      say and do nothing?”.
      Please say and do something now…

      Join below protests in your cities of residence, organise or carry out acts
      of solidarity., Tweet #FreeMoradis. Stop the execution of political
      prisoners in #Iran, #Zanyar & #Loghman #Moradi. Sign petitions here
      <http://www.gopetition.com/petition/41784.html>
      or here<https://www.change.org/petitions/please-do-not-let-them-execute-loghman-and-zenyar>.
      Join Facebook pages supporting them here
      <http://www.facebook.com/FreeZanyarAndLoghmanMoradi>
      or here <http://www.facebook.com/events/329499683830092/?suggestsessionid=1000004954754851357631038>and
      send protest letters
      here<http://rowzane.com/index.php/annonce-archiev/62-edam/12030-letter-from-zaniar-moradi-from-prison.html>.
      Join “I would be execution in Iran if I did
      this<http://www.facebook.com/pages/I-would-be-executed-in-Iran-if-I-did-this/107261949318147?ref=ts&fref=ts>”
      on Facebook.

      Here is a list of protests being held on 11 and 12 January 2013:
      Updated 10 January 9:50am
      ليست آکسیون های در خارج کشور در اعتراض به حکم اعدام زانيار و لقمان مرادي
      فراخوان به گردهمايي جهاني در همبستگي با کمپين جهاني

      فرانکفورت (آلمان): Frankfurt (Germany)
      جمعه ١١ ژانویه ساعت ٢ بعدازظهر 11 January from 2pm
      مکان: مقابل کنسولگري جمهوري اسلامي Across from the Consulate of the Islamic
      Republic of Iran
      Frankfurt Dornbusch Raimund St. 100

      کلن (آلمان): Cologne (Germany)
      شنبه ۱۲ ژانويه، ساعت ٢ بعدازظهر 12 January from 2pm
      مکان: مقابل کلیساي مرکزي شهر (دم پلاته) Across from Domplatz
      فراخوان دهندگان: جمعيت دفاع از زندانيان سياسي ايران- کلن با پشتيباني جوانان
      و دانشجويان موج سبز کلن
      کميته بين المللي عليه اعدامRead the rest of this entry
      »<http://freethoughtblogs.com/maryamnamazie/2013/01/10/list-of-protests-against-execution-of-zanyar-and-loghman-moradi/#more-3487>

      http://www.marxist.com/glimpses-of-iran.htm

      Glimpses of Iran <http://www.marxist.com/glimpses-of-iran.htm>
      Written by Iraj NajafabadiWednesday, 09 January 2013
      [image: Print] <http://www.marxist.com/glimpses-of-iran/print.htm#>

      For the past year Iran has experienced a deepening crisis of capitalism,
      which in the last few months has spiralled into hyperinflation and
      devaluation of the currency. A recent trip to the country provided a
      perspective of the current situation within, particularly how people are
      dealing with the worsening conditions.

      [image: Tehran. Photo: Dieter
      Zirnig]<http://www.marxist.com/images/stories/iran/Tehran_street-Dieter_Zirnig.jpg>Tehran.
      Photo: Dieter ZirnigFor most of the trip I was in contact with people from
      northern Tehran, predominantly a middle class area and one of the most
      affluent in the country. But even here some of the adverse effects of the
      crisis were apparent. The Iranian Rial has lost 80% of its value since the
      end of 2011, falling to as much as 35,000 to the dollar. The most profound
      impact of this among the middle class is the severe devaluation of savings
      and purchasing power; many I spoke to revealed the loss of their expendable
      income, and inability to buy luxury goods they previously could afford.
      Visits to the shopping districts such as Tajrish as well as the Tehran
      Bazaar found all to be much quieter than normal, indicating how far
      consumption has decreased.

      Almost all I spoke to blamed the government for the current plight of the
      country. One university professor, for example, pointed out that up until
      recently, the government claimed Western-imposed sanctions had no effect on
      the Iranian economy, making it difficult to accept its recent line that
      sanctions are the cause of the current currency crisis. From a Marxist
      perspective, it cannot be denied that sanctions have worsened the situation
      in Iran, especially the standard of living, but it should not hide the fact
      that they have, more than anything, exacerbated a crisis generated by the
      nature of the Iranian capitalist economy. Relying on the export of oil and
      natural gas, the Iranian government is weak in the anarchic world market to
      which all countries are enslaved. Most people I spoke to at least
      recognised that there was a fundamental problem with the handling of the
      economy, independent of the impact of sanctions.

      However, it was equally clear that people from this layer of society did
      not believe it necessary to take action to change the situation. I was told
      that people were able to get by and live relatively comfortably.
      Furthermore, there was a general feeling of demoralisation amongst people
      who previously participated in the Green Movement of 2009; one such
      individual, a vet from Tehran, argued that there was no point protesting
      anymore because previous efforts for change were to no avail, being met
      with bloodshed and oppression. All were aware of the deep divide within the
      government, and the prospect of a regime crumbling from within only
      confirmed their inclination that direct action was unnecessary.
      Nevertheless, the relative level of comfort these people enjoy can only
      last so long.

      The poorer layers of society do not even have this safety net, and have
      been driven to the limit of subsistence by the current crisis. When even
      basic goods are unaffordable the potential effects are either paralysis or
      anger. The latter was most apparent in the protests at Neyshabur on 23 July
      earlier this year, when people took the streets over the rising cost of
      chicken.

      However I noticed the opposite effect when speaking to one dockworker in
      the industrial town of Abadan in the south-west province of Khuzestan. He
      spoke of how much the town had changed under the current regime, falling
      into deprivation from a position of relative affluence. When I asked him
      why, he blamed the government’s poor handling of the economy, especially
      its failure to provide welfare assistance when people most needed it.
      Indeed, he revealed how he was having to stop buying meat altogether.
      However, when I asked him what should be done to change it, he said he
      simply did not know. In such times, such raw anger can only ultimately be
      channelled into paralysis when a lack of a clear political alternative is
      presented.

      At the same time, the crisis has not necessarily stretched across the whole
      country. During a stay in a village in Esfahan province, local residents
      told me that life had remained largely unchanged. Their expectations were
      not the same as those living in the cities, and much of what they consumed
      was produced locally. Moreover, they were largely unaware of the political
      situation of the country. The one resident that did speak to me about
      politics – a caretaker – was inclined to supporting Ahmadinejad merely
      because of a series of recent populist policies aimed at the poorest strata
      of society, such as cash handouts to mitigate the blow dealt by the cut in
      state subsidies.

      I was not made fully aware of the wider feeling in working class industrial
      areas from my own experience, but what was clear was how much they were
      being monitored by the regime. In Abadan, which is home to the largest oil
      refinery in Iran, as well as around the Haft Tapeh sugar cane plantation,
      there was high security; I saw armed guards surrounding the perimeter of
      the refinery, and on the roads around Haft Tapeh there were several check
      points which we were only allowed to pass because of a nearby historical
      site. Whether this is typical remains unknown, but either way it
      demonstrates the sensitivity with which the government has about these
      workplaces. It was the Abadan oil strike during the 1978-9 revolution that
      dealt the most severe blow to the Shah’s regime, and a similar strike today
      would have a similar outcome. While the government does pay the Abadan oil
      workers – as well the workers in its apparatus of oppression, such as the
      Revolutionary Guards – a higher than average wage, the current worsening of
      living conditions must mean the regime’s sensitivity has been greatly
      heightened.

      And from recent events in the country, it is clear that there is a growing
      opposition to the government’s handling of the economy among the working
      class. Over the last 4 months, a campaign of petitions directed at the
      regime has taken place across 13 different provinces, carrying 23,000
      signatures, demanding the raising of the minimum wage by the same level as
      inflation, payment of unpaid wages, and the introduction of benefits in
      certain industries, in a clear statement that workers see their struggles
      as one. Whether the workers at Abadan share these feelings remains unknown.

      Because of such events, it is likely that any mass movement that might
      arise in the country will have a different character to the Green Movement.
      The new working class layers brought into opposition by inflation will have
      an important role to play in any struggle. This is especially so given the
      demoralisation of the middle class layers. And although many in the middle
      class have no desire for protest at the moment, they could yet be driven
      into it if the crisis deepens.

      Steel Workers Strike Resumes

      Featured <http://iranlaborreport.com/?cat=7> / recent
      updates<http://iranlaborreport.com/?cat=1>
      January 6, 20130 <http://iranlaborreport.com/?p=2175#comments>

      According to the reports by the Free Union of Iranian Workers, Safa Rolling
      Pipe factory workers in the city of Saveh haveresumed with their
      strike <http://iranlaborreport.com/?p=2101>over
      six months back wages.

      1200 steel workers went on a four-hour strike on December 29 ending it
      following management’s promise to pay one month of their back wages. They
      then vowed to go on strike the next day in case their one month wages were
      not paid by that day’s very midnight.

      The following day, with no action taken by the employer, the workers took
      their protests to the governor’s offices at 4:00 p.m. With the refusal of
      the state officials to receive the workers representatives, the workers
      attempted to block the roads around the governor’s office. At 5:30 p.m.,
      the governor of Saveh state came to the workers gathering and announced the
      participation of Rostami Safa – the employer at Saveh Profiles and Safa
      Rolling Pipes factories – in a meeting at the governor’s office on January
      1 and agree to pay one month of back wages, return to work of 20 Saveh
      Profiles expelled workers and subsequently called for an end to the strike.

      The workers, however, stressed on six months of their back wages dues and
      their determination to continue with their strike. The workers chose 10
      representatives to meet with Rostami Safa at the governor’s office for the
      said meeting.

      On December 31, the strike continued with the workers putting tires on
      fire, closing the gates of the plant. Fire trucks along with security
      forces asked the workers to take their protest inside the plant compounds.
      The strike continued with more gate closures in the afternoon of that day.

      On the forth day of the strike, 250 engineer and skilled personnel at the
      factory joined the strike, closing the plant gates similar to the previous
      day’s action. The workers representatives met as planned with the governor
      with Rostami Safa not showing up. The governor in an hour and a half
      meeting on that day talked of holding State Security Council meeting on
      January 5 making Rostami Safa committed to pay the back wages and the
      authority of his office to even arrest him in case he did not fulfill his
      promises.

      The workers delegates declared that they will continue the strike and will
      end it as soon as six months back wages are paid. The workers did resume
      with their strike.

      On the eighth day of the strike, Rostami Safa, the owner, showed at the
      workers protest gathering making promises and encouraging the workers to
      end their strike. In a 2.5 hour meeting with the workers’ representatives,
      he made promises of paying August and September wages and October and
      November wages in February with December and January wages to be paid in
      March along with yearly bonuses and the February and March wages to be paid
      after that.

      The workers hearing the promises from their representatives decided not to
      stop the strike and make a decision in a general meeting later.





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