Protest Executions & Glimpses of Iran
List of protests against Execution of Zanyar and Loghman
by Maryam Namazie<http://freethoughtblogs.com/maryamnamazie/author/maryamnamazie/>
Zanyar and Loghman Moradi, two young men, face imminent execution in Iran
on trumped up charges of “enmity against god” and “corruption on earth”.
“Is the world so cruel as to stand by and watch [our] public execution and
say and do nothing?”.
Please say and do something now…
Join below protests in your cities of residence, organise or carry out acts
of solidarity., Tweet #FreeMoradis. Stop the execution of political
prisoners in #Iran, #Zanyar & #Loghman #Moradi. Sign petitions here
Join Facebook pages supporting them here
or here <http://www.facebook.com/events/329499683830092/?suggestsessionid=1000004954754851357631038>and
send protest letters
Join “I would be execution in Iran if I did
Here is a list of protests being held on 11 and 12 January 2013:
Updated 10 January 9:50am
ليست آکسیون های در خارج کشور در اعتراض به حکم اعدام زانيار و لقمان مرادي
فراخوان به گردهمايي جهاني در همبستگي با کمپين جهاني
فرانکفورت (آلمان): Frankfurt (Germany)
جمعه ١١ ژانویه ساعت ٢ بعدازظهر 11 January from 2pm
مکان: مقابل کنسولگري جمهوري اسلامي Across from the Consulate of the Islamic
Republic of Iran
Frankfurt Dornbusch Raimund St. 100
کلن (آلمان): Cologne (Germany)
شنبه ۱۲ ژانويه، ساعت ٢ بعدازظهر 12 January from 2pm
مکان: مقابل کلیساي مرکزي شهر (دم پلاته) Across from Domplatz
فراخوان دهندگان: جمعيت دفاع از زندانيان سياسي ايران- کلن با پشتيباني جوانان
و دانشجويان موج سبز کلن
کميته بين المللي عليه اعدامRead the rest of this entry
Glimpses of Iran <http://www.marxist.com/glimpses-of-iran.htm>
Written by Iraj NajafabadiWednesday, 09 January 2013
[image: Print] <http://www.marxist.com/glimpses-of-iran/print.htm#>
For the past year Iran has experienced a deepening crisis of capitalism,
which in the last few months has spiralled into hyperinflation and
devaluation of the currency. A recent trip to the country provided a
perspective of the current situation within, particularly how people are
dealing with the worsening conditions.
[image: Tehran. Photo: Dieter
Photo: Dieter ZirnigFor most of the trip I was in contact with people from
northern Tehran, predominantly a middle class area and one of the most
affluent in the country. But even here some of the adverse effects of the
crisis were apparent. The Iranian Rial has lost 80% of its value since the
end of 2011, falling to as much as 35,000 to the dollar. The most profound
impact of this among the middle class is the severe devaluation of savings
and purchasing power; many I spoke to revealed the loss of their expendable
income, and inability to buy luxury goods they previously could afford.
Visits to the shopping districts such as Tajrish as well as the Tehran
Bazaar found all to be much quieter than normal, indicating how far
consumption has decreased.
Almost all I spoke to blamed the government for the current plight of the
country. One university professor, for example, pointed out that up until
recently, the government claimed Western-imposed sanctions had no effect on
the Iranian economy, making it difficult to accept its recent line that
sanctions are the cause of the current currency crisis. From a Marxist
perspective, it cannot be denied that sanctions have worsened the situation
in Iran, especially the standard of living, but it should not hide the fact
that they have, more than anything, exacerbated a crisis generated by the
nature of the Iranian capitalist economy. Relying on the export of oil and
natural gas, the Iranian government is weak in the anarchic world market to
which all countries are enslaved. Most people I spoke to at least
recognised that there was a fundamental problem with the handling of the
economy, independent of the impact of sanctions.
However, it was equally clear that people from this layer of society did
not believe it necessary to take action to change the situation. I was told
that people were able to get by and live relatively comfortably.
Furthermore, there was a general feeling of demoralisation amongst people
who previously participated in the Green Movement of 2009; one such
individual, a vet from Tehran, argued that there was no point protesting
anymore because previous efforts for change were to no avail, being met
with bloodshed and oppression. All were aware of the deep divide within the
government, and the prospect of a regime crumbling from within only
confirmed their inclination that direct action was unnecessary.
Nevertheless, the relative level of comfort these people enjoy can only
last so long.
The poorer layers of society do not even have this safety net, and have
been driven to the limit of subsistence by the current crisis. When even
basic goods are unaffordable the potential effects are either paralysis or
anger. The latter was most apparent in the protests at Neyshabur on 23 July
earlier this year, when people took the streets over the rising cost of
However I noticed the opposite effect when speaking to one dockworker in
the industrial town of Abadan in the south-west province of Khuzestan. He
spoke of how much the town had changed under the current regime, falling
into deprivation from a position of relative affluence. When I asked him
why, he blamed the government’s poor handling of the economy, especially
its failure to provide welfare assistance when people most needed it.
Indeed, he revealed how he was having to stop buying meat altogether.
However, when I asked him what should be done to change it, he said he
simply did not know. In such times, such raw anger can only ultimately be
channelled into paralysis when a lack of a clear political alternative is
At the same time, the crisis has not necessarily stretched across the whole
country. During a stay in a village in Esfahan province, local residents
told me that life had remained largely unchanged. Their expectations were
not the same as those living in the cities, and much of what they consumed
was produced locally. Moreover, they were largely unaware of the political
situation of the country. The one resident that did speak to me about
politics – a caretaker – was inclined to supporting Ahmadinejad merely
because of a series of recent populist policies aimed at the poorest strata
of society, such as cash handouts to mitigate the blow dealt by the cut in
I was not made fully aware of the wider feeling in working class industrial
areas from my own experience, but what was clear was how much they were
being monitored by the regime. In Abadan, which is home to the largest oil
refinery in Iran, as well as around the Haft Tapeh sugar cane plantation,
there was high security; I saw armed guards surrounding the perimeter of
the refinery, and on the roads around Haft Tapeh there were several check
points which we were only allowed to pass because of a nearby historical
site. Whether this is typical remains unknown, but either way it
demonstrates the sensitivity with which the government has about these
workplaces. It was the Abadan oil strike during the 1978-9 revolution that
dealt the most severe blow to the Shah’s regime, and a similar strike today
would have a similar outcome. While the government does pay the Abadan oil
workers – as well the workers in its apparatus of oppression, such as the
Revolutionary Guards – a higher than average wage, the current worsening of
living conditions must mean the regime’s sensitivity has been greatly
And from recent events in the country, it is clear that there is a growing
opposition to the government’s handling of the economy among the working
class. Over the last 4 months, a campaign of petitions directed at the
regime has taken place across 13 different provinces, carrying 23,000
signatures, demanding the raising of the minimum wage by the same level as
inflation, payment of unpaid wages, and the introduction of benefits in
certain industries, in a clear statement that workers see their struggles
as one. Whether the workers at Abadan share these feelings remains unknown.
Because of such events, it is likely that any mass movement that might
arise in the country will have a different character to the Green Movement.
The new working class layers brought into opposition by inflation will have
an important role to play in any struggle. This is especially so given the
demoralisation of the middle class layers. And although many in the middle
class have no desire for protest at the moment, they could yet be driven
into it if the crisis deepens.
Steel Workers Strike Resumes
Featured <http://iranlaborreport.com/?cat=7> / recent
January 6, 20130 <http://iranlaborreport.com/?p=2175#comments>
According to the reports by the Free Union of Iranian Workers, Safa Rolling
Pipe factory workers in the city of Saveh haveresumed with their
six months back wages.
1200 steel workers went on a four-hour strike on December 29 ending it
following management’s promise to pay one month of their back wages. They
then vowed to go on strike the next day in case their one month wages were
not paid by that day’s very midnight.
The following day, with no action taken by the employer, the workers took
their protests to the governor’s offices at 4:00 p.m. With the refusal of
the state officials to receive the workers representatives, the workers
attempted to block the roads around the governor’s office. At 5:30 p.m.,
the governor of Saveh state came to the workers gathering and announced the
participation of Rostami Safa – the employer at Saveh Profiles and Safa
Rolling Pipes factories – in a meeting at the governor’s office on January
1 and agree to pay one month of back wages, return to work of 20 Saveh
Profiles expelled workers and subsequently called for an end to the strike.
The workers, however, stressed on six months of their back wages dues and
their determination to continue with their strike. The workers chose 10
representatives to meet with Rostami Safa at the governor’s office for the
On December 31, the strike continued with the workers putting tires on
fire, closing the gates of the plant. Fire trucks along with security
forces asked the workers to take their protest inside the plant compounds.
The strike continued with more gate closures in the afternoon of that day.
On the forth day of the strike, 250 engineer and skilled personnel at the
factory joined the strike, closing the plant gates similar to the previous
day’s action. The workers representatives met as planned with the governor
with Rostami Safa not showing up. The governor in an hour and a half
meeting on that day talked of holding State Security Council meeting on
January 5 making Rostami Safa committed to pay the back wages and the
authority of his office to even arrest him in case he did not fulfill his
The workers delegates declared that they will continue the strike and will
end it as soon as six months back wages are paid. The workers did resume
with their strike.
On the eighth day of the strike, Rostami Safa, the owner, showed at the
workers protest gathering making promises and encouraging the workers to
end their strike. In a 2.5 hour meeting with the workers’ representatives,
he made promises of paying August and September wages and October and
November wages in February with December and January wages to be paid in
March along with yearly bonuses and the February and March wages to be paid
The workers hearing the promises from their representatives decided not to
stop the strike and make a decision in a general meeting later.
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