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Marx, Engels-IWMA & Lincoln, the Movie

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  • Cort Greene
    Writings on the *American Civil War*
    Message 1 of 1 , Dec 24, 2012
      Writings on the *American Civil
      Writings on the *U.S. Civil War*. *...* Works of Karl *Marx* and Frederick
      Engels 1861 *...* The Crisis Over the *Slavery* Issue, 14 Dec 1861. News
      from *America*, 17 Dec *...*

      Address of the International Working Men's Association to Abraham Lincoln,
      President of the United States of AmericaPresented to U.S. Ambassador
      Charles Francis Adams
      January 28, 1865

      Written: by Marx between November 22 & 29, 1864
      First Published: *The Bee-Hive Newspaper*, No. 169, November 7, 1865;
      Transcription/Markup: Zodiac/Brian Baggins;
      Online Version: Marx & Engels Internet Archive (marxists.org) 2000.


      We congratulate the American people upon your re-election by a large
      majority. If resistance to the Slave Power was the reserved watchword of
      your first election, the triumphant war cry of your re-election is Death to

      From the commencement of the titanic American strife the workingmen of
      Europe felt instinctively that the star-spangled banner carried the destiny
      of their class. The contest for the territories which opened the dire
      epopee, was it not to decide whether the virgin soil of immense tracts
      should be wedded to the labor of the emigrant or prostituted by the tramp
      of the slave driver?

      When an oligarchy of 300,000 slaveholders dared to inscribe, for the first
      time in the annals of the world, "slavery" on the banner of Armed Revolt,
      when on the very spots where hardly a century ago the idea of one great
      Democratic Republic had first sprung up, whence the first Declaration of
      the Rights of Man was issued, and the first impulse given to the European
      revolution of the eighteenth century; when on those very spots
      counterrevolution, with systematic thoroughness, gloried in rescinding "the
      ideas entertained at the time of the formation of the old constitution",
      and maintained slavery to be "a beneficent institution", indeed, the old
      solution of the great problem of "the relation of capital to labor", and
      cynically proclaimed property in man "the cornerstone of the new edifice" �
      then the working classes of Europe understood at once, even before the
      fanatic partisanship of the upper classes for the Confederate gentry had
      given its dismal warning, that the slaveholders' rebellion was to sound the
      tocsin for a general holy crusade of property against labor, and that for
      the men of labor, with their hopes for the future, even their past
      conquests were at stake in that tremendous conflict on the other side of
      the Atlantic. Everywhere they bore therefore patiently the hardships
      imposed upon them by the cotton crisis, opposed enthusiastically the
      proslavery intervention of their betters � and, from most parts of Europe,
      contributed their quota of blood to the good cause.

      While the workingmen, the true political powers of the North, allowed
      slavery to defile their own republic, while before the Negro, mastered and
      sold without his concurrence, they boasted it the highest prerogative of
      the white-skinned laborer to sell himself and choose his own master, they
      were unable to attain the true freedom of labor, or to support their
      European brethren in their struggle for emancipation; but this barrier to
      progress has been swept off by the red sea of civil war.

      The workingmen of Europe feel sure that, as the American War of
      Independence initiated a new era of ascendancy for the middle class, so the
      American Antislavery War will do for the working classes. They consider it
      an earnest of the epoch to come that it fell to the lot of Abraham Lincoln,
      the single-minded son of the working class, to lead his country through the
      matchless struggle for the rescue of an enchained race and the
      reconstruction of a social world.

      Signed on behalf of the International Workingmen's Association, the Central

      Longmaid, Worley, Whitlock, Fox, Blackmore, Hartwell, Pidgeon, Lucraft,
      Weston, Dell, Nieass, Shaw, Lake, Buckley, Osbourne, Howell, Carter,
      Wheeler, Stainsby, Morgan, Grossmith, Dick, Denoual, Jourdain, Morrissot,
      Leroux, Bordage, Bocquet, Talandier, Dupont, L.Wolff, Aldovrandi, Lama,
      Solustri, Nusperli, Eccarius, Wolff, Lessner, Pfander, Lochner, Kaub,
      Bolleter, Rybczinski, Hansen, Schantzenbach, Smales, Cornelius, Petersen,
      Otto, Bagnagatti, Setacci;

      George Odger, President of the Council; P.V. Lubez, Corresponding Secretary
      for France; Karl Marx, Corresponding Secretary for Germany; G.P. Fontana,
      Corresponding Secretary for Italy; J.E. Holtorp, Corresponding Secretary
      for Poland; H.F. Jung, Corresponding Secretary for Switzerland; William R.
      Cremer, Honorary General Secretary.

      18 Greek Street, Soho.

      the minutes of the Central (General) Council of the International �
      November 19, 1864:

      "Dr. Marx then brought up the report of the subcommittee, also a draft of
      the address which had been drawn up for presentation to the people of
      America congratulating them on their having re-elected Abraham Lincoln as
      President. The address is as follows and was unanimously agreed to."

      minutes of the meeting continue:

      "A long discussion then took place as to the mode of presenting the address
      and the propriety of having a M.P. with the deputation; this was strongly
      opposed by many members, who said workingmen should rely on themselves and
      not seek for extraneous aid.... It was then proposed... and carried
      unanimously. The secretary correspond with the United States Minister
      asking to appoint a time for receiving the deputation, such deputation to
      consist of the members of the Central Council."
      Ambassador Adams Replies

      Legation of the United States
      London, 28th January, 1865


      I am directed to inform you that the address of the Central Council of your
      Association, which was duly transmitted through this Legation to the
      President of the United [States], has been received by him.

      So far as the sentiments expressed by it are personal, they are accepted by
      him with a sincere and anxious desire that he may be able to prove himself
      not unworthy of the confidence which has been recently extended to him by
      his fellow citizens and by so many of the friends of humanity and progress
      throughout the world.

      The Government of the United States has a clear consciousness that its
      policy neither is nor could be reactionary, but at the same time it adheres
      to the course which it adopted at the beginning, of abstaining everywhere
      from propagandism and unlawful intervention. It strives to do equal and
      exact justice to all states and to all men and it relies upon the
      beneficial results of that effort for support at home and for respect and
      good will throughout the world.

      Nations do not exist for themselves alone, but to promote the welfare and
      happiness of mankind by benevolent intercourse and example. It is in this
      relation that the United States regard their cause in the present conflict
      with slavery, maintaining insurgence as the cause of human nature, and they
      derive new encouragements to persevere from the testimony of the workingmen
      of Europe that the national attitude is favored with their enlightened
      approval and earnest sympathies.

      I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

      Charles Francis Adams


      Lincoln, the Movie

      by William Loren Katz*

      December 20, 2012

      Published by Portside

      Like just about everyone who has seen it, I was enthralled
      by "Lincoln," the Hollywood film directed with authority and
      creative license by Stephen Spielberg, smoothly scripted by
      Tony Kushner and crowned by a veritable feast of brilliant
      acting. But in my case, as the author of 40 books on African
      American history and editor of 212 library reference volumes
      (most address Civil War era issues and personalities), I
      watched with an additional set of eyes.

      Spielberg begins his story in January 1865, and on the right
      foot: Two former slaves, now Union soldiers, approach
      America's most venerated President to inform him of their
      battle experiences and of the reality that if captured they
      would be immediately executed. One soldier adds, "our pay
      is half of what white soldiers get, and we have to pay for
      our own uniforms."

      Perhaps this scene is meant to evoke the little known truth
      that by the Civil War's end 178,958 African Americans -- one
      fifth of black male adults under 45, a tenth of the Union
      army -- had proven their courage in 449 engagements and 39
      major battles, earning 22 Medals of Honor. Another 29,511
      constituted a fourth of the (integrated!) Union Navy. And
      Black volunteers enlisted when the Confederacy had no
      reserves, faced mounting desertions, frontline casualties
      and bread riots at home. As early as August 1864, Lincoln
      had written that without his African American soldiers he
      would have been "compelled to abandon the war in three

      Audiences are soon presented with a series of intense and
      consequential political discussions. A cautious Lincoln
      (Daniel Day Lewis), his hand resting on the white public's
      pulse, duels amicably with Congressman Thaddeus Stevens the
      grim-faced Chair of the powerful House Ways and Means
      Committee. As Stevens, Tommy Lee Jones steals every scene he
      is in as a cantankerous advocate of equality whose tongue,
      the film maintains, only Lincoln can tame.

      Stevens, one of history's most maligned figures, had the
      power to infuriate and a tongue that reduced political foes
      to quivering self-doubt. On two occasions he had to fend off
      knife-wielding fellow Congressmen. In 1863 Jubal Early
      detoured his Confederate cavalry from Gettysburg so they
      could burn down his iron foundry in Chambersburg. [See Fawn
      Brodie's Thaddeus Stevens (1959, 1966)].

      Also Hollywood twice damned Stevens as a Benedict Arnold-
      grade "race traitor." The racist blockbuster, Birth of a
      Nation (1915) caricatured him as a snarling foe of white
      supremacy and champion of "race mixing." In Tennessee
      Johnson (1942) he is played as a conniving, evil, fanatic.

      The real Stevens stood with abolitionists pledged to "fight
      against slavery until Hell freezes over and then continue
      the battle on the ice." He defended fugitive slaves in
      court, used his home as an Underground Railroad station, and
      was a staunch egalitarian. He also practiced what he
      preached: he worked with African Americans, had an African
      American common law wife, and asked to be buried in
      Lancaster's only integrated cemetery. He and Senator Charles
      Sumner led Congress's effort to free slaves, grant them
      equal pay as soldiers, and pass the 13th Amendment. In 1867
      Stevens, father of the 14th Amendment, died short of his
      life's goal: a democratic South's ruled not by a planter
      elite but former slave and poor white voters owning "40
      acres and a mule."

      Once "Lincoln" concentrates on the 13th Amendment important
      details beg for inclusion but, unfortunately, are absent.
      Senator Charles Sumner is mentioned once and Frederick
      Douglass, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony -- who
      led campaigns to win over the public's hearts and minds --
      do not appear. Only Lincoln is left standing . . . the sole

      Also missing is the vital, rarely revealed, back-story. For
      two years Lincoln struggled only "to save the Union." Not
      only did he refuse to challenge slavery, but he also ordered
      Union officers to deny a haven to runaway slave families
      whose members had fled to Union lines.

      Then the ground beneath the President shifted. The sight of
      U.S. troops triggered slave stampedes to freedom, rebuking
      the planters' myth of the happy, loyal, slave and igniting
      clashes between soldiers in Union camps and the Confederate
      officers who arrived to brutally reclaim runaways. Indeed,
      the Black urge for liberty turned the Confederacy's greatest
      asset into its worst nightmare: an enemy within. "To see a
      black face was to find a true heart," reported Union
      soldiers caught behind enemy lines.

      The actions of slaves began to dismantle the plantation
      system. The Confederacy was left without the thousands of
      slave laborers upon whose backs the agricultural oligarchy
      had rested. Abolitionist agitators used this news to
      broadcast a louder wake-up call to white northerners.

      Meanwhile, Lincoln's officers reported "contrabands" in
      their camps wanted to help as nurses, cooks, servants,
      construction workers, launderers, and blacksmiths. Some were
      eager to serve as spies and soldiers. This news also reached
      a war-weary northern public fearful they would find the
      names of their drafted fathers, brothers and uncles in the
      weekly Union casualty lists.

      The most dramatic changes came first in the West. In the
      Indian Territory, only months after Fort Sumter, 10,000
      African Americans, Native people and some southern whites
      battled Confederate armies. Survivors then fought their way
      to Kansas, where the young men among them joined unofficial
      Union units. Commanding those units were abolitionist
      officers who had gained military training a few years before
      riding with John Brown in Kansas. In the West, a
      multicultural Union army fought a type of war Lincoln had
      not ordered: They liberated enslaved people in Missouri.

      The Deep South faced new problems. In May 1862 in
      Charleston, South Carolina enslaved seaman Robert Smalls was
      thinking that his Confederate battleship, Planter, "might be
      of some use to Uncle Abe." One night, after the white
      officers had left, Smalls and his enslaved crew led their
      families aboard, sailed out of Charleston harbor and
      surrendered to the Union fleet. Smalls became Captain of the
      Planter, now a ship of the U.S. Navy. In light of fast-
      moving events white people began to reconsider their

      In 1862, Congress took note of the runaways' offers of help
      and abolitionist pressure with two Confiscation Acts. These
      laws opened the door to emancipation and the service of
      black troops. Finally, President Lincoln acted. As a
      "military necessity," he announced, "We must free the slaves
      or be ourselves subdued." On January 1, 1863 Abraham Lincoln
      became "The Great Emancipator" -- by performing one of
      history's great catch-ups. Four months later he admitted as
      much: "I claim not to have controlled events, but confess
      plainly that events have controlled me."

      By August 1863, Lincoln saw "peace as not so distant." Why?
      "Commanders of our armies in the field believe the
      emancipation policy and the use of colored troops constitute
      the heaviest blow yet dealt to the rebellion." He praised
      his new soldiers: "There will be some black men who can
      remember that, with silent tongue, and clenched teeth, and
      steady eye, and well-poised bayonet, they have helped
      mankind ... while, I fear there will be some white ones,
      unable to forget that, with malignant heart, and deceitful
      speech, they have strove to hinder it."

      That November, northern voters rewarded Lincoln for his
      battlefield victories and successful Black military gamble:
      He was returned to the White House by all but three states
      and 212 to 21 electoral votes. He also polled the largest
      vote percentage -- 55% -- since Andrew Jackson and won a
      thumping 70% of military ballots.

      Five days before his assassination, "Honest Abe" assessed
      his historic role: "I have only been an instrument. The
      logic and moral power of Garrison and the anti-slavery
      people of the country and the army, have done all." Sadly,
      what President Lincoln himself regarded as vital to his
      political and military success, Spielberg often leaves out.

      After the first scene, the only people of color who appear
      are pleasant, taciturn servants. Gloria Reuben plays Mrs.
      Lincoln's quiet, subdued servant, Elizabeth Keckley. The
      real Mrs. Keckley purchased her freedom, that of her son and
      sent the son to college (he volunteered and died in battle).
      She was an accomplished seamstress who served the households
      of Jefferson Davis and Robert E. Lee before the Lincoln
      White House, where she became a confidant of Mrs. Lincoln.
      She also organized the Contraband Relief Society that aided
      thousands of wartime runaways with donations from the
      Lincolns, prominent whites and free African Americans. In
      1867 she published her Memoir.

      During January 1865 Lincoln welcomed some dynamic African
      Americans to the White House but they do not appear on
      screen. Among them were Martin R. Delany, whom he
      characterized as "a most extraordinary and intelligent man"
      and had him appointed a Major, the highest-ranking Black
      Union officer. Today, Delany is considered the father of
      Black Nationalism.

      Three times the President met with "my good friend
      Douglass." History knows him as Frederick Douglass: runaway
      slave, noted speaker, author and editor, an early champion
      of women's rights, and the foremost recruiter of African
      American troops. Lincoln regarded Douglass as one of his
      chief advisors and told him "there's no man's opinion I
      value more than yours." Some scholars consider Douglass the
      greatest American reformer of the 19th century.

      By overlooking the contributions of Keckley, Delany,
      Douglass and millions of others who helped end human bondage
      and win the war, Spielberg makes a white Congress and
      President the sole creators of history. This is not the
      evidence provided by the Civil War, nor is it the way
      Lincoln understood his march to freedom and victory.

      Early on, Abraham Lincoln was a frontier lawyer who told
      "darkey stories" and a Senate candidate who endorsed white
      supremacy. As President, he returned runaways to their
      owners and hoped freed slaves would leave the country. He
      rejected the reasoning of white and African American
      activists and resented their harsh language.

      Later on, he began to listen, learn and change. And much to
      his credit, he never retreated from any advanced position he
      had previously taken. When he finally, finally advocated the
      right of black veterans and educated men of color to vote,
      he became the first modern President.

      Sadly, this "Honest Abe," along with many known and unknown
      African Americans and their white allies, failed to make the
      movie's final cut. Yet as runaways, soldiers and anti-
      slavery agitators they helped determine the course of a war,
      shaped public opinion, pressed Congress to pass laws and
      Constitutional Amendments, and altered the thinking and
      actions of America's greatest icon.

      All Americans deserve to know what President Lincoln knew
      about the country's most important war.

      *William Loren Katz is the author of forty books and editor
      of another 212, most on African American history [New York
      Times]. He has been affiliated with NYU since 1973. His
      website is http://williamlkatz.com/

      [Non-text portions of this message have been removed]
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