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  • Robalini@aol.com
    Please send as far and wide as possible. Thanks, Robert Sterling Editor, The Konformist http://www.konformist.com If you are interested in a free subscription
    Message 1 of 1 , Oct 30, 1999
      Please send as far and wide as possible.


      Robert Sterling
      Editor, The Konformist

      If you are interested in a free subscription to The Konformist Newswire,
      please visit http://www.eGroups.com/list/konformist/ and sign up. Or, e-mail
      konformist-subscribe@egroups.com with the subject: "I NEED 2 KONFORM!!!"
      (Okay, you can use something else, but it's a kool catch phrase.)

      Visit the Klub Konformist at Yahoo!:

      Thursday, October 28, 1999


      By Norman Solomon / Creators Syndicate

      A specter is haunting America -- the specter of populism.

      Now that Patrick Buchanan has left the Republican fold to seek the Reform
      Party's presidential nomination, a lot of journalists will be analyzing his
      denunciations of the bipartisan establishment. In the months ahead, many
      pundits are going to throw brickbats in his direction.

      But Buchanan is largely a media creation. During the last two decades, he
      gained wide visibility and national clout through the good graces of CNN
      and other television networks. Despite his vehement biases against gays,
      blacks and non-European immigrants, Buchanan's colleagues on the chat shows
      did little to challenge his assorted bigotries.

      While arguing with Buchanan on CNN's "Crossfire" one day in 1988, I had no
      doubt that I was sitting next to someone with pro-fascist inclinations. But
      through the years, his laudatory comments about such dictators as Spain's
      Francisco Franco and Chile's Augusto Pinochet seemed to raise few media

      On Feb. 16, 1995, when Buchanan revealed that he was leaving TV punditry
      to prepare his '96 campaign for the GOP presidential nod, he made the
      announcement on "Crossfire." Fellow co-host Michael Kinsley, supposedly on
      the program as a counterbalance, responded by helping Buchanan to hold up a
      sign showing his campaign's 800-number. With the toll-free number displayed
      on the screen, the moment symbolized how members of the punditocracy have
      enabled Buchanan to attain national prominence.

      In early 1996, Buchanan's "populist" campaign gained strength in the
      opening GOP primaries. George Will and some other pro-Republican
      commentators -- fearful that Buchanan's momentum threatened the party's
      prospects -- suddenly objected that he seemed to have a soft spot in his
      heart for fascism.

      Even then, Buchanan could rely on plenty of unfiltered air time and print
      space to make his case. "The truth is, I've gotten fairer, more
      comprehensive coverage of my ideas than I ever imagined I would receive,"
      Buchanan acknowledged in March 1996. He added: "I've gotten balanced
      coverage and broad coverage -- all we could have asked."

      When he conceded defeat at the 1996 Republican convention, a big media
      seat was waiting. In the midst of a live interview with the vanquished
      candidate, Larry King relayed an invitation from CNN president Tom Johnson,
      asking Buchanan to return: "It's official -- he wants you back on

      From corporate America's vantage point, Buchanan is just about ideal as a
      national candidate waving the populist banner. Buchanan is hobbled by heavy
      far-right baggage -- which he grips with white-knuckled defiance as he
      equivocates about Nazi Germany and routinely denigrates people for failure
      to be white, heterosexual, and Christian (as he defines Christian).

      Meanwhile, Buchanan mouths anti-corporate rhetoric but doesn't support
      basic union rights of American workers. Significantly, he opposes a raise
      in the minimum wage. And he scorns the environmental movement as an affront
      to holiness. "Easter's gone," Buchanan declared angrily a few years ago.
      "Now it's Earth Day. We can all go out and worship dirt."

      Buchanan's brand of populism has never had much difficulty getting access
      to mass media. But progressive populism -- stressing labor solidarity and
      human rights for everyone while challenging corporate power -- is a very
      different story. Mostly excluded from the media frame are populist
      advocates who explicitly reject scapegoating and directly confront the
      undemocratic power wielded by large corporations.

      Of course, there's a glut of media commentators who support the gist of
      Democratic and Republican party policies without seriously questioning
      economic globalization, pacts such as NAFTA, and the World Trade Organization.

      Overall, mass media are offering the public either mainstream pundits who
      differ on how to shore up the status quo, or right-wing demagogues like
      Buchanan. The narrow range of discourse, from the near left to the far
      right, gives the impression that there are basically two positions worthy
      of consideration -- either the two-party establishment or Buchanan-type
      populism. It often seems that strong anti-corporate political views are
      only deemed fit for wide media distribution if they're laced with a
      right-wing agenda.

      It's not quite true, however, that you have to be on the far right to
      garner sustained media attention as a "populist." Exceptions are made: Many
      news outlets have gone crazy for the occasional pseudo-populist billionaire.

      In 1992, Ross Perot basked in a great deal of favorable media coverage for
      several months, until evidence of his wackiness became too weighty to
      ignore. Now the billionaire developer Donald Trump is the bogus populist of
      media choice.

      It's enough to give populism a bad name. And that's a real shame.
      Norman Solomon's latest book is "The Habits of Highly Deceptive Media."
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