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How the FBI protected Al Qaeda's 9/11 Hijacking Trainer

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  • Robert Sterling
    Please send as far and wide as possible. Thanks, Robert Sterling Editor, The Konformist http://www.konformist.com How the FBI protected Al Qaeda s 9/11
    Message 1 of 1 , Oct 27, 2006
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      Please send as far and wide as possible.

      Thanks,
      Robert Sterling
      Editor, The Konformist
      http://www.konformist.com

      How the FBI protected Al Qaeda's 9/11 Hijacking Trainer
      New Revelations about Ali Mohamed
      By Dr. Peter Dale Scott
      October 8, 2006

      The following text is an expanded version of Peter Dale Scott's Talk
      at Berkeley, September 24, 2006, entitled "9/11 and American Empire:
      Intellectuals Speak Out."

      I want to talk tonight about using the 9/11 Report as evidence –
      evidence of what is being suppressed. We can use it in this way
      because some parts of the Report are accurate and reliable. This
      base line of reliability helps define other parts of the Report
      which are misleading, and in a few places I believe dead wrong.
      These relevant omissions and deceptions should be taken as clues as
      to what is being suppressed, and where the hidden truth lies.

      I shall talk of the Report's occasional resistance to the truth. Let
      me give an easy and incontrovertible analogy from the Warren Report.
      The Warren Report got many things right; but it also minimized the
      links between Jack Ruby and organized crime.1 This resistance was a
      clue that Ruby in fact was crime-related and that this was
      important. The House Select Committee on Assassinations, even though
      they got many things wrong, amply confirmed the importance of Ruby's
      crime links.

      We find similar symptomatic resistance in the 9/11 Report.

      1) Here is an easy example: the identity of the hijackers. The FBI
      had distributed a list naming 18 of the 19 alleged hijackers by 10
      AM on 9/11.2 Within two weeks the identities of at least six of the
      hijackers were unclear; as men in Arab countries with the same names
      and histories, and in some cases the same photographs, were
      protesting that they were alive and innocent.3 In response to these
      protests, FBI Director Robert Mueller soon acknowledged that the
      identity of several of the suicide hijackers was in doubt.4 But
      there is no discussion of this problem in the detailed treatment of
      the alleged hijackers in the 9/11 Commission Report.5

      2) WTC-7. This is obviously a big area of doubt, as you have just
      heard. The Report's solution was not to mention WTC-7 at all. And
      yet Kean and Hamilton, the 9/11 Commission Co-Chairs, have the nerve
      to claim in their new book that after the Report "those believing
      conspiracy theories now had to rely solely on imagination, their
      theories having been disproved by facts."6 In other words, they are
      still covering up that there was a cover up.

      3) The U.S. government's intimate on-going connection to al-Qaeda
      and a chief 9/11 plotter.

      In our book, 9/11 and Empire: Intellectuals Speak Out, I wrote of
      Ali Mohamed, the close ally of Osama bin Laden and his mentor Ayman
      al-Zawahiri.7 It is now generally admitted that Ali Mohamed (known
      in the al Qaeda camps as Abu Mohamed al Amriki — "Father Mohamed the
      American")8 worked for the FBI, the CIA, and U.S. Special Forces. As
      he later confessed in court, he also aided the terrorist Ayman al-
      Zawahiri, a co-founder of the Egyptian Islamic Jihad, and by then an
      aide to bin Laden, when he visited America to raise money.9

      The 9/11 Report mentioned him, and said that the plotters against
      the U.S. Embassy in Kenya were "led" (their word) by Ali Mohamed.10
      That's the Report's only reference to him, though it's not all they
      heard.

      Patrick Fitzgerald, U.S. Attorney who negotiated a plea bargain and
      confession from Ali Mohamed, said this in testimony to the Commission

      Ali Mohamed. …. trained most of al Qaeda's top leadership –
      including Bin Laden and Zawahiri – and most of al Qaeda's top
      trainers. He gave some training to persons who would later carry out
      the 1993 World Trade Center bombing…. From 1994 until his arrest in
      1998, he lived as an American citizen in California, applying for
      jobs as an FBI translator.11

      Patrick Fitzgerald knew Ali Mohamed well. In 1994 he had named him
      as an unindicted co-conspirator in the New York landmarks case, yet
      allowed him to remain free. This was because, as Fitzgerald knew,
      Ali Mohamed was an FBI informant, from at least 1993 and maybe
      1989.12 Thus, from 1994 "until his arrest in 1998 [by which time the
      9/11 plot was well under way], Mohamed shuttled between California,
      Afghanistan, Kenya, Somalia and at least a dozen other countries."13
      Shortly after 9/11, Larry C. Johnson, a former State Department and
      CIA official, faulted the FBI publicly for using Mohamed as an
      informant, when it should have recognized that the man was a high-
      ranking terrorist plotting against the United States.14

      As I say in our book, in 1993 Ali Mohamed had been detained by the
      Royal Canadian Mounted Police in Canada, when he inquired at an
      airport after an incoming al Qaeda terrorist who turned out to be
      carrying two forged Saudi passports. Mohamed immediately told the
      RCMP to make a phone call to the United States, and the call secured
      his release.15 We've since been told that it was Mohamed's West
      coast FBI handler, John Zent, "who vouched for Ali and got him
      released."16

      This release enabled Ali to go on to Kenya, take pictures of the
      U.S. Embassy, and deliver them to bin Laden for the Embassy bombing
      plot.

      In August 2006 there was a National Geographic Special on Ali
      Mohamed. We can take this as the new official fallback position on
      Ali Mohamed, because John Cloonan, the FBI agent who worked with
      Fitzgerald on Mohamed, helped narrate it. I didn't see the show, but
      here's what TV critics said about its contents:

      Ali Mohamed manipulated the FBI, CIA and U.S. Army on behalf of
      Osama bin Laden. Mohamed trained terrorists how to hijack airliners,
      bomb buildings and assassinate rivals. [D]uring much of this time
      Mohamed was …, an operative for the CIA and FBI, and a member of the
      U.S. Army.17 …Mohamed turned up in FBI surveillance photos as early
      as 1989, training radical Muslims who would go on to assassinate
      Jewish militant Meir Kahane and detonate a truck bomb at the World
      Trade Center. He not only avoided arrest, but managed to become an
      FBI informant while writing most of the al Qaeda terrorist manual
      and helping plan attacks on American troops in Somalia and U.S.
      embassies in Africa.18

      That Mohamed trained al Qaeda in hijacking planes and wrote most of
      the al Qaeda terrorist manual is confirmed in a new book by Lawrence
      Wright, who has seen US Government records.19 Let me say this again:
      one of al-Qaeda's top trainers in terrorism and how to hijack
      airplanes was an operative for FBI, CIA, and the Army.

      Yet this TV show, just before the 9/11 anniversary, was itself
      another cover-up. It suppressed for example the information given it
      about Mohamed's detention and FBI-ordered release in Canada.
      According to Peter Lance, the principal author for the show, the
      show suppressed many other sensational facts. Here is Lance's chief
      claim: that Fitzgerald and his FBI counterpart on the Bin Laden task
      force, John Cloonan, learned shortly after 9/11 that Mohamed "knew
      every twist and turn of" the 9/11 plot.20

      Within days of 9/11 Cloonan rushed backed from Yemen and interviewed
      Ali, whom the Feds had allowed to slip into witness protection, and
      demanded to know the details of the plot. At that point Ali wrote it
      all out - including details of how he'd counseled would-be hijackers
      on how to smuggle box cutters on board aircraft and where to sit, to
      effect the airline seizures.21

      If all these latest revelations about Ali Mohamed are true, then:

      1) a key planner of the 9/11 plot, and trainer in hijacking, was
      simultaneously an informant for the FBI.

      2) This operative trained the members for all of the chief Islamist
      attacks inside the United States – the first WTC bombing, the New
      York landmarks plot, and finally 9/11, as well as the attacks
      against Americans in Somalia and Kenya.

      3) And yet for four years Mohamed was allowed to move in and out of
      the country as an unindicted conspirator. Then, unlike his trainees,
      he was allowed to plea-bargain. To this day he may still not have
      been sentenced for any crime.22

      Peter Lance has charged that Fitzgerald had evidence before 1998 to
      implicate Mohamed in the Kenya Embassy bombing, yet did nothing and
      let the bombing happen.23 In fact, the FBI was aware back in 1990
      that Mohamed had engaged in terrorist training on Long Island; yet
      it acted to protect Mohamed from arrest, even after one of his
      trainees had moved beyond training to an actual assassination.24

      Mohamed's trainees were all members of the Al-Kifah Center in
      Brooklyn, which served as the main American recruiting center for
      the Makhtab-al-Khidimat, the "Services Center" network that after
      the Afghan war became known as al Qaeda.25 The Al-Kifah Center was
      headed in 1990 by the blind Egyptian Sheikh Omar Abdel Rahman, who
      like Ali Mohamed had been admitted to the United States, despite
      being on a State Department Watch List. 26 As he had done earlier in
      Egypt, the sheikh "issued a fatwa in America that permitted his
      followers to rob banks and kill Jews."27

      In November 1990, three of Mohamed's trainees conspired together to
      kill Meir Kahane, the racist founder of the Jewish Defense League.
      The actual killer, El Sayyid Nosair, was caught by accident almost
      immediately; and by luck the police soon found his two co-
      conspirators, Mahmoud Abouhalima and Mohammed Salameh, waiting at
      Nosair's house. They found much more:

      There were formulas for bomb making, 1,440 rounds of ammunition, and
      manuals [supplied by Ali Mohamed] from the John F. Kennedy Special
      Warfare Center at Fort Bragg marked "Top Secret for Training," along
      with classified documents belonging to the U.S. Joint Chiefs of
      Staff. The police found maps and drawings of New York City landmarks
      like the Statue of Liberty, Times Square – and the World Trade
      Center. The forty-seven boxes of evidence they collected also
      included the collected sermons of blind Sheikh Omar, in which he
      exhorted his followers to "destroy the edifices of capitalism."28

      All three had been trained by Ali Mohamed back in the late 1980s at
      a rifle range, where the FBI had photographed them, before
      terminating this surveillance in the fall of 1989.29

      The U.S. Government was thus in an excellent position to arrest,
      indict, and convict all of the terrorists involved, including
      Mohamed.

      Yet only hours after the killing, Joseph Borelli, Chief of NYPD
      detectives, struck a familiar American note and pronounced Nosair
      a "lone deranged gunman."30 Some time later, he actually told the
      press that "There was nothing [at Nosair's house] that would stir
      your imagination…..Nothing has transpired that changes our opinion
      that he acted alone."31

      Borelli was not acting alone in this matter. His position was also
      that of the FBI, who said they too believed "that Mr. Nosair had
      acted alone in shooting Rabbi Kahane." "The bottom line is that we
      can't connect anyone else to the Kahane shooting," an F.B.I. agent
      said."32

      In thus limiting the case, the police and FBI were in effect
      protecting Nosair's two Arab co-conspirators in the murder of a U.S.
      citizen. Both of them were ultimately convicted in connection with
      the first WTC bombing, along with another Mohamed trainee, Nidal
      Ayyad. The 9/11 Report, summarizing the convictions of Salameh,
      Ayyad, Abouhalima, and the blind Sheikh for the WTC bombing and New
      York landmarks plots, calls it "this superb investigative and
      prosecutorial effort."33 It says nothing about the suppressed
      evidence found in Nosair's house, including "maps and drawings of
      New York City landmarks," which if pursued should have prevented
      both plots from developing.

      What explains the 9/11 Report's gratuitous and undeserved praise for
      the superb effort of Patrick Fitzgerald and the FBI in the New York
      landmarks case? How can it be "superb" to know that terrorists
      intend to blow up buildings, to lie to protect them from arrest, to
      allow them to bomb the WTC, and only then to arrest and convict
      them? Lance now alleges that Kenya was allowed to happen as well,
      before a few of the bombers there were convicted with the aid of the
      arch-plotter. This pattern of toleration can make for good arrest
      and conviction records, but at a terrible cost to public security.

      Did the authors of the 9/11 Report recognize that here was an
      especially sensitive area, which if properly investigated would lead
      to past U.S. protection of terrorists? This question returns us to
      Peter Lance's charge that Fitzgerald had evidence before 1998 to
      implicate Mohamed in the Kenya Embassy bombing, yet did nothing and
      let the bombing happen. Did Fitzgerald have similar advance evidence
      before the 9/11 attack, and again do nothing as well? Skeptics will
      need a thorough investigation before they can be reassured that this
      is not the case.

      As a first step, all U.S. agencies should release the full
      documentary record of their dealings with Ali Mohamed, the FBI and
      CIA informant who allegedly planned the details of the airline
      seizures. Then and only then will a close interrogation of
      Fitzgerald satisfy those who accuse members of the U.S. Government
      of assisting the 9/11 plot, or alternatively of failing to prevent
      9/11 from happening.34

      Now, what did the 9/11 Commission know about this scandalous
      situation? I suspect they knew more than they let on. Is it just a
      coincidence that they selected to write the staff reports about al
      Qaeda and the 9/11 plot, and conduct the relevant interviews, a man
      who had a personal stake in preventing the truth about Mohamed from
      coming out. This man was Dietrich Snell, who had been Fitzgerald's
      colleague in the Southern District of New York U.S. Attorney's
      office. (Thus Snell presumably drafted the praise for the superb
      effort by his former colleague Patrick Fitzgerald and the FBI). Of
      the nine people on Snell's team, all but one had worked for the U.S.
      Government, and all but two for either the Justice Department or the
      FBI.35

      Keep in mind that what I have said so far is about a government-
      Mohamed connection and cover-up that goes back to at least 1990,
      long before the Bush-Cheney administrations. But the 9/11 Commission
      staff reports went out of their way to cover this up. The 9/11
      Report, based on the Snell staff reports, mentions Mahmoud
      Abouhalima and Mohammed Salameh, two co-conspirators of Ramzi Yousef
      in the first WTC bombing of 1993 (72). It does not mention that
      these two men had been trained by Ali Mohamed, even though
      Fitzgerald referred obliquely to this fact in his testimony. Nor
      does it mention that, had it not been for a police and FBI cover-up
      protecting Ali Mohamed back in 1990, Abouhalima and Salameh should
      probably have been in jail at the time of the WTC bombing --for
      their involvement in the murder of Meir Kahane by Ali Mohamed's
      trainees three years earlier.36

      If I had had time today, I would have written about other key areas
      where the 9/11 Report shows resistance to relevant facts and
      allegations. Central to these, and to my forthcoming book on 9/11,
      would have been the Report's failure to deal with important
      testimony challenging Vice President Cheney's account of his conduct
      on 9/11, and in particular his important relationship (which the
      Report obscured) to the stand-down and shoot-down orders of that
      day. There was important testimony contradicting both Cheney and the
      Report itself from two eyewitnesses inside the White House, Norman
      Mineta and Richard Clarke, which the Report flagrantly, and
      symptomatically, failed to deal with.

      But I consider the scandal of Ali Mohamed's tolerated terrorism to
      be a still more fundamental problem, an on-going problem for which
      we need a more serious remedy than just putting a Democrat in the
      White House. As has happened after past intelligence fiascoes, our
      intelligence agencies were strengthened as a result of the 9/11
      Commission, and their budgets increased.

      It's time to confront the reality that these agencies themselves,
      and their own sponsorship and protection of terrorist activities,
      have aggravated the greatest threats to our national security.

      Peter Dale Scott, a former Canadian diplomat and English Professor
      at the University of California, Berkeley, is a poet, writer, and
      researcher.

      His website is http://www.peterdalescott.net.
      ---------------------------------------------------------------------
      -----------
      Notes

      1 Warren Report, 801.

      2 Richard Clarke heard that the FBI had the names at 9:59 AM, the
      time of the collapse of WTC Tower 2. See Richard A. Clarke, Against
      All Enemies: Inside America's War on Terrorism (New York: Simon &
      Schuster, 2004), 13-14; Thompson, The Terror Timeline, 441. This
      investigative tour de force is even more amazing when we consider
      that in the FBI, according to the 9/11 Report (77), "prior to 9/11
      relatively few strategic analytic reports about counterterrorism had
      been completed. Indeed, the FBI had never completed an assessment of
      the overall terrorist threat to the U.S. homeland."

      3 Peter Dale Scott, "The 9/11 Commission Report's Failure to
      Identify the Alleged Hijackers,"
      http://socrates.berkeley.edu/~pdscott/Hijackers.mht .

      The mainstream U.S. press, such as the New York Times, later
      attributed the confusion about the hijackers' identity to the number
      of different Arabs sharing the same names. But at least five shared
      histories as well as names with the alleged hijackers. Waleed al-
      Shehri told the BBC "that he attended flight training school at
      Dayton Beach in the United States, and is indeed the same Waleed Al
      Shehri to whom the FBI has been referring. But, he says, he left the
      United States in September last year, became a pilot with Saudi
      Arabian airlines and is currently on a further training course in
      Morocco" (BBC, 9/23/01). Saeed al-Ghamdi, alive and flying planes in
      Tunisia, also studied at Florida flight schools, as late as 2001.
      According to the London Telegraph (9/23/01), CNN used his photograph
      in describing the hijacker with his name. Abdulaziz al-Omari
      acknowledged the same date of birth as the accused hijacker al-
      Omari, but claimed his passport was stolen when he was living in
      Denver, Colorado (London Telegraph, 9/23/01; Thompson, The Terror
      Timeline, 497).

      4 BBC, 9/23/01; Newsday, 9/21/01; Paul Thompson, The Terror
      Timeline: Year by Year, Day by Day, Minute by Minute (NewYork:
      HarperCollins/Regan Books, 2004), 498.

      5 9/11 Report, 1-14, 215-42. Discussion in David Ray Griffin, The
      9/11 Commission Report: Errors and Omissions (Northampton, MA: Olive
      Branch Press, 2005), 19-23.

      6 Thomas H. Kean and Lee H. Hamilton, with Benjamin Rhodes, Without
      Precedent: The Inside Story of the 9/11 Commission (New York: Knopf,
      2006), 268.

      7 David Ray Griffin and Peter Dale Scott (eds.), 9/11 & American
      Empire: Intellectuals Speak Out. (Northampton, MA: Olive Branch
      Press, 2006), 74, 76-77.

      8 San Francisco Chronicle, 9/21/01; Toronto Globe and Mail,
      11/22/01.

      9 This admitted connection to al-Zawahiri has led some to identify
      Mohamed (Abu Mohamed al Amriki) with the al-Amriki alleged by Yossef
      Bodansky to have acted as go-between between Zawahiri and the
      CIA: "In the first half of November 1997 Ayman al-Zawahiri met a man
      called Abu-Umar al-Amriki (al-Amriki means "the American") at a camp
      near Peshawar, on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. High-level
      Islamist leaders insist that in this meeting Abu-Umar al-Amriki made
      al-Zawahiri an offer: The United States would not interfere with or
      intervene to prevent the Islamists' rise to power in Egypt if the
      Islamist mujahideen currently in Bosnia-Herzegovina would refrain
      from attacking the U.S. forces there. Moreover, Abu-Umar al-Amriki
      promised a donation of $50 million (from unidentified sources) to
      Islamist charities in Egypt and elsewhere. This was not the first
      meeting between Abu-Umar al-Amriki and Zawahiri. Back in the 1980s
      Abu-Umar al-Amriki openly acted as an emissary for the CIA with
      various Arab Islamist militant and terrorist movements… then
      operating under the wings of the Afghan jihad…. In the late 1980s,
      in one of his meetings with Zawahiri, Abu-Umar al-Amriki suggested
      that Zawahiri would need "$50 million to rule Egypt." At the time,
      Zawahiri interpreted this assertion as a hint that Washington would
      tolerate his rise to power if he could raise this money. The mention
      of the magic figure, $50 million, by Abu-Umar al-Amriki in the
      November 1997 meeting was interpreted by Zawahiri and the entire
      Islamist leadership, including Osama bin Laden, as a reaffirmation
      of the discussions with the CIA in the late 1980s about Washington's
      willingness to tolerate an Islamic Egypt. In 1997 the Islamist
      leaders were convinced that Abu-Umar al-Amriki was speaking for the
      CIA -- that is, the uppermost echelons of the Clinton
      administration" (Bodansky, Bin Laden, 212-13). As we shall see, it
      is the case that Mohamed was allowed to travel to Afghanistan even
      after his designation as an unindicted co-conspirator in 1994 (San
      Francisco Chronicle, 10/21/01).

      10 9/11 Report, 68.

      11 Patrick Fitzgerald, Testimony before 9/11 Commission, June 16,
      2004, http://www.9-11commission.gov/hearings/hearing12.htm, emphasis
      added. Actually Mohamed was in Santa Clara, California, by 1993 (New
      Yorker, 9/16/02). Fitzgerald was flagrantly dissembling. Even the
      mainstream account by Daniel Benjamin and Steven Simon (The Age of
      Sacred Terror [New York: Random House, 2002], 236) records
      that "When Mohamed was summoned back from Africa in 1993 [sic,
      Mohamed in his confession says 1994] to be interviewed by the FBI in
      connection with the case against Sheikh Rahman and his
      coconspirators, he convinced the agents that he could be useful to
      them as an informant."

      12 Peter Lance, "Triple Cross: National Geographic Channel's
      Whitewash of the Ali Mohamed Story," Huffington Post, 8/29/06,
      http://news.yahoo.com/s/huffpost/20060829/cm_huffpost/028270.
      Unfortunately Lance's book on Mohamed, Triple Cross, was not yet
      available as this book went to press. Cf. Lawrence White, The
      Looming Tower: Al-Qaeda and the Road to 9/11 (New York: Knopf,
      2006), 181-82; Daniel Benjamin and Steven Simon, The Age of Sacred
      Terror (New York: Random House, 2002), 236; Lawrence Wright, New
      Yorker, 9/16/02: "In 1989…Mohamed talked to an F.B.I. agent in
      California and provided American intelligence with its first inside
      look at Al Qaeda."

      13 Raleigh News & Observer, 10/21/01,
      http://www.knoxstudio.com/shns/story.cfm?pk=ALIMOHAMED-10-24-
      01&cat=AN.

      14 San Francisco Chronicle, 11/04/01. What was clear to Johnson
      cannot be clear to the American public. We have no way of knowing
      whether or not Mohamed forewarned his American handlers about the
      embassy bombings, or even (since his current whereabouts are a
      mystery) about 9/11. See below.

      15 Toronto Globe and Mail, 11/22/01, http://www.mail-
      archive.com/hydro@.../msg00224.html; Peter Dale Scott, "How
      to Fight Terrorism," California Monthly, September 2004,
      http://www.alumni.berkeley.edu/Alumni/Cal_Monthly/September_2004/How_
      to_fight_terrorism.asp. Mohamed's companion, Essam Marzouk, is now
      serving 15 years of hard labor in Egypt, after having been arrested
      in Azerbaijan. Mohamed's detention and release was months after the
      first WTC bombing in February 1993, and after the FBI had already
      rounded up two of the plotters whom they knew had been trained by
      Ali Mohamed.

      16 Peter Lance, "Triple Cross: National Geographic Channel's
      Whitewash of the Ali Mohamed Story," Huffington Post, 8/29/06,

      http://news.yahoo.com/s/huffpost/20060829/cm_huffpost/028270.
      Unfortunately Lance's book, Triple Cross, was not yet available as
      this book went to press.

      17 Dave Shiflett, Bloomberg News, 8/28/06,
      http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?
      pid=20601088&sid=aNWwkZYujCIs&refer=home.

      18Glenn Garvin, Miami Herald,
      http://www.miami.com/mld/miamiherald/entertainment/columnists/glenn_g
      arvin/15310462.htm

      19 Lawrence Wright, The Looming Tower: Al-Qaeda and the Road to 9/11
      (New York: Knopf, 2006), 181.

      The Report claims (56) that "Bin Ladin and his comrades had their
      own sources of support and training, and they received little or no
      assistance from the United States." But Wright reports that Mohamed,
      while on a leave from the U.S. army, went to Afghanistan and
      trained "the first al-Qaeda volunteers in techniques of
      unconventional warfare, including kidnappings, assassinations, and
      hijacking planes." This was in 1988, one year before Mohamed left
      active U.S. Army service and joined the Reserve.

      20 Peter Lance, "Triple Cross: National Geographic Channel's
      Whitewash of the Ali Mohamed Story," Huffington Post, 8/29/06,

      http://news.yahoo.com/s/huffpost/20060829/cm_huffpost/028270.
      Cloonan was the FBI agent in the Bin Laden squad who received the
      famous memo from Kenneth Williams in Phoenix recommending that the
      FBI compile a list of all the Arabs attending flight schools. He
      reportedly "wadded it into a ball and threw it against a wall.
      `Who's going to conduct the thirty thousand interviews?' he asked
      the supervisor in Phoenix" (Lawrence White, The Looming Tower: Al-
      Qaeda and the Road to 9/11 [New York: Knopf, 2006], 350).

      21 Peter Lance, "Triple Cross: National Geographic Channel's
      Whitewash of the Ali Mohamed Story," Huffington Post, 8/29/06,
      http://news.yahoo.com/s/huffpost/20060829/cm_huffpost/028270 .


      22According to publicity for the National Geographic special,
      Mohamed is "currently in U.S. custody," but "his whereabouts and
      legal status are closely guarded secrets" (Rocky Mountain News,
      8/28/06, 2D). Lance wrote that Mohamed was put into the witness
      protection program. "David Runke [Ruhnke], a defense attorney in the
      African embassies bombing case, says, ``I think the most likely
      thing that will happen is he'll be released, he'll be given a new
      name and a new identity, and he will pick up a life someplace.'''
      (Shiflett, Bloomberg News, 8/28/06). As of November 2001, Mohamed
      had not been sentenced and was still believed to be supplying
      information from his prison cell.

      23 "Ali Mohamed had stayed in [El-Hage's] Kenyan home in the mid
      90's as they plotted the bombings. Another agent in Fitzie's squad
      Dan Coleman, had searched El-Hage's home a year before the bombings
      and found direct links to Ali Mohamed and yet Fitzgerald failed to
      connect the dots" (Lance, "Triple Cross," Huffington Post, 8/29/06).

      24 Peter Lance, 1000 Years for Revenge (New York: Regan Books/
      Harper Collins, 2003), 29-37.

      25 Robert Dreyfuss, Devil's Game: How the United States Helped
      Unleash Fundamentalist Islam (New York: Metropolitan Books/Henry
      Holt, 2005), 278; John K. Cooley, Unholy Wars: Afghanistan, America,
      and International Terrorism (London: Pluto Press, 1999), 87-88;
      Lance, 1000 Years for Revenge, 29-31; Independent, 11/1/98.

      26 Rahman was issued two visas, one of them "by a CIA officer
      working undercover in the consular section of the American embassy
      in Sudan" (Peter L. Bergen, Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World
      of Osama bin Laden [New York: Free Press, 2001], 67). FBI consultant
      Paul Williams writes that Ali Mohamed "settled in America on a visa
      program controlled by the CIA" (Paul L. Williams, Al Qaeda:
      Brotherhood of Terror [[Upper Saddle River, NJ]: Alpha/ Pearson
      Education, 2002], 117). Others allegedly admitted, despite being on
      the State Department watch list, were Mohamed Atta and possibly
      Ayman al-Zawahiri (Nafeez Mosaddeq Ahmed, The War on Truth: 9/11,
      Disinformation, and the Anatomy of Terrorism [Northampton, MA: Olive
      Branch Press, 2005], 205, 46).

      27 Wright, The Looming Tower, 177.

      28 Lance, 1000 Years, 34.

      29 Lance, 1000 Years, 31; Peter Lance, Cover Up: What the Government
      Is Still Hiding about the War on Terror (New York: Regan Books/
      HarperCollins, 2004), 25.

      30 Newsday, 11/8/90; quoted in Lance, 1000 Years, 35.

      31 New York Times, 11/8/90; Robert I. Friedman, Village Voice,
      3/30/93.

      32 New York Times, 12/16/90.

      33 9/11 Report, 72.

      34 Fitzgerald is of course the U.S. Attorney who for years has been
      investigating the leak of the name of CIA covert operative Valerie
      Plame. It could appear that he has been putting pressure on the Bush
      White House to forestall disclosure of his own (and possibly the
      CIA's) embarrassing and improper relationship to the chief planner
      of the 9/11 plot.

      35 Kean and Hamilton, Without Precedent, 273 (chapters); Lance,
      Cover Up, 212-20 (reports). Snell was assisted by Douglas MacEachin,
      the former CIA deputy Director for Intelligence.

      36 Lance, 1000 Years, 31-35.
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