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Re: What makes nations great?

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  • Babu Rao
    Dear All, Late Prof Howard Zinn, himself an air force bombardier in Second world war, wrote extensively against war and nationalism. According to him No Flag
    Message 1 of 2 , Feb 28, 2013
      Dear All,

      Late Prof Howard Zinn, himself an air force bombardier in Second world war, wrote extensively against war and nationalism. According to him 'No Flag is large enough to cover the shame of killing innocent People' He also said, "(Nationalism is) a set of beliefs taught to each generation in which the Motherland or the Fatherland is an object of veneration and becomes a burning cause for which one becomes willing to kill the children of other Motherlands or Fatherlands".Nations are political entities and are not permanent. India's political boundaries changed in the last 50 years. Soviet Union broke into several nations. So was Yugoslavia.

      What is the definition of greatness? Is it military might or economic power? Today the understanding in science is that industrial civilization itself is unsustainable and a blip in the history of the planet. All the symptoms of collapse are already evident. We cannot perpetuate the myth of becoming a super power.

      When we talk of the sacrifices of the military to protect the nation, why are we silent when the army is opposing repel of AFSPA. Is it valour to rape our women just because they have different political opinion?

      Nationalism makes one blind to facts. I am placing below an article by Prof Howard Zinn on Nationalism.

      Babu Rao

      The Scourge of Nationalism
      Published in the June 2005 issue of The Progressive
      by Howard Zinn
      I cannot get out of my mind the recent news photos of ordinary Americans sitting on chairs, guns on laps, standing unofficial guard on the Arizona border, to make sure no Mexicans cross over into the United States. There was something horrifying in the realization that, in this twenty-first century of what we call "civilization," we have carved up what we claim is one world into 200 artificially created entities we call "nations" and armed to apprehend or kill anyone who crosses a boundary.
      Is not nationalism--that devotion to a flag, an anthem, a boundary so fierce it engenders mass murder--one of the great evils of our time, along with racism, along with religious hatred? These ways of thinking--cultivated, nurtured, indoctrinated from childhood on--have been useful to those in power, and deadly for those out of power.
      National spirit can be benign in a country that is small and lacking both in military power and a hunger for expansion (Switzerland, Norway, Costa Rica, and many more). But in a nation like ours--huge, possessing thousands of weapons of mass destruction--what might have been harmless pride becomes an arrogant nationalism dangerous to others and to ourselves.
      Our citizenry has been brought up to see our nation as different from others, an exception in the world, uniquely moral, expanding into other lands in order to bring civilization, liberty, democracy.
      That self-deception started early. When the first English settlers moved into Indian land in Massachusetts Bay and were resisted, the violence escalated into war with the Pequot Indians. The killing of Indians was seen as approved by God, the taking of land as commanded by the Bible. The Puritans cited one of the Psalms, which says: "Ask of me, and I shall give thee, the heathen for thine inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the Earth for thy possession."
      When the English set fire to a Pequot village and massacred men, women, and children, the Puritan theologian Cotton Mather said: "It was supposed that no less than 600 Pequot souls were brought down to hell that day."
      It was our "Manifest Destiny to overspread the continent allotted by Providence," an American journalist declared on the eve of the Mexican War. After the invasion of Mexico began, the New York Herald announced: "We believe it is a part of our destiny to civilize that beautiful country."
      It was always supposedly for benign purposes that our country went to war. We invaded Cuba in 1898 to liberate the Cubans, and went to war in the Philippines shortly after, as President McKinley put it, "to civilize and Christianize" the Filipino people.
      As our armies were committing massacres in the Philippines (at least 600,000 Filipinos died in a few years of conflict), Elihu Root, our Secretary of War, was saying: "The American soldier is different from all other soldiers of all other countries since the war began. He is the advance guard of liberty and justice, of law and order, and of peace and happiness."
      Nationalism is given a special virulence when it is blessed by Providence. Today we have a President, invading two countries in four years, who believes he gets messages from God. Our culture is permeated by a Christian fundamentalism as poisonous as that of Cotton Mather. It permits the mass murder of "the other" with the same confidence as it accepts the death penalty for individuals convicted of crimes. A Supreme Court justice, Antonin Scalia, told an audience at the University of Chicago Divinity School, speaking of capital punishment: "For the believing Christian, death is no big deal."
      How many times have we heard Bush and Rumsfeld talk to the troops in Iraq, victims themselves, but also perpetrators of the deaths of thousands of Iraqis, telling them that if they die, if they return without arms or legs, or blinded, it is for "liberty," for "democracy"?
      Nationalist super-patriotism is not confined to Republicans. When Richard Hofstadter analyzed American presidents in his book The American Political Tradition, he found that Democratic leaders as well as Republicans, liberals as well as conservatives, invaded other countries, sought to expand U.S. power across the globe.
      Liberal imperialists have been among the most fervent of expansionists, more effective in their claim to moral rectitude precisely because they are liberal on issues other than foreign policy. Theodore Roosevelt, a lover of war, and an enthusiastic supporter of the war in Spain and the conquest of the Philippines, is still seen as a Progressive because he supported certain domestic reforms and was concerned with the national environment. Indeed, he ran as President on the Progressive ticket in 1912.
      Woodrow Wilson, a Democrat, was the epitome of the liberal apologist for violent actions abroad. In April of 1914, he ordered the bombardment of the Mexican coast, and the occupation of the city of Vera Cruz, in retaliation for the arrest of several U.S. sailors. He sent Marines into Haiti in 1915, killing thousands of Haitians who resisted, beginning a long military occupation of that tiny country. He sent Marines to occupy the Dominican Republic in 1916. And, after running in 1916 on a platform of peace, he brought the nation into the slaughter that was taking place in Europe in World War I, saying it was a war to "make the world safe for democracy."
      In our time, it was the liberal Bill Clinton who sent bombers over Baghdad as soon as he came into office, who first raised the specter of "weapons of mass destruction" as a justification for a series of bombing attacks on Iraq. Liberals today criticize George Bush's unilateralism. But it was Clinton's Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright, who told the United Nations Security Council that the U.S. would act "multilaterally when we can, unilaterally when we must."
      One of the effects of nationalist thinking is a loss of a sense of proportion. The killing of 2,300 people at Pearl Harbor becomes the justification for killing 240,000 in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The killing of 3,000 people on September 11 becomes the justification for killing tens of thousands of people in Afghanistan and Iraq.
      What makes our nation immune from the normal standards of human decency?
      Surely, we must renounce nationalism and all its symbols: its flags, its pledges of allegiance, its anthems, its insistence in song that God must single out America to be blessed.
      We need to assert our allegiance to the human race, and not to any one nation. We need to refute the idea that our nation is different from, morally superior to, the other imperial powers of world history.
      The poets and artists among us seem to have a clearer understanding of the limits of nationalism.
      Langston Hughes (no wonder he was called before the Committee on Un-American Activities) addressed his country as follows:
      You really haven't been a virgin for so long
      It's ludicrous to keep up the pretext . . .
      You've slept with all the big powers
      In military uniforms
      And you've taken the sweet life
      Of all the little brown fellows . . .
      Being one of the world's big vampires
      Why don't you come out and say so
      Like Japan, and England, and France
      And all the other nymphomaniacs of power.
      Henry David Thoreau, provoked by the war in Mexico and the nationalist fervor it produced, wrote: "Nations! What are nations? . . . Like insects, they swarm. The historian strives in vain to make them memorable." In our time, Kurt Vonnegut (Cat's Cradle) places nations among those unnatural abstractions he calls granfalloons, which he defines as "a proud and meaningless association of human beings."
      There have always been men and women in this country who have insisted that universal standards of decent human conduct apply to our nation as to others. That insistence continues today and reaches out to people all over the world. It lets them know, like the balloons sent over the countryside by the Paris Commune in 1871, that "our interests are the same."
      Howard Zinn's latest work (with Anthony Arnove) is "Voices of a People's History of the United States."
      © 2005 The Progressive

      --- In karmayog-hyd@yahoogroups.com, Yeddanapudi markandeyulu <yeddanapudim@...> wrote:
      > Dears All,
      > Right now thousands of our great heros,the Jawans live in ice bound jungles
      > of Kashmir guarding all 24 hours our nation.In Assam,in all the states of
      > the North east,at many other places they are protecting us.The police in
      > many states are carrying a war with the Naxals.
      > But we have leaders strutting in big cars with a red bulb above the car
      > unauthorizedly,accompanied by a procession of other cars composed of
      > goondas whose only function is extortion and settlements.They buy self
      > immolations also it is rumored.
      > Our only consolation is that in Pakistan the army is busy looting its own
      > people while showing India as a great threat.That army will never really
      > will wage a war as it is too busy looting its own people.Pakistan is under
      > a milibus or militarized business men cum looters.Apart from fanatics
      > Pakistan has nothing to show in greatness.But Prof Salam the man
      > responsible for the concept of the weak force or neutral electricity the
      > only person bringing Pakistan too into the field of original thought, had
      > to flee from Pakistan because the mullahs there called him a non muslim as
      > according to them the Ahmedeeyas are non muslims.
      > The problem in India is that the scamsters may ultimately put India into
      > the fate of Somalia,making it easy for the Pak milibus to loot India too
      > ultimately.Our Jawans are there at the borders but they are attacked by the
      > scamsters from within.When we have developed the culture of glorifying
      > scamsters,there can be no scope for getting any recognition at all to the
      > real heros.
      > Y.Markandeyulu
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