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* * * Attacking The Immunity System * * *

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  • victoryusa@jail4judges.org
    J.A.I.L. News Journal ______________________________________________________ Los Angeles, California February 1, 2006
    Message 1 of 1 , Feb 1, 2006
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      J.A.I.L. News Journal
      ______________________________________________________
      Los Angeles, California                                         February 1, 2006
      ______________________________________________________
      The Inherent Right of ALL People to Alter or Reform Abusive Government.
      The Right Upon Which All Other Rights Depend
      The Torchbearer for J.A.I.L. Nationally - Support Them!
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      Attacking the Immunity System
      By Pam Smith
      The Recorder Legal Newspaper
      If two crusaders succeed, judges will be liable for decisions

      Most days, Ronald Branson and his wife take turns at the computer in the
      garage of their San Fernando Valley home, waging war against what they
      see as a major failing of their country's court system.

      Their Web site, www.jail4judges.org, blasts the "arbitrary abuse of the
      doctrine of judicial immunity." They shoot off frequent e-mails to rally
      their troops, like the one last April when Branson praised a Nightline
      report called "Blaming the Bench." "We are only now viewing the
      beginning of a looming showdown in this nation on this subject," he
      typed to his audience, which he says numbers at least 1,000 people.

      For a decade, Branson, a prolific pro per, and Gary Zerman, a Valencia
      attorney similarly disillusioned with the courts, have sought a way
      around the immunity that shields judges from suits over their actions on
      the bench.

      In the 1990s, they tried to get an initiative on the California ballot
      that would have created a special grand jury able to criminally indict
      state judges or to strip them of the immunity defense in civil suits.

      "Members of the group are not going to police the group," Zerman says.
      "You have to have outside independent people to make sure that
      mechanisms of accountability are there."

      But their low-budget operation ran into a roadblock: It took far too
      many signatures to get anything on the ballot in their populous home
      state.

      More recently, though, things have been looking up for the founders of
      the JAIL movement, which now aims to get a foothold for its Judicial
      Accountability Initiative Law in any state it can. A feed-machine
      businessman from South Dakota, where the population is roughly 1/50 of
      California's, has enthusiastically taken up their cause, and is
      sponsoring a JAIL initiative there. In December, a petition drive funded
      by about $140,000 of William Stegmeier's money gathered enough
      signatures to put a constitutional amendment on the November ballot.

      Zerman and Branson hope a win in South Dakota will create enough
      momentum to propel them into other states. That's also the concern for
      lawyers and judges who claim a law like JAIL would be both infeasible
      and philosophically dangerous.

      Stegmeier's South Dakota initiative was a topic of conversation among
      the state chief justices who gathered last month for a national meeting,
      said California Chief Justice Ronald George. While he doesn't seem to be
      losing sleep over it, he's not shrugging it off, either. "I don't know
      that anything like this has qualified on a state ballot before, so I
      think that means that it has to be taken seriously."

      Branson is already looking ahead, to other initiative-friendly states.
      He'd like to take on Nevada next, but he's not ruling other places out.
      If anyone can come up with a million dollars, he says, JAIL might take
      another stab at California.

      "I'm gambling on the idea that if we prevail in South Dakota, we'll have
      the attention of so many news sources, and so many money sources will
      come to us," he figures. "Success breeds success."

      GETTING NOWHERE

      Branson, who says he's been a minister since his three-year Army stint
      in the 1960s, peppers his speech with analogies. The South Dakota
      initiative is like a wick burning toward a barrel of gunpowder, a
      wrecking ball that will pick up momentum, the first domino that will
      topple. When he reminisces about his battles with the courts, he uses
      the lottery, or a baseball game, to make his points.

      He has been a pro per, on and off, for about 20 years, typically in
      suits against the government, and by his count, he's sued more than half
      a dozen judges. He says his legal education began in the early 1980s,
      when his wife, a legal secretary, lost her job with a district attorney's office and sued to demand a civil service hearing.

      "I've had 14 trips to the U.S. Supreme Court, and not one time have the
      courts addressed any of the issues I raised in those cases," Branson
      says. His cert petitions were all denied.

      "It would have been an act of insanity for me to continue seeking
      redress in the judicial system," he says. "I said, we've got to do it
      some way that doesn't include government."

      When he met Zerman by chance, he found a collaborator.

      They were both at a speech by then-state Sen. Tom Hayden, when Branson overheard Zerman complaining to the legislator about the state's
      Commission on Judicial Performance.

      Branson remembers following Zerman back to his seat. "I knelt beside him
      and I said, 'Hello, I'm Ron Branson, and I understand exactly what you're talking about here,'" Branson says. "He was getting nowhere as an
      attorney, I was getting nowhere as a pro se."

      Court dockets show that at least 10 cases involving Branson have reached
      the Second District Court of Appeal, and at least five petitions for
      review have been denied by the California Supreme Court.

      The case that really galled Branson, though, was an unlawful-arrest suit
      against the city of Los Angeles, in which he contends a judge never
      entered a required default judgment, leaving him no ruling to appeal.

      Had a law like the South Dakota JAIL amendment existed in California,
      Branson says, once his appeals were exhausted, he could have complained
      to a special grand jury that the judge had blocked the lawful conclusion
      of his case. If the panel decided his complaint wasn't frivolous, the
      judge could have been prohibited from claiming judicial immunity if
      Branson sued.

      "This is the only thing that's going to straighten out the politics in
      this country," Branson declares, before pausing: "You can tell I get
      going like a racecar."

      While Zerman, a former insurance defense lawyer, isn't as prone to
      metaphor, he is equally passionate in his view that judicial immunity
      from suits is inherently unfair. "The rule of law exists for some and
      not others," he says.

      Zerman's first real encounter with judicial immunity was a malpractice
      suit, he says, in which he represented a pair of clients suing two
      well-known California plaintiff attorneys, the late Melvin Belli of San
      Francisco, and Santa Monica's R. Browne Greene.

      Zerman says he got his head handed to him by a judge at trial, and then
      got "what I believe was a fraudulent appellate opinion." He eventually
      sued the trial judge and appellate panel, but it did no good, he says.

      He also tried filing an accusation of misconduct against the two
      plaintiff lawyers with the California Supreme Court, but the justices
      declined to hear it. Then, in 1995, the U.S. Supreme Court declined
      Zerman's petition to review the California high court's decision.

      "In some of these cases when you get hosed initially and then you start
      to appeal, the appellate system doesn't work," he says. "They can't
      admit that the system is that out-of-whack."

      CAMPAIGN MANEUVERS

      After his chance meeting with Branson, Zerman says, "Ron grabbed onto
      the initiative [idea], and he started drafting." What the pro per wrote,
      Zerman and others polished.

      They've been trying to sell their vision ever since, though as salesmen,
      they can be something of a contrast.

      Branson boasts of a national JAIL organization with military-esque ranks
      and titles. He calls himself the National JAIL Commander-in-Chief -
      similar, he says, to a five-star general. When he appears at
      particularly formal events as a representative, like a conference he
      attended in Virginia, he wears a blue suit with five stars on his chest,
      and five more on the points of his shirt collar. The ranks below him, he
      explains, go from lieutenant-commander-in-chief (the equivalent of a
      four-star general), to jailer-in-chiefs (two-star generals) in charge of
      each state.

      Zerman, on the other hand, refers to JAIL as a "loosely knit" group, and
      doesn't use his title. When he makes a high-profile appearance on JAIL's
      behalf, like he did on CNN a couple of months back, he says, "I just
      wear a business suit."

      He estimates that he spends about 30 hours a week working on JAIL
      efforts from his home office or doing interviews, and suggests his
      crusade to reform has hurt his civil practice.

      "I have a few cases, but you pay a price for doing this," says Zerman,
      who is acting as a spokesman for the South Dakota campaign. "I tell
      [potential clients], having me as your attorney may be hazardous to your
      case, because I've got some judges gunning for me."

      And for all that, he and Branson weren't getting very far. That is,
      until the Internet extended the reach of their message.

      As best he can recall, William Stegmeier, whose company outside Sioux
      Falls makes grinders for livestock feed, ran across JAIL's Web site and
      was intrigued enough to donate $100 or so.

      "You know, a lot of patriot organizations, sometimes they link to each
      other," Stegmeier said by cell phone from rural South Dakota. "The name
      jail4judges does elicit curiosity, no doubt about that."

      It wasn't long, Stegmeier added, before he got an e-mail asking him if
      he wanted to be "jailer-in-chief" for the state.

      Since then, he's put up about $140,000 of his own money for a
      constitutional amendment based on the California JAIL proposal drafted
      by Branson. Last month, South Dakota's secretary of state declared that
      the amendment had the 33,456 signatures needed to qualify for the
      November ballot.

      Apparently going for a toned-down image, Stegmeier says he calls his
      statewide campaign South Dakota Judicial Accountability. And on the
      campaign trail, he's not really using the jail4judges name - "We thought
      it would be a bit too strong for rural South Dakota" - nor going by his
      two-star title.

      Surprisingly, the amendment's sponsor says he's never had a problem with
      any judge, himself. "I really haven't had much involvement in courts."

      He does remember being bothered more than a year ago, though, by a case in Fort Worth, Texas. The judge, he said, wouldn't allow a defendant to enter the U.S. Constitution as evidence. "Now, how ridiculous is that?"

      "I'm a patriot. I have three young children," he added. "I look at this
      as my civic contribution to the country."

      CALL IT YELLOW ALERT

      Given Branson and Zerman's roots, some judges in California are keeping
      tabs on the South Dakota election.

      "It is such a frightening assault on the bedrock principle of an independent judiciary," says Los Angeles Superior Court Judge Terry Friedman, president of the California Judges Association.

      He's not sure how to evaluate its chances, he adds. "But I know that many judges are - and I would include myself - [concerned] that if it were to succeed there, even though it's maybe a small and distant state, that could give the movement some momentum elsewhere."

      Still, he's not sure whether any of the amendment's critics in California will get involved in the campaign against the amendment in South Dakota.

      "I don't want to prematurely or unnecessarily build it up in order to knock it down," Friedman said. "I would rather that it never got off the ground in the first place."

      Tom Barnett, the Executive Director of the South Dakota Bar, would have
      preferred JAIL never left its home turf. "We wish they just would've
      started out in California and stayed there."

      He has talked with South Dakota judges in passing about the amendment.
      "While they were concerned, my recommendation is, you don't dignify this
      type of initiative with a response," he says. "You let Main Street businesses and people involved in civics and [local government] say this is their fight - because the attack is an attack on Civics 101."

      Barnett prefers not to go into too many details about the counter-offensive, though. "The last thing I want to do," Barnett says, "is to have Mr. Branson sit out there in California and read what our campaign plan is."

      That will surely disappoint Mr. Branson.

      "You ever see one of these fish, they have this extension on their lip
      that looks like a worm?" says Branson. The fish he's thinking of, he
      explains, hunts by hiding all but that piece of its body, waiting for
      another fish gullible enough to try for a nibble.

      "They just can't resist themselves, they have to attack us," Branson
      says. "And every time they attack us, they're ruining the element of
      surprise."

      SIDE STORY:

      How to judge a judge

      A constitutional amendment on the November ballot in South Dakota
      threatens to make state judges there more vulnerable to civil lawsuits
      and criminal prosecutions.

      The Judicial Accountability Initiative Law, which needs a simple majority to pass this fall, would create a special grand jury with the power to criminally indict a judge, or to bar him from using the judicial immunity defense in a civil suit.

      No one could lodge a criminal accusation with the special jury unless a
      prosecutor had declined to file charges. And no one could bring a civil
      accusation without having exhausted state court remedies.

      After receiving the judge's response to civil allegations, the 13-member
      special jury would decide by majority vote whether the judge could claim
      judicial immunity if the accuser were to sue in civil court. The amendment specifies that immunity should not be allowed for any deliberate violation of the law or the state or federal constitution; fraud or conspiracy; intentional violation of due process; deliberate disregard of material facts; actions without jurisdiction; or the blocking of the lawful conclusion of a case.

      Judges amassing three adverse immunity decisions or criminal convictions
      would be kicked off the bench, with their retirement benefits cut by at
      least half.

      Critics say the proposal is unworkable, and a threat to judicial independence.

      "Every time there's a dissatisfied person there'd be a lawsuit," says
      James Heiting, president of the State Bar of California.

      Larry Mann, a South Dakota political consultant working against the
      amendment, also argues that it would only serve to shift immunity. "It's
      so broadly written that it creates this special grand jury [with] almost
      unrestrained authority to do almost whatever they want, without any
      accountability."

      But proponents who have long hoped for such a law in California counter
      that the current checks on judges aren't enough.

      "Until a judge has become an open embarrassment to the system, they just
      won't be prosecuted," said Californian Ronald Branson, who drafted the
      template for the JAIL amendment about 10 years ago.

      Gary Zerman, a Valencia solo practitioner who's worked with Branson to
      promote such initiatives, likewise expresses disappointment in the
      Commission on Judicial Performance. "The CJP just gives them a public
      censure and lets them go on like nothing happened."

      - Pam Smith 

      Pam Smith
      Reporter, The Recorder legal newspaper
      Phone: 415.749.5524
      Fax: 415.749.5549
      psmith@...


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