RE: [fukuoka_farming] Introduction
- Hi, Judy :)
Fukuoka's books regularly appear for sale used. Bibliofind was bought by
Amazon, so they would now be the best source I know of, since Bibliofind was
always my favorite. But others may know of better used book sites. And you
can always try your library if borrowing is enough. Happy hunting!
> -----Original Message-----
> From: Judy Phillips [mailto:newmoon@...]
> Sent: Thursday, October 18, 2001 8:39 AM
> To: firstname.lastname@example.org
> Subject: [fukuoka_farming] Introduction
> My name is Judy Phillips. I've been lurking about the group for a
> few weeks
> now and though I should introduce myself. I live in the backwoods of
> southern Indiana, where I homestead and homeschool three children. I have
> read about Masanobu Fukuoka's philosophies of natural farming for
> years, and
> have recently become inspired to put these theories into practice here. I
> would like to reclaim an old cornfield that has not been farmed in many
> years and has grown thick with fescue and brambles--there are also many
> wonderful native plants begining to reclaim the space, which I will take
> care to respect. My biggest question is, how can I break through
> this dense
> weed barrier without invasive techniques like bush hogging and tilling? I
> would appreciate any input!
> Also, though I have read **about** Sensei Fukuoka for many years, I have
> never managed to find any of his books--they are no longer in
> print here in
> the U.S. Why IS that? Can anyone suggest the most economical source for
> getting ahold of copies of the One Straw Revolution and other works by
> Fukuoka? If a bulk purchase were possible, I would be happy to
> these books myself via my own web page (no profit necessary--just
> cost+shipping) Unless someone else is already doing this and I
> just haven't
> stumbled across the right source? I think it is important that these words
> of sanity be heard in our troubled times!
> Thanks for being here--I'm looking forward to getting to know the group.
> -----Original Message-----
> From: <email@example.com>
> To: <firstname.lastname@example.org>
> Date: Thursday, October 18, 2001 10:06 AM
> Subject: [fukuoka_farming] Digest Number 24
> >To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
> >There is 1 message in this issue.
> >Topics in this digest:
> > 1. a bit off-topic, but...
> > From: Carol <reggiecs@...>
> >Message: 1
> > Date: Thu, 18 Oct 2001 06:21:25 -0700
> > From: Carol <reggiecs@...>
> >Subject: a bit off-topic, but...
> >Thoughts in the Presence of Fear
> >by Wendell Berry
> >I. The time will soon come when we will not be able to remember
> >the horrors of September 11 without remembering also the
> >unquestioning technological and economic optimism that ended on
> >that day.
> >II. This optimism rested on the proposition that we were living
> >in a "new world order" and a "new economy" that would "grow" on
> >and on, bringing a prosperity of which every new increment would
> >be "unprecedented."
> >III. The dominant politicians, corporate officers, and investors
> >who believed this proposition did not acknowledge that the
> >prosperity was limited to a tiny percent of the world's people,
> >and to an ever smaller number of people even in the United
> >States; that it was founded upon the oppressive labor of poor
> >people all over the world; and that its ecological costs
> >increasingly threatened all life, including the lives of the
> >supposedly prosperous.
> >IV. The "developed" nations had given to the "free market" the
> >status of a god, and were sacrificing to it their farmers,
> >farmlands, and communities, their forests, wetlands, and
> >prairies, their ecosystems and watersheds. They had accepted
> >universal pollution and global warming as normal costs of doing
> >V. There was, as a consequence, a growing worldwide effort on
> >behalf of economic decentralization, economic justice, and
> >ecological responsibility. We must recognize that the events of
> >September 11 make this effort more necessary than ever. We
> >citizens of the industrial countries must continue the labor of
> >self-criticism and self-correction. We must recognize our
> >VI. The paramount doctrine of the economic and technological
> >euphoria of recent decades has been that everything depends on
> >innovation. It was understood as desirable, and even necessary,
> >that we should go on and on from one technological innovation to
> >the next, which would cause the economy to "grow" and make
> >everything better and better. This of course implied at every
> >point a hatred of the past, of all [past] innovations [which] ,
> >whatever their value might have been, were discounted as of no
> >value at all.
> >VII. We did not anticipate anything like what has now happened.
> >We did not foresee that all our sequence of innovations might be
> >at once overridden by a greater one: the invention of a new kind
> >of war that would turn our previous innovations against us,
> >discovering and exploiting the debits and the dangers that we had
> >ignored. We never considered the possibility that we might be
> >trapped in the webwork of communication and transport that was
> >supposed to make us free.
> >VIII. Nor did we foresee that the weaponry and the war science
> >that we marketed and taught to the world would become available,
> >not just to recognized national governments, which possess so
> >uncannily the power to legitimate large-scale violence, but also
> >to "rogue nations," dissident or fanatical groups and individuals
> >whose violence, though never worse than that of nations, is
> >judged by the nations to be illegitimate.
> >IX. We had accepted uncritically the belief that technology is
> >only good; that it cannot serve evil as well as good; that it
> >cannot serve our enemies as well as ourselves; that it cannot be
> >used to destroy what is good, including our homelands and our
> >X. We had accepted too the corollary belief that an economy
> >(either as a money economy or as a life-support system) that is
> >global in extent, technologically complex, and centralized is
> >invulnerable to terrorism, sabotage, or war, and that it is
> >protectable by "national defense."
> >XI. We now have a clear, inescapable choice that we must make. We
> >can continue to promote a global economic system of unlimited
> >"free trade" among corporations, held together by long and highly
> >vulnerable lines of communication and supply, but now recognizing
> >that such a system will have to be protected by a hugely
> >expensive police force that will be worldwide, whether maintained
> >by one nation or several or all, and that such a police force
> >will be effective precisely to the extent that it oversways the
> >freedom and privacy of the citizens of every nation.
> >XII. Or we can promote a decentralized world economy which would
> >have the aim of assuring to every nation and region a local
> >self-sufficiency in life-supporting goods. This would not
> >eliminate international trade, but it would tend toward a trade
> >in surpluses after local needs had been met.
> >XIII. One of the gravest dangers to us now, second only to
> >further terrorist attacks against our people, is that we will
> >attempt to go on as before with the corporate program of global
> >"free trade," whatever the cost in freedom and civil rights,
> >without self-questioning or self-criticism or public debate.
> >XIV. This is why the substitution of rhetoric for thought, always
> >a temptation in a national crisis, must be resisted by officials
> >and citizens alike. It is hard for ordinary citizens to know what
> >is actually happening in Washington in a time of such great
> >trouble; for all we know, serious and difficult thought may be
> >taking place there. But the talk that we are hearing from
> >politicians, bureaucrats, and commentators has so far tended to
> >reduce the complex problems now facing us to issues of unity,
> >security, normality, and retaliation.
> >XV. National self-righteousness, like personal
> >self-righteousness, is a mistake. It is misleading. It is a sign
> >of weakness. Any war that we may make now against terrorism will
> >come as a new installment in a history of war in which we have
> >fully participated. We are not innocent of making war against
> >civilian populations. The modern doctrine of such warfare was set
> >forth and enacted by General William Tecumseh Sherman, who held
> >that a civilian population could be declared guilty and rightly
> >subjected to military punishment. We have never repudiated that
> >XVI. It is a mistake also -- as events since September 11 have
> >shown -- to suppose that a government can promote and participate
> >in a global economy and at the same time act exclusively in its
> >own interest by abrogating its international treaties and
> >standing apart from international cooperation on moral issues.
> >XVII. And surely, in our country, under our Constitution, it is a
> >fundamental error to suppose that any crisis or emergency can
> >justify any form of political oppression. Since September 11, far
> >too many public voices have presumed to "speak for us" in saying
> >that Americans will gladly accept a reduction of freedom in
> >exchange for greater "security." Some would, maybe. But some
> >others would accept a reduction in security (and in global trade)
> >far more willingly than they would accept any abridgement of our
> >Constitutional rights.
> >XVIII. In a time such as this, when we have been seriously and
> >most cruelly hurt by those who hate us, and when we must consider
> >ourselves to be gravely threatened by those same people, it is
> >hard to speak of the ways of peace and to remember that Christ
> >enjoined us to love our enemies, but this is no less necessary
> >for being difficult.
> >XIX. Even now we dare not forget that since the attack on Pearl
> >Harbor -- to which the present attack has been often and not
> >usefully compared -- we humans have suffered an almost
> >uninterrupted sequence of wars, none of which has brought peace
> >or made us more peaceable.
> >XX. The aim and result of war necessarily is not peace but
> >victory, and any victory won by violence necessarily justifies
> >the violence that won it and leads to further violence. If we are
> >serious about innovation, must we not conclude that we need
> >something new to replace our perpetual "war to end war"?
> >XXI. What leads to peace is not violence but peaceableness, which
> >is not passivity, but an alert, informed, practiced, and active
> >state of being. We should recognize that while we have
> >extravagantly subsidized the means of war, we have almost totally
> >neglected the ways of peaceableness. We have, for example,
> >several national military academies, but not one peace academy.
> >We have ignored the teachings and the examples of Christ, Gandhi,
> >Martin Luther King, and other peaceable leaders. And here we have
> >an inescapable duty to notice also that war is profitable,
> >whereas the means of peaceableness, being cheap or free, make no
> >XXII. The key to peaceableness is continuous practice. It is
> >wrong to suppose that we can exploit and impoverish the poorer
> >countries, while arming them and instructing them in the newest
> >means of war, and then reasonably expect them to be peaceable.
> >XXIII. We must not again allow public emotion or the public media
> >to caricature our enemies. If our enemies are now to be some
> >nations of Islam, then we should undertake to know those enemies.
> >Our schools should begin to teach the histories, cultures, arts,
> >and language of the Islamic nations. And our leaders should have
> >the humility and the wisdom to ask the reasons some of those
> >people have for hating us.
> >XXIV. Starting with the economies of food and farming, we should
> >promote at home, and encourage abroad, the ideal of local
> >self-sufficiency. We should recognize that this is the surest,
> >the safest, and the cheapest way for the world to live. We should
> >not countenance the loss or destruction of any local capacity to
> >produce necessary goods.
> >XXV. We should reconsider and renew and extend our efforts to
> >protect the natural foundations of the human economy: soil,
> >water, and air. We should protect every intact ecosystem and
> >watershed that we have left, and begin restoration of those that
> >have been damaged.
> >XXVI. The complexity of our present trouble suggests as never
> >before that we need to change our present concept of education.
> >Education is not properly an industry, and its proper use is not
> >to serve industries, neither by job-training nor by
> >industry-subsidized research. It's proper use is to enable
> >citizens to live lives that are economically, politically,
> >socially, and culturally responsible. This cannot be done by
> >gathering or "accessing" what we now call "information" -- which
> >is to say facts without context and therefore without priority. A
> >proper education enables young people to put their lives in
> >order, which means knowing what things are more important than
> >other things; it means putting first things first.
> >XXVII. The first thing we must begin to teach our children (and
> >learn ourselves) is that we cannot spend and consume endlessly.
> >We have got to learn to save and conserve. We do need a "new
> >economy," but one that is founded on thrift and care, on saving
> >and conserving, not on excess and waste. An economy based on
> >waste is inherently and hopelessly violent, and war is its
> >inevitable by-product. We need a peaceable economy.
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- Well, okay then.
On Tue, Nov 17, 2009 at 12:17 AM, <fdnokes@...> wrote:
> Fukuoka had a very good way of communicating this very same idea.
> He wrote it and lived it. And it was at the heart of his ideas about
> We're not really worshipping the man here.
> Just really taken with the spirit of his ideas, and the way he expressed
> > Yep! My thoughts exactly.
> > Frank
> I do trust my own research on what I see on my own land.
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