Loading ...
Sorry, an error occurred while loading the content.

a bit off-topic, but...

Expand Messages
  • Carol
    Thoughts in the Presence of Fear by Wendell Berry I. The time will soon come when we will not be able to remember the horrors of September 11 without
    Message 1 of 6 , Oct 18, 2001
    • 0 Attachment
      Thoughts in the Presence of Fear

      by Wendell Berry

      I. The time will soon come when we will not be able to remember
      the horrors of September 11 without remembering also the
      unquestioning technological and economic optimism that ended on
      that day.

      II. This optimism rested on the proposition that we were living
      in a "new world order" and a "new economy" that would "grow" on
      and on, bringing a prosperity of which every new increment would
      be "unprecedented."

      III. The dominant politicians, corporate officers, and investors
      who believed this proposition did not acknowledge that the
      prosperity was limited to a tiny percent of the world's people,
      and to an ever smaller number of people even in the United
      States; that it was founded upon the oppressive labor of poor
      people all over the world; and that its ecological costs
      increasingly threatened all life, including the lives of the
      supposedly prosperous.

      IV. The "developed" nations had given to the "free market" the
      status of a god, and were sacrificing to it their farmers,
      farmlands, and communities, their forests, wetlands, and
      prairies, their ecosystems and watersheds. They had accepted
      universal pollution and global warming as normal costs of doing
      business.

      V. There was, as a consequence, a growing worldwide effort on
      behalf of economic decentralization, economic justice, and
      ecological responsibility. We must recognize that the events of
      September 11 make this effort more necessary than ever. We
      citizens of the industrial countries must continue the labor of
      self-criticism and self-correction. We must recognize our
      mistakes.

      VI. The paramount doctrine of the economic and technological
      euphoria of recent decades has been that everything depends on
      innovation. It was understood as desirable, and even necessary,
      that we should go on and on from one technological innovation to
      the next, which would cause the economy to "grow" and make
      everything better and better. This of course implied at every
      point a hatred of the past, of all [past] innovations [which] ,
      whatever their value might have been, were discounted as of no
      value at all.

      VII. We did not anticipate anything like what has now happened.
      We did not foresee that all our sequence of innovations might be
      at once overridden by a greater one: the invention of a new kind
      of war that would turn our previous innovations against us,
      discovering and exploiting the debits and the dangers that we had
      ignored. We never considered the possibility that we might be
      trapped in the webwork of communication and transport that was
      supposed to make us free.

      VIII. Nor did we foresee that the weaponry and the war science
      that we marketed and taught to the world would become available,
      not just to recognized national governments, which possess so
      uncannily the power to legitimate large-scale violence, but also
      to "rogue nations," dissident or fanatical groups and individuals
      whose violence, though never worse than that of nations, is
      judged by the nations to be illegitimate.

      IX. We had accepted uncritically the belief that technology is
      only good; that it cannot serve evil as well as good; that it
      cannot serve our enemies as well as ourselves; that it cannot be
      used to destroy what is good, including our homelands and our
      lives.

      X. We had accepted too the corollary belief that an economy
      (either as a money economy or as a life-support system) that is
      global in extent, technologically complex, and centralized is
      invulnerable to terrorism, sabotage, or war, and that it is
      protectable by "national defense."

      XI. We now have a clear, inescapable choice that we must make. We
      can continue to promote a global economic system of unlimited
      "free trade" among corporations, held together by long and highly
      vulnerable lines of communication and supply, but now recognizing
      that such a system will have to be protected by a hugely
      expensive police force that will be worldwide, whether maintained
      by one nation or several or all, and that such a police force
      will be effective precisely to the extent that it oversways the
      freedom and privacy of the citizens of every nation.

      XII. Or we can promote a decentralized world economy which would
      have the aim of assuring to every nation and region a local
      self-sufficiency in life-supporting goods. This would not
      eliminate international trade, but it would tend toward a trade
      in surpluses after local needs had been met.

      XIII. One of the gravest dangers to us now, second only to
      further terrorist attacks against our people, is that we will
      attempt to go on as before with the corporate program of global
      "free trade," whatever the cost in freedom and civil rights,
      without self-questioning or self-criticism or public debate.

      XIV. This is why the substitution of rhetoric for thought, always
      a temptation in a national crisis, must be resisted by officials
      and citizens alike. It is hard for ordinary citizens to know what
      is actually happening in Washington in a time of such great
      trouble; for all we know, serious and difficult thought may be
      taking place there. But the talk that we are hearing from
      politicians, bureaucrats, and commentators has so far tended to
      reduce the complex problems now facing us to issues of unity,
      security, normality, and retaliation.

      XV. National self-righteousness, like personal
      self-righteousness, is a mistake. It is misleading. It is a sign
      of weakness. Any war that we may make now against terrorism will
      come as a new installment in a history of war in which we have
      fully participated. We are not innocent of making war against
      civilian populations. The modern doctrine of such warfare was set
      forth and enacted by General William Tecumseh Sherman, who held
      that a civilian population could be declared guilty and rightly
      subjected to military punishment. We have never repudiated that
      doctrine.

      XVI. It is a mistake also -- as events since September 11 have
      shown -- to suppose that a government can promote and participate
      in a global economy and at the same time act exclusively in its
      own interest by abrogating its international treaties and
      standing apart from international cooperation on moral issues.

      XVII. And surely, in our country, under our Constitution, it is a
      fundamental error to suppose that any crisis or emergency can
      justify any form of political oppression. Since September 11, far
      too many public voices have presumed to "speak for us" in saying
      that Americans will gladly accept a reduction of freedom in
      exchange for greater "security." Some would, maybe. But some
      others would accept a reduction in security (and in global trade)
      far more willingly than they would accept any abridgement of our
      Constitutional rights.

      XVIII. In a time such as this, when we have been seriously and
      most cruelly hurt by those who hate us, and when we must consider
      ourselves to be gravely threatened by those same people, it is
      hard to speak of the ways of peace and to remember that Christ
      enjoined us to love our enemies, but this is no less necessary
      for being difficult.

      XIX. Even now we dare not forget that since the attack on Pearl
      Harbor -- to which the present attack has been often and not
      usefully compared -- we humans have suffered an almost
      uninterrupted sequence of wars, none of which has brought peace
      or made us more peaceable.

      XX. The aim and result of war necessarily is not peace but
      victory, and any victory won by violence necessarily justifies
      the violence that won it and leads to further violence. If we are
      serious about innovation, must we not conclude that we need
      something new to replace our perpetual "war to end war"?

      XXI. What leads to peace is not violence but peaceableness, which
      is not passivity, but an alert, informed, practiced, and active
      state of being. We should recognize that while we have
      extravagantly subsidized the means of war, we have almost totally
      neglected the ways of peaceableness. We have, for example,
      several national military academies, but not one peace academy.
      We have ignored the teachings and the examples of Christ, Gandhi,
      Martin Luther King, and other peaceable leaders. And here we have
      an inescapable duty to notice also that war is profitable,
      whereas the means of peaceableness, being cheap or free, make no
      money.

      XXII. The key to peaceableness is continuous practice. It is
      wrong to suppose that we can exploit and impoverish the poorer
      countries, while arming them and instructing them in the newest
      means of war, and then reasonably expect them to be peaceable.

      XXIII. We must not again allow public emotion or the public media
      to caricature our enemies. If our enemies are now to be some
      nations of Islam, then we should undertake to know those enemies.
      Our schools should begin to teach the histories, cultures, arts,
      and language of the Islamic nations. And our leaders should have
      the humility and the wisdom to ask the reasons some of those
      people have for hating us.

      XXIV. Starting with the economies of food and farming, we should
      promote at home, and encourage abroad, the ideal of local
      self-sufficiency. We should recognize that this is the surest,
      the safest, and the cheapest way for the world to live. We should
      not countenance the loss or destruction of any local capacity to
      produce necessary goods.

      XXV. We should reconsider and renew and extend our efforts to
      protect the natural foundations of the human economy: soil,
      water, and air. We should protect every intact ecosystem and
      watershed that we have left, and begin restoration of those that
      have been damaged.

      XXVI. The complexity of our present trouble suggests as never
      before that we need to change our present concept of education.
      Education is not properly an industry, and its proper use is not
      to serve industries, neither by job-training nor by
      industry-subsidized research. It's proper use is to enable
      citizens to live lives that are economically, politically,
      socially, and culturally responsible. This cannot be done by
      gathering or "accessing" what we now call "information" -- which
      is to say facts without context and therefore without priority. A
      proper education enables young people to put their lives in
      order, which means knowing what things are more important than
      other things; it means putting first things first.

      XXVII. The first thing we must begin to teach our children (and
      learn ourselves) is that we cannot spend and consume endlessly.
      We have got to learn to save and conserve. We do need a "new
      economy," but one that is founded on thrift and care, on saving
      and conserving, not on excess and waste. An economy based on
      waste is inherently and hopelessly violent, and war is its
      inevitable by-product. We need a peaceable economy.
    • mark cain
      --Carol, Thanks so much for having posted this message from Wendell. I had heard he d made a statement, but hadn t seen it yet. It is so right on! Thanks
      Message 2 of 6 , Oct 18, 2001
      • 0 Attachment
        --Carol,

        Thanks so much for having posted this message from Wendell. I had heard he'd made a statement, but hadn't seen it yet. It is so right on! Thanks again.
        Mark Cain

        On Thu, 18 Oct 2001 06:21:25
        Carol wrote:
        >Thoughts in the Presence of Fear
        >
        >by Wendell Berry
        >
        >I. The time will soon come when we will not be able to remember
        >the horrors of September 11 without remembering also the
        >unquestioning technological and economic optimism that ended on
        >that day.
        >
        >II. This optimism rested on the proposition that we were living
        >in a "new world order" and a "new economy" that would "grow" on
        >and on, bringing a prosperity of which every new increment would
        >be "unprecedented."
        >
        >III. The dominant politicians, corporate officers, and investors
        >who believed this proposition did not acknowledge that the
        >prosperity was limited to a tiny percent of the world's people,
        >and to an ever smaller number of people even in the United
        >States; that it was founded upon the oppressive labor of poor
        >people all over the world; and that its ecological costs
        >increasingly threatened all life, including the lives of the
        >supposedly prosperous.
        >
        >IV. The "developed" nations had given to the "free market" the
        >status of a god, and were sacrificing to it their farmers,
        >farmlands, and communities, their forests, wetlands, and
        >prairies, their ecosystems and watersheds. They had accepted
        >universal pollution and global warming as normal costs of doing
        >business.
        >
        >V. There was, as a consequence, a growing worldwide effort on
        >behalf of economic decentralization, economic justice, and
        >ecological responsibility. We must recognize that the events of
        >September 11 make this effort more necessary than ever. We
        >citizens of the industrial countries must continue the labor of
        >self-criticism and self-correction. We must recognize our
        >mistakes.
        >
        >VI. The paramount doctrine of the economic and technological
        >euphoria of recent decades has been that everything depends on
        >innovation. It was understood as desirable, and even necessary,
        >that we should go on and on from one technological innovation to
        >the next, which would cause the economy to "grow" and make
        >everything better and better. This of course implied at every
        >point a hatred of the past, of all [past] innovations [which] ,
        >whatever their value might have been, were discounted as of no
        >value at all.
        >
        >VII. We did not anticipate anything like what has now happened.
        >We did not foresee that all our sequence of innovations might be
        >at once overridden by a greater one: the invention of a new kind
        >of war that would turn our previous innovations against us,
        >discovering and exploiting the debits and the dangers that we had
        >ignored. We never considered the possibility that we might be
        >trapped in the webwork of communication and transport that was
        >supposed to make us free.
        >
        >VIII. Nor did we foresee that the weaponry and the war science
        >that we marketed and taught to the world would become available,
        >not just to recognized national governments, which possess so
        >uncannily the power to legitimate large-scale violence, but also
        >to "rogue nations," dissident or fanatical groups and individuals
        >whose violence, though never worse than that of nations, is
        >judged by the nations to be illegitimate.
        >
        >IX. We had accepted uncritically the belief that technology is
        >only good; that it cannot serve evil as well as good; that it
        >cannot serve our enemies as well as ourselves; that it cannot be
        >used to destroy what is good, including our homelands and our
        >lives.
        >
        >X. We had accepted too the corollary belief that an economy
        >(either as a money economy or as a life-support system) that is
        >global in extent, technologically complex, and centralized is
        >invulnerable to terrorism, sabotage, or war, and that it is
        >protectable by "national defense."
        >
        >XI. We now have a clear, inescapable choice that we must make. We
        >can continue to promote a global economic system of unlimited
        >"free trade" among corporations, held together by long and highly
        >vulnerable lines of communication and supply, but now recognizing
        >that such a system will have to be protected by a hugely
        >expensive police force that will be worldwide, whether maintained
        >by one nation or several or all, and that such a police force
        >will be effective precisely to the extent that it oversways the
        >freedom and privacy of the citizens of every nation.
        >
        >XII. Or we can promote a decentralized world economy which would
        >have the aim of assuring to every nation and region a local
        >self-sufficiency in life-supporting goods. This would not
        >eliminate international trade, but it would tend toward a trade
        >in surpluses after local needs had been met.
        >
        >XIII. One of the gravest dangers to us now, second only to
        >further terrorist attacks against our people, is that we will
        >attempt to go on as before with the corporate program of global
        >"free trade," whatever the cost in freedom and civil rights,
        >without self-questioning or self-criticism or public debate.
        >
        >XIV. This is why the substitution of rhetoric for thought, always
        >a temptation in a national crisis, must be resisted by officials
        >and citizens alike. It is hard for ordinary citizens to know what
        >is actually happening in Washington in a time of such great
        >trouble; for all we know, serious and difficult thought may be
        >taking place there. But the talk that we are hearing from
        >politicians, bureaucrats, and commentators has so far tended to
        >reduce the complex problems now facing us to issues of unity,
        >security, normality, and retaliation.
        >
        >XV. National self-righteousness, like personal
        >self-righteousness, is a mistake. It is misleading. It is a sign
        >of weakness. Any war that we may make now against terrorism will
        >come as a new installment in a history of war in which we have
        >fully participated. We are not innocent of making war against
        >civilian populations. The modern doctrine of such warfare was set
        >forth and enacted by General William Tecumseh Sherman, who held
        >that a civilian population could be declared guilty and rightly
        >subjected to military punishment. We have never repudiated that
        >doctrine.
        >
        >XVI. It is a mistake also -- as events since September 11 have
        >shown -- to suppose that a government can promote and participate
        >in a global economy and at the same time act exclusively in its
        >own interest by abrogating its international treaties and
        >standing apart from international cooperation on moral issues.
        >
        >XVII. And surely, in our country, under our Constitution, it is a
        >fundamental error to suppose that any crisis or emergency can
        >justify any form of political oppression. Since September 11, far
        >too many public voices have presumed to "speak for us" in saying
        >that Americans will gladly accept a reduction of freedom in
        >exchange for greater "security." Some would, maybe. But some
        >others would accept a reduction in security (and in global trade)
        >far more willingly than they would accept any abridgement of our
        >Constitutional rights.
        >
        >XVIII. In a time such as this, when we have been seriously and
        >most cruelly hurt by those who hate us, and when we must consider
        >ourselves to be gravely threatened by those same people, it is
        >hard to speak of the ways of peace and to remember that Christ
        >enjoined us to love our enemies, but this is no less necessary
        >for being difficult.
        >
        >XIX. Even now we dare not forget that since the attack on Pearl
        >Harbor -- to which the present attack has been often and not
        >usefully compared -- we humans have suffered an almost
        >uninterrupted sequence of wars, none of which has brought peace
        >or made us more peaceable.
        >
        >XX. The aim and result of war necessarily is not peace but
        >victory, and any victory won by violence necessarily justifies
        >the violence that won it and leads to further violence. If we are
        >serious about innovation, must we not conclude that we need
        >something new to replace our perpetual "war to end war"?
        >
        >XXI. What leads to peace is not violence but peaceableness, which
        >is not passivity, but an alert, informed, practiced, and active
        >state of being. We should recognize that while we have
        >extravagantly subsidized the means of war, we have almost totally
        >neglected the ways of peaceableness. We have, for example,
        >several national military academies, but not one peace academy.
        >We have ignored the teachings and the examples of Christ, Gandhi,
        >Martin Luther King, and other peaceable leaders. And here we have
        >an inescapable duty to notice also that war is profitable,
        >whereas the means of peaceableness, being cheap or free, make no
        >money.
        >
        >XXII. The key to peaceableness is continuous practice. It is
        >wrong to suppose that we can exploit and impoverish the poorer
        >countries, while arming them and instructing them in the newest
        >means of war, and then reasonably expect them to be peaceable.
        >
        >XXIII. We must not again allow public emotion or the public media
        >to caricature our enemies. If our enemies are now to be some
        >nations of Islam, then we should undertake to know those enemies.
        >Our schools should begin to teach the histories, cultures, arts,
        >and language of the Islamic nations. And our leaders should have
        >the humility and the wisdom to ask the reasons some of those
        >people have for hating us.
        >
        >XXIV. Starting with the economies of food and farming, we should
        >promote at home, and encourage abroad, the ideal of local
        >self-sufficiency. We should recognize that this is the surest,
        >the safest, and the cheapest way for the world to live. We should
        >not countenance the loss or destruction of any local capacity to
        >produce necessary goods.
        >
        >XXV. We should reconsider and renew and extend our efforts to
        >protect the natural foundations of the human economy: soil,
        >water, and air. We should protect every intact ecosystem and
        >watershed that we have left, and begin restoration of those that
        >have been damaged.
        >
        >XXVI. The complexity of our present trouble suggests as never
        >before that we need to change our present concept of education.
        >Education is not properly an industry, and its proper use is not
        >to serve industries, neither by job-training nor by
        >industry-subsidized research. It's proper use is to enable
        >citizens to live lives that are economically, politically,
        >socially, and culturally responsible. This cannot be done by
        >gathering or "accessing" what we now call "information" -- which
        >is to say facts without context and therefore without priority. A
        >proper education enables young people to put their lives in
        >order, which means knowing what things are more important than
        >other things; it means putting first things first.
        >
        >XXVII. The first thing we must begin to teach our children (and
        >learn ourselves) is that we cannot spend and consume endlessly.
        >We have got to learn to save and conserve. We do need a "new
        >economy," but one that is founded on thrift and care, on saving
        >and conserving, not on excess and waste. An economy based on
        >waste is inherently and hopelessly violent, and war is its
        >inevitable by-product. We need a peaceable economy.
        >


        Make a difference, help support the relief efforts in the U.S.
        http://clubs.lycos.com/live/events/september11.asp
      • Bargyla Rateaver
        I hope Wendell Berry will not be shot at , some dark night, just because he says something people don t want to hear, just as they don t want to remember
        Message 3 of 6 , Oct 23, 2001
        • 0 Attachment
          I hope Wendell Berry will not be shot at , some dark night, just because he
          says something people don't want to hear, just as they don't want to remember
          Christ said to LOVE the enemy.

          I remember some 60 yrs ago, whem I was in college and there was another war,
          that what I said prompted another student to say: Bargyla, what you have
          already said is enough to get you HUNG!!!

          Yeah, well look what they DID do to the peacemaker===hung him, yes, on a
          stake.

          Satan has so much much much more influence on people than has the peaceable
          kingdom message promoted by Christ.

          So now I suppose, because I am not the famous, expert, well known and
          sensible Wendell Berry, I'll get a raft of irritated people telling me off.
          =========

          Carol wrote:

          > Thoughts in the Presence of Fear
          >
          > by Wendell Berry
          >
          > I. The time will soon come when we will not be able to remember
          > the horrors of September 11 without remembering also the
          > unquestioning technological and economic optimism that ended on
          > that day.
          >
          > II. This optimism rested on the proposition that we were living
          > in a "new world order" and a "new economy" that would "grow" on
          > and on, bringing a prosperity of which every new increment would
          > be "unprecedented."
          >
          > III. The dominant politicians, corporate officers, and investors
          > who believed this proposition did not acknowledge that the
          > prosperity was limited to a tiny percent of the world's people,
          > and to an ever smaller number of people even in the United
          > States; that it was founded upon the oppressive labor of poor
          > people all over the world; and that its ecological costs
          > increasingly threatened all life, including the lives of the
          > supposedly prosperous.
          >
          > IV. The "developed" nations had given to the "free market" the
          > status of a god, and were sacrificing to it their farmers,
          > farmlands, and communities, their forests, wetlands, and
          > prairies, their ecosystems and watersheds. They had accepted
          > universal pollution and global warming as normal costs of doing
          > business.
          >
          > V. There was, as a consequence, a growing worldwide effort on
          > behalf of economic decentralization, economic justice, and
          > ecological responsibility. We must recognize that the events of
          > September 11 make this effort more necessary than ever. We
          > citizens of the industrial countries must continue the labor of
          > self-criticism and self-correction. We must recognize our
          > mistakes.
          >
          > VI. The paramount doctrine of the economic and technological
          > euphoria of recent decades has been that everything depends on
          > innovation. It was understood as desirable, and even necessary,
          > that we should go on and on from one technological innovation to
          > the next, which would cause the economy to "grow" and make
          > everything better and better. This of course implied at every
          > point a hatred of the past, of all [past] innovations [which] ,
          > whatever their value might have been, were discounted as of no
          > value at all.
          >
          > VII. We did not anticipate anything like what has now happened.
          > We did not foresee that all our sequence of innovations might be
          > at once overridden by a greater one: the invention of a new kind
          > of war that would turn our previous innovations against us,
          > discovering and exploiting the debits and the dangers that we had
          > ignored. We never considered the possibility that we might be
          > trapped in the webwork of communication and transport that was
          > supposed to make us free.
          >
          > VIII. Nor did we foresee that the weaponry and the war science
          > that we marketed and taught to the world would become available,
          > not just to recognized national governments, which possess so
          > uncannily the power to legitimate large-scale violence, but also
          > to "rogue nations," dissident or fanatical groups and individuals
          > whose violence, though never worse than that of nations, is
          > judged by the nations to be illegitimate.
          >
          > IX. We had accepted uncritically the belief that technology is
          > only good; that it cannot serve evil as well as good; that it
          > cannot serve our enemies as well as ourselves; that it cannot be
          > used to destroy what is good, including our homelands and our
          > lives.
          >
          > X. We had accepted too the corollary belief that an economy
          > (either as a money economy or as a life-support system) that is
          > global in extent, technologically complex, and centralized is
          > invulnerable to terrorism, sabotage, or war, and that it is
          > protectable by "national defense."
          >
          > XI. We now have a clear, inescapable choice that we must make. We
          > can continue to promote a global economic system of unlimited
          > "free trade" among corporations, held together by long and highly
          > vulnerable lines of communication and supply, but now recognizing
          > that such a system will have to be protected by a hugely
          > expensive police force that will be worldwide, whether maintained
          > by one nation or several or all, and that such a police force
          > will be effective precisely to the extent that it oversways the
          > freedom and privacy of the citizens of every nation.
          >
          > XII. Or we can promote a decentralized world economy which would
          > have the aim of assuring to every nation and region a local
          > self-sufficiency in life-supporting goods. This would not
          > eliminate international trade, but it would tend toward a trade
          > in surpluses after local needs had been met.
          >
          > XIII. One of the gravest dangers to us now, second only to
          > further terrorist attacks against our people, is that we will
          > attempt to go on as before with the corporate program of global
          > "free trade," whatever the cost in freedom and civil rights,
          > without self-questioning or self-criticism or public debate.
          >
          > XIV. This is why the substitution of rhetoric for thought, always
          > a temptation in a national crisis, must be resisted by officials
          > and citizens alike. It is hard for ordinary citizens to know what
          > is actually happening in Washington in a time of such great
          > trouble; for all we know, serious and difficult thought may be
          > taking place there. But the talk that we are hearing from
          > politicians, bureaucrats, and commentators has so far tended to
          > reduce the complex problems now facing us to issues of unity,
          > security, normality, and retaliation.
          >
          > XV. National self-righteousness, like personal
          > self-righteousness, is a mistake. It is misleading. It is a sign
          > of weakness. Any war that we may make now against terrorism will
          > come as a new installment in a history of war in which we have
          > fully participated. We are not innocent of making war against
          > civilian populations. The modern doctrine of such warfare was set
          > forth and enacted by General William Tecumseh Sherman, who held
          > that a civilian population could be declared guilty and rightly
          > subjected to military punishment. We have never repudiated that
          > doctrine.
          >
          > XVI. It is a mistake also -- as events since September 11 have
          > shown -- to suppose that a government can promote and participate
          > in a global economy and at the same time act exclusively in its
          > own interest by abrogating its international treaties and
          > standing apart from international cooperation on moral issues.
          >
          > XVII. And surely, in our country, under our Constitution, it is a
          > fundamental error to suppose that any crisis or emergency can
          > justify any form of political oppression. Since September 11, far
          > too many public voices have presumed to "speak for us" in saying
          > that Americans will gladly accept a reduction of freedom in
          > exchange for greater "security." Some would, maybe. But some
          > others would accept a reduction in security (and in global trade)
          > far more willingly than they would accept any abridgement of our
          > Constitutional rights.
          >
          > XVIII. In a time such as this, when we have been seriously and
          > most cruelly hurt by those who hate us, and when we must consider
          > ourselves to be gravely threatened by those same people, it is
          > hard to speak of the ways of peace and to remember that Christ
          > enjoined us to love our enemies, but this is no less necessary
          > for being difficult.
          >
          > XIX. Even now we dare not forget that since the attack on Pearl
          > Harbor -- to which the present attack has been often and not
          > usefully compared -- we humans have suffered an almost
          > uninterrupted sequence of wars, none of which has brought peace
          > or made us more peaceable.
          >
          > XX. The aim and result of war necessarily is not peace but
          > victory, and any victory won by violence necessarily justifies
          > the violence that won it and leads to further violence. If we are
          > serious about innovation, must we not conclude that we need
          > something new to replace our perpetual "war to end war"?
          >
          > XXI. What leads to peace is not violence but peaceableness, which
          > is not passivity, but an alert, informed, practiced, and active
          > state of being. We should recognize that while we have
          > extravagantly subsidized the means of war, we have almost totally
          > neglected the ways of peaceableness. We have, for example,
          > several national military academies, but not one peace academy.
          > We have ignored the teachings and the examples of Christ, Gandhi,
          > Martin Luther King, and other peaceable leaders. And here we have
          > an inescapable duty to notice also that war is profitable,
          > whereas the means of peaceableness, being cheap or free, make no
          > money.
          >
          > XXII. The key to peaceableness is continuous practice. It is
          > wrong to suppose that we can exploit and impoverish the poorer
          > countries, while arming them and instructing them in the newest
          > means of war, and then reasonably expect them to be peaceable.
          >
          > XXIII. We must not again allow public emotion or the public media
          > to caricature our enemies. If our enemies are now to be some
          > nations of Islam, then we should undertake to know those enemies.
          > Our schools should begin to teach the histories, cultures, arts,
          > and language of the Islamic nations. And our leaders should have
          > the humility and the wisdom to ask the reasons some of those
          > people have for hating us.
          >
          > XXIV. Starting with the economies of food and farming, we should
          > promote at home, and encourage abroad, the ideal of local
          > self-sufficiency. We should recognize that this is the surest,
          > the safest, and the cheapest way for the world to live. We should
          > not countenance the loss or destruction of any local capacity to
          > produce necessary goods.
          >
          > XXV. We should reconsider and renew and extend our efforts to
          > protect the natural foundations of the human economy: soil,
          > water, and air. We should protect every intact ecosystem and
          > watershed that we have left, and begin restoration of those that
          > have been damaged.
          >
          > XXVI. The complexity of our present trouble suggests as never
          > before that we need to change our present concept of education.
          > Education is not properly an industry, and its proper use is not
          > to serve industries, neither by job-training nor by
          > industry-subsidized research. It's proper use is to enable
          > citizens to live lives that are economically, politically,
          > socially, and culturally responsible. This cannot be done by
          > gathering or "accessing" what we now call "information" -- which
          > is to say facts without context and therefore without priority. A
          > proper education enables young people to put their lives in
          > order, which means knowing what things are more important than
          > other things; it means putting first things first.
          >
          > XXVII. The first thing we must begin to teach our children (and
          > learn ourselves) is that we cannot spend and consume endlessly.
          > We have got to learn to save and conserve. We do need a "new
          > economy," but one that is founded on thrift and care, on saving
          > and conserving, not on excess and waste. An economy based on
          > waste is inherently and hopelessly violent, and war is its
          > inevitable by-product. We need a peaceable economy.
          >
          >
          > To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
          > fukuoka_farming-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com
          >
          >
          >
          > Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/

          --

          Bargyla Rateaver
          http://home.earthlink.net/~brateaver
        • BeeCrofter@aol.com
          In a message dated 10/23/01 11:29:49 PM Eastern Daylight Time, ... off. Off topic discussions detract from the list and cause many people to leave newsgroups
          Message 4 of 6 , Oct 24, 2001
          • 0 Attachment
            In a message dated 10/23/01 11:29:49 PM Eastern Daylight Time,
            brateaver@... writes:

            > So now I suppose, because I am not the famous, expert, well known and
            > sensible Wendell Berry, I'll get a raft of irritated people telling me
            off.
            Off topic discussions detract from the list and cause many people to leave
            newsgroups and listservers. So you put in in the position of having to make a
            choice between rejecting messages with your e mail address or leaving the
            list.
            Is that your intent?
          • Rex Teague
            ... Tis a pity I enjoy a bit of passion. 8
            Message 5 of 6 , Oct 26, 2001
            • 0 Attachment
              On 27 Oct 01, Bargyla Rateaver wrote:

              > No, I just get involved and itnerested, maybe even excited, and forget
              > to remember the limits of topics. Sorry. will try to do better. thanks
              > for correcting me.

              'Tis a pity I enjoy a bit of passion. 8<)

              Cheers... Rex
            • Bargyla Rateaver
              No, I just get involved and itnerested, maybe even excited, and forget to remember the limits of topics. Sorry. will try to do better. thanks for correcting
              Message 6 of 6 , Oct 27, 2001
              • 0 Attachment
                No, I just get involved and itnerested, maybe even excited, and forget to
                remember the limits of topics. Sorry. will try to do better. thanks for
                correcting me.

                BeeCrofter@... wrote:

                > In a message dated 10/23/01 11:29:49 PM Eastern Daylight Time,
                > brateaver@... writes:
                >
                > > So now I suppose, because I am not the famous, expert, well known and
                > > sensible Wendell Berry, I'll get a raft of irritated people telling me
                > off.
                > Off topic discussions detract from the list and cause many people to leave
                > newsgroups and listservers. So you put in in the position of having to make a
                > choice between rejecting messages with your e mail address or leaving the
                > list.
                > Is that your intent?
                >
                >
                > To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
                > fukuoka_farming-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com
                >
                >
                >
                > Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/

                --

                Bargyla Rateaver
                http://home.earthlink.net/~brateaver
              Your message has been successfully submitted and would be delivered to recipients shortly.