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Fwd: Re: What really happened when Israeli forces went into Jenin?

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  • james tan
    To: james tan Subject: Re: What really happened when Israeli forces went into Jenin? Date: Mon, 29 Apr 2002 09:54:20 +0800 James Most
    Message 1 of 1 , Apr 28, 2002
      To: "james tan" <tyjfk@...>
      Subject: Re: What really happened when Israeli forces went into Jenin?
      Date: Mon, 29 Apr 2002 09:54:20 +0800

      James

      Most passionate essay....
      the article didn't come from a muslim pen but from an Independent
      journalists...Justin Huggler and Phil Reeves

      Sure take the read with a pinch of salt...but when it is corroborated by not
      only journalists but by UN officials, EU reps and even US envoys...wait for
      the facts is liken to saying the Holocaust didn't exist..(sorry may be too
      strong) may be Chris would rather read from more pro US or Israeli
      newspapers before he has the facts!


      ----- Original Message -----
      From: "james tan" <tyjfk@...>
      Sent: 26 April 2002 22:57
      Subject: Re: What really happened when Israeli forces went into Jenin?



      chris,

      yes, sure we need to have the facts first.
      this article was sent to me by a singaporean muslim friend, and really i
      just read them without checking the details and sources of the article. the
      accuracy of the account(s) is something i take with a pinch of salt. i do
      not intend to go into too much time and effort into the middle east
      conflict, as, perhaps in my short-sighted way, i feel it is not relevant to
      me personally (and too much things in my life that i have to attend to). i
      do read articles sent to me, i enjoyed swm's and ur articles, i read from
      some other muslim groups, all in all to see how things are going in a
      perhaps detached manner. but there are times i feel tired about it all just
      from mere reading!! aren't they tired about these fighting?! i think they
      have been fighting since i just begin how to read as a much younger
      lad....when will they feel tired?
      when u read articles coming from muslim circles, be it the radical and
      militant muslim or just ur ordinary and moderate muslim next door (i live in
      flat, and my neighbour happens to be malay muslims), the way they see the
      whole middle east conflict is typical: they ALL side with the palestinians,
      they see things in a characteristically muslim way (most of them divide the
      world mentally into the muslim, and non-muslim which they have a derogatory
      term for, kafir), they are all emotionally attached to the palestinians,
      they always see israeli and america as bully and evil, and when they report
      news, it is always seeing themselves as the victims of 'zionist' aggression.
      terence of a muslim group said that all jews should get out of palestine,
      and there is no bargain about it, not by the u.n. or any third party. as
      yourself and swm pointed out, so long as the palestinians adopt this mindset
      and attitude, there will never be peace. the palestinians will continue to
      send sucide bombers, it will continue to provoke israel, israel will
      continue to retaliate, and then u will have many (some of them perhaps
      biased, but i don't bother to check, i take them with pinches of salt, i
      take them to have maybe a grain of truth somewhere) articles written such as
      this one which u commented on how evil and cruel israel is, u will have many
      pictures of how the palestinians suffered. and then u will have more suicide
      bombers vowed to take revenge, and then, ......who is the loser in the end?
      i think the palestinians. i have read the articles sent to me by the
      muslims, and although they may have exaggerated here and there, and see all
      things only from THEIR perspective, i really do think they have suffered.
      and necessarily so, for israel has all along been known for their military
      capability (when singapore first gained independence, she employed israeli
      officers for blueprint on how to build a armed forces, and it has also been
      said that the first few batches of singaporean soldiers really literally
      bite the sand during training under some israeli officers). it seems for
      every israeli killed in this m-e conflict, there are at least 40
      palestinians killed. so who is the loser? which side has mothers and wives
      crying more?

      another curiosity is this: why then are the palestinians still insisting on
      going on with this method of operation? why are those people volunteering to
      blow themselves up? can't they learn? won't they learn? what is their
      motivation?

      when we look at their motivational factor, we see that they have one thing
      in common: they sincerely believe that they are fighting the enemy of god,
      and to be part of this fight is a one way ticket to heaven if u die during
      the fight. those palestinian 18 years old actually think they are doing
      themselves and their society a service by becoming a walking bomb. to them,
      the ends justify the means, and what greater end could there be but their
      god, allah? it doesnt matter that what they believe contradict our moral
      principle; it is not THEIR moral principle. it doesn't matter what popper or
      kant said, what matters to them is what allah said. and it doesn't matter
      what allah actually said, what matters is what they sincerely believed to be
      what allah said. bush may say islam is so and so, but to them, bush is the
      enemy of islam. a person must have certain values and principles as grounds
      for making choices, and pple develop values and principles from their
      culture and home. a young palestinian (male or female does not matter)
      growing up with family who has some members killed by the israeli (if the
      ratio is 1:40 as i mentioned just now, it is not too hard to find in every
      family of palestine having some relatives killed by israeli) or cultural
      values (nay, even a RELIGIOUS value) that say a man or woman proves his
      loyalty or devotion by killing the enemies may be expected to become suicide
      bombers. failure to live up to these expectations can generate deep
      disappointment, even shame and guilt. for those who became 'martyl' (look at
      the way they choose to use the word, u have an idea of the socialisation
      process happening now in palestine), their posters got printed like
      newspaper and get pasted all over the places. the ultimate good is no longer
      life here on earth, but glory in heaven, that is their self image, that is
      the way they motivate themselves, the way they reason what is good for them,
      they way they will feel worthy and respected as a person. i believe this is
      the psychological aspect of what is going on down there among the
      palestinians. as far as their lives are concerned, how they will continue to
      conduct themselves, it doesn't matter what we think or discuss here to be
      the ethical thing to do, or what we think is the right interpretation of
      islam (well, bush said islam is so and so), what matters is what they think
      and believe.

      as for those articles and pictures about israeli aggression: someone said
      that, it is like a youth who killed his parents, and told the judge to have
      compassion on him for look at those wounds he got while struggling with the
      dying parents!! i do believe that the palestinians have to be rational in
      the way they solve this earthly problem, for as long as they see themselves
      as marytr, as using the methods of the marytr, they will not have peace; the
      earthly israeli will not mind at all, or will not hesitate to get more
      palentinians to become 'heavenly' martyr when provoked. the palestinians
      should seriously consider the peace effort of the u.n. to found them a state
      of palestinians and not sabotage the effort by more terroist attacks, for
      the losing end will always be them. martyr they may become, bask in the
      glory of heaven, but here on earth look at how those mothers and wives cry
      at those dead young bodies and ruined debris, it still matters to have peace
      here on earth, for the palestinians and the rest.

      james.


      From: "Christopher Bobo" <cbobo@...>
      To: "Tan James" <tyjfk@...>
      Subject: Re: What really happened when Israeli forces went into Jenin?
      Date: Thu, 25 Apr 2002 22:38:30 -0700

      James,
      Don't you think we need to wait for the facts to come out before we reach
      any judgments? This article seems very judgmental and biased.
      Chris

      ----- Original Message -----
      From: james tan
      Sent: Thursday, April 25, 2002 9:47 PM
      To: nfo.araidi@...
      Subject: Fwd: What really happened when Israeli forces went into Jenin?

      To: "james tan" <tyjfk@...>
      Subject: What really happened when Israeli forces went into Jenin?
      Date: Fri, 26 Apr 2002 09:56:31 +0800

      Once upon a time in Jenin
      What really happened when Israeli forces went into Jenin? Just as the world
      is giving up hope of learning the truth, Justin Huggler and Phil Reeves have
      unearthed compelling evidence of an atrocity
      25 April 2002

      Internal links

      Nurse shot through heart and man in wheelchair among Jenin dead

      Leading article: Israel must not be allowed to upset the Jenin investigation

      Israeli tanks enter Hebron

      The thought was as unshakable as the stench wafting from the ruins. Was this
      really about counterterrorism? Was it revenge? Or was it an episode ��� the
      nastiest so far ��� in a long war by Ariel Sharon, the staunch opponent of
      the
      Oslo accords, to establish Israel's presence in the West Bank as permanent,
      and force the Palestinians into final submission?

      A neighbourhood had been reduced to a moonscape, pulverised under the tracks
      of bulldozers and tanks. A maze of cinder-block houses, home to about 800
      Palestinian families, had disappeared. What was left ��� the piles of broken
      concrete and scattered belongings ��� reeked.

      The rubble in Jenin reeked, literally, of rotting human corpses, buried
      underneath. But it also gave off the whiff of wrongdoing, of an army and a
      government that had lost its bearings. "This is horrifying beyond belief,"
      said the United Nations' Middle East envoy, Terje Roed-Larsen, as he gazed
      at the scene. He called it a "blot that will forever live on the history of
      the state of Israel" ��� a remark for which he was to be vilified by
      Israelis.
      Even the painstakingly careful United States envoy, William Burns, was
      unusually outspoken as he trudged across the ruins. "It's obvious that what
      happened in Jenin refugee camp has caused enormous suffering for thousands
      of innocent Palestinian civilians," he said.

      The Israeli army insists that its devastating invasion of the refugee camp
      in Jenin earlier this month was intended to root out the infrastructure of
      the Palestinian militias, particularly the authors of an increasingly
      vicious series of suicide attacks on Israelis. It now says the dead were
      mostly fighters. And, as always ��� although its daily behaviour in the
      occupied territories contradicts this claim ��� it insists that it did
      everything possible to protect civilians.

      But The Independent has unearthed a different story. We have found that,
      while the Israeli operation clearly dealt a devastating blow to the militant
      organisations ��� in the short term, at least ��� nearly half of the
      Palestinian
      dead who have been identified so far were civilians, including women,
      children and the elderly. They died amid a ruthless and brutal Israeli
      operation, in which many individual atrocities occurred, and which Israel is
      seeking to hide by launching a massive propaganda drive.

      The assault on Jenin refugee camp by Israel's armed forces began early on 3
      April. One week earlier, 30 miles to the west in the Israeli coastal town of
      Netanya, a Hamas suicide bomber had walked into a hotel and blown up a
      roomful of people as they were sitting down to celebrate the Passover feast.
      This horrific slaughter on one of the holiest days in the Jewish calendar
      killed 28 people, young and old, making it the worst Palestinian attack of
      the intifada, a singularly evil moment even by the standards of the long
      conflict between the two peoples.

      Ariel Sharon, Israel's premier, and his ministers responded by activating a
      plan that had long lain on his desk. Operation Defensive Shield was to
      become the largest military offensive by Israel since the 1967 war. Jenin
      refugee camp was high on the list of targets. Home to about 13,000 people,
      it was the heartland of violent resistance to Israel's 35-year occupation.

      The graffiti-covered walls bellowed the slogans of Hamas, Fatah and Islamic
      Jihad; radical Islamists and secular nationalists worked side by side,
      burying differences in the name of the intifada. According to Israel, 23
      suicide bombers had come out of the camp, which was a centre for
      bomb-making. Yet there were also many, many civilians. People such as Atiya
      Rumeleh, Afaf Desuqi and Ahmad Hamduni.

      The army was expecting a swift victory. It had overwhelming superiority of
      arms ��� 1,000 infantrymen, mostly reservists, accompanied by Merkava tanks,
      armoured vehicles, bulldozers and Cobra helicopters, armed with missiles and
      heavy machine guns. Ranged against this force were about 200 Palestinians,
      with members of the militias ��� Hamas, al-Aqsa brigades and Islamic Jihad
      ���
      fighting alongside Yasser Arafat's security forces, mostly armed with
      Kalashnikovs and explosives.

      The fight put up by the Palestinians shocked the soldiers. Eight days after
      entering, the Israeli army finally prevailed, but at a heavy price.
      Twenty-three soldiers were killed, 13 of them wiped out by an ambush, and an
      unknown number of Palestinians died. And a large residential area ��� 400m
      by
      500m ��� lay utterly devastated; scenes that the Israeli authorities knew at
      once would outrage the world as soon as they hit the TV screens. "We were
      not expecting them to fight so well," said one exhausted-looking Israeli
      reservist as he packed up to head home. Journalists and humanitarian workers
      were kept away for five more days while the Israeli army cleaned up the
      area, after the serious fighting ended on 10 April.

      The Independent spent five days conducting long, detailed interviews of
      survivors among the ruins of the refugee camp, accompanied by Peter
      Bouckaert, a senior researcher for the Human Rights Watch organisation. Many
      of the interviews were conducted in buildings that were on the verge of
      collapse, in living rooms where one entire wall had been ripped off by the
      bulldozers and that were open to the street.

      An alarming picture has emerged of what took place. So far, 50 of the dead
      have been identified. The Independent has a list of names. Palestinians were
      happy, even proud, to tell us which of the dead were fighters for Hamas,
      Islamic Jihad, the Al-Aqsa brigades; which belonged to their security
      forces; and which were civilians. They identified nearly half as civilians.

      Not all the civilians were cut down in crossfire. Some, according to
      eyewitness accounts, were deliberately targeted by Israeli forces. Sami Abu
      Sba'a told us how his 65-year-old father, Mohammed Abu Sba'a, was shot dead
      by Israeli soldiers after he warned the driver of an approaching bulldozer
      that his house was packed with families sheltering from the fighting. The
      bulldozer turned back, said Mr Abu Sba'a ��� but his father was almost
      immediately shot in the chest where he stood.

      Israeli troops also shot dead a Palestinian nurse as she tried to help a
      wounded man. Hani Rumeleh, a 19-year-old civilian, had been shot as he tried
      to look out of his front door. Fadwa Jamma, a nurse staying with her sister
      in a house nearby, heard Hani's screaming and came to help. Her sister,
      Rufaida Damaj, who also ran to help, was wounded but survived. From her bed
      in Jenin hospital, she told us what happened.

      "We were woken at 3.30 in the morning by a big explosion," she said. "I
      heard that one guy was wounded outside our house. So my sister and I went to
      do our duty and to help the guy and give him first aid. There were some guys
      from the resistance outside and we had to ask them before we moved anywhere.
      I told them that my sister was a nurse, I asked them to let us go to the
      wounded.

      "Before I had finished talking to the guys the Israelis started shooting. I
      got a bullet in my leg and I fell down and broke my knee. My sister tried to
      come and help me. I told her, 'I'm wounded.' She said, 'I'm wounded too.'
      She had been shot in the side of her abdomen. Then they shot her again in
      the heart. I asked where she was wounded but she didn't answer, she made a
      terrible sound and tried to breathe three times."

      Ms Jamma was wearing a white nurse's uniform clearly marked with a red
      crescent, the emblem of Palestinian medical workers, when the soldiers shot
      her. Ms Damaj said the soldiers could clearly see the women because they
      were standing under a bright light, and could hear their cries for help
      because they were "very near". As Ms Damaj shouted to the Palestinian
      fighters to get help, the Israeli soldiers fired again: a second bullet went
      up through her leg into her chest.

      Eventually an ambulance was allowed through to rescue Ms Damaj. Her sister
      was already dead. It was to be one of the last times an ambulance was
      allowed near the wounded in Jenin camp until after the battle ended. Hani
      Rumeleh was taken to hospital, but he was dead. For his stepmother, however,
      the tragedy had only just begun; the next day, her 44-year-old husband
      Atiya, also a civilian, was killed.

      As she told his story, her orphaned children clung to her side. "There was
      shooting all around the house. At about 5pm I went to check the building. I
      told my husband two bombs had come into the house. He went to check. After
      two minutes he called me to come, but he was having difficulty calling. I
      went with the children. He was still standing. In my life I've never seen
      the way he looked at me. He said, 'I'm wounded', and started bleeding from
      his mouth and nose. The children started crying, and he fell down. I asked
      him what happened but he couldn't talk.

      "His eyes went to the children. He looked at them one by one. Then he looked
      at me. Then all his body was shaking. When I looked, there was a bullet in
      his head. I tried to call an ambulance, I was screaming for anybody to call
      an ambulance. One came but it was sent back by the Israelis."

      It was Thursday 4 April, and the blockade against recovering the wounded had
      begun. With the fighting raging outside, Ms Rumeleh could not go out of the
      house to fetch help. Eventually she made a rope out of headscarves and
      lowered her seven-year-old son Mohammed out of the back window to go and
      seek help. The family, fearful of being shot if they ventured out, were
      trapped indoors with the body for a week.

      A few doors away, we heard the story of Afaf Desuqi. Her sister, Aysha, told
      us how the 52-year-old woman was killed when the Israeli soldiers detonated
      a mine to blow the door of her house open. Ms Desuqi had heard the soldiers
      coming and gone to open the door. She showed us the remains of the mine, a
      large metal cylinder. The family screamed for an ambulance, but none was
      allowed through.

      Ismehan Murad, another neighbour, told us the soldiers had been using her as
      a human shield when they blew the front door off the Desuqi house. They came
      to the young woman's house first, and ordered her to go ahead of them, so
      that they would not be fired on.

      Jamal Feyed died after being buried alive in the rubble. His uncle, Saeb
      Feyed, told us that 37-year-old Jamal was mentally and physically disabled,
      and could not walk. The family had already moved him from house to house to
      avoid the fighting. When Mr Feyed saw an Israeli bulldozer approaching the
      house where his nephew was, he ran to warn the driver. But the bulldozer
      ploughed into the wall of the house, which collapsed on Jamal.

      Although they evacuated significant numbers of civilians, the Israelis made
      use of others as human shields. Rajeh Tawafshi, a 72-year-old man, told us
      that the soldiers tied his hands and made him walk in front of them as they
      searched house to house. Moments before, they had shot dead Ahmad Hamduni, a
      man in his eighties, before Mr Tawafshi's eyes. Mr Hamduni had sought
      shelter in Mr Tawafshi's house, but the Israeli soldiers had blown the door
      open. Part of the metal door landed next to the two men. Mr Hamduni was
      hunched with age, and Mr Tawafshi thinks the soldiers may have mistakenly
      thought he was wearing a suicide-bomb belt. They shot him on sight.

      Even children were not immune from the Israeli onslaught. Faris Zeben, a
      14-year-old boy, was shot dead by Israeli soldiers in cold blood. There was
      not even any fighting at the time. The curfew on Jenin had been lifted for a
      few hours and the boy went to buy groceries. This was on Thursday 11 April.
      Faris's eight-year-old brother, Abdel Rahman, was with him when he died.
      Nervously picking at his cardigan, his eyes on the ground, the child told us
      what happened.

      "It was me and Faris and one other boy, and some women I didn't know. Faris
      told me to go home but I refused. We were going in front of the tank. Then
      we saw the front of the tank move towards us and I was scared. Faris told me
      to go home but I refused. The tank started shooting and Faris and the other
      boy ran away. I fell down. I saw Faris fall down, I thought he just fell.
      Then I saw blood on the ground so I went to Faris. Then two of the women
      came and put Faris in a car."

      Abdel Rahman showed us where it happened. We paced it out: the tank had been
      about 80m away. He said there was only one burst of machine-gun fire. He
      imitated the sound it made. The soldiers in the tank gave no warning, he
      said. And after they shot Faris they did nothing.

      Fifteen-year-old Mohammed Hawashin was shot dead as he tried to walk through
      the camp. Aliya Zubeidi told us how she was on her way to the hospital to
      see the body of her son Ziad, a militant from the Al-Aqsa brigades, who had
      been killed in the fighting. Mohammed accompanied her. "I heard shooting,"
      said Ms Zubeidi. "The boy was sitting in the door. I thought he was hiding
      from the bullets. Then he said, 'Help.' We couldn't do anything for him. He
      had been shot in the face."

      In a deserted road by the periphery of the refugee camp, we found the
      flattened remains of a wheelchair. It had been utterly crushed, ironed flat
      as if in a cartoon. In the middle of the debris lay a broken white flag.
      Durar Hassan told us how his friend, Kemal Zughayer, was shot dead as he
      tried to wheel himself up the road. The Israeli tanks must have driven over
      the body, because when Mr Hassan found it, one leg and both arms were
      missing, and the face, he said, had been ripped in two.

      Mr Zughayer, who was 58, had been shot and wounded in the first Palestinian
      intifada. He could not walk, and had no work. Mr Hassan showed us the
      pitiful single room where his friend lived, the only furnishing a filthy
      mattress on the floor. Mr Zughayer used to wheel himself to the petrol
      station where Mr Hassan worked every day, because he was lonely. Mr Hassan
      did his washing; it was he who put the white flag on Mr Zughayer's
      wheelchair.

      "After 4pm I pushed him up to the street as usual," said Mr Hassan. "Then I
      heard the tanks coming, there were four or five. I heard shooting, and I
      thought they were just firing warning shots to tell him to move out of the
      middle of the road." It was not until the next morning that Mr Hassan went
      to check what had happened. He found the flattened wheelchair in the road,
      and Mr Zughayer's mangled body some distance away, in the grass.

      The Independent has more such accounts. There simply is not enough space to
      print them all. Mr Bouckaert, the Human Rights Watch researcher, who is
      preparing a report, said the sheer number of these accounts was convincing.

      "We've carried out extensive interviews in the camp, and the testimonies of
      dozens of witnesses are entirely consistent with each other about the extent
      and the types of abuses that were carried out in the camp," said Mr
      Bouckaert, who has investigated human-rights abuses in a dozen war zones,
      including Rwanda, Kosovo and Chechnya. "Over and over again witnesses have
      been giving similar accounts of atrocities that were committed. Many of the
      people who were killed were young children or elderly people. Even in the
      cases of young men; in Palestinian society, relatives are quite forthcoming
      when young men are fighters. They take pride that their young men are
      so-called 'martyrs'. When Palestinian families claim their killed relatives
      were civilians we give a high degree of credibility to that."

      The events at Jenin ��� which have passed almost unquestioned inside Israel
      ���
      have created a crisis in Israel's relations with the outside world.
      Questions are now being asked increasingly in Europe over whether Ariel
      Sharon is, ultimately, fighting a "war on terror", or whether he is trying
      to inflict a defeat that will end all chance of a Palestinian state. These
      suspicions grew still stronger this week as pictures emerged of the damage
      inflicted by the Israeli army elsewhere in the West Bank during the
      operation: the soldiers deliberately trashed institutions of Palestinian
      statehood, such as the ministries of health and education.

      To counter the international backlash, the Israeli government has launched
      an enormous public-relations drive to justify the operation in Jenin. Their
      efforts have been greatly helped by the Palestinian leadership, who
      instantly, and without proof, declared that a massacre had occurred in which
      as many as 500 died. Palestinian human-rights groups made matters worse by
      churning out wild, and clearly untrue, stories.

      No holds are barred in the Israeli PR counterattack. The army ��� realising
      that many journalists will not bother, or are unable, to go to Jenin ��� has
      even made an Orwellian attempt to alter the hard, physical facts on the
      ground. It has announced that the published reports of the devastated area
      are exaggerated, declaring it to be a mere 100m square ��� about
      one-twentieth
      of its true area.

      One spokesman, Major Rafi Lederman, a brigade chief of staff, told a press
      conference on Saturday that the Israeli armed forces did not fire missiles
      from its Cobra helicopters ��� a claim dismissed by a Western military
      expert
      who has toured the wrecked camp with one word: "Bollocks." There were, said
      the major, "almost no innocent civilians" ��� also untrue.

      The chief aim of the PR campaign has been to redirect the blame elsewhere.
      Israeli officials accuse UNWRA, the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, for
      allowing a "terrorist infrastructure" to evolve in a camp under its
      administration without raising the alarm. UNWRA officials wearily point out
      that it does not administer the camp; it provides services, mainly schools
      and clinics.

      The Israeli army has lashed out at the International Committee of the Red
      Cross (ICRC) and Palestinian Red Crescent, whose ambulances were barred from
      entering the camp for six days, from 9 to 15 April. It has accused them of
      refusing to allow the army to search their vehicles, and of smuggling out
      Palestinians posing as wounded. The ICRC has dismissed all these claims as
      nonsense, describing the ban ��� which violates the Geneva Convention ��� as
      "unacceptable".

      The Israeli army says it bulldozed buildings after the battle ended, partly
      because they were heavily booby trapped but also because there was a danger
      of them collapsing on to its soldiers or Palestinian civilians. But after
      the army bulldozers withdrew, The Independent found many families, including
      children, living in badly damaged homes that were in severe danger of
      collapse.

      The thrust of Israel's PR drive is to argue that the Palestinians blew up
      the neighbourhood, compelling the army to knock it down. It is true that
      there were a significant number of Palestinian booby traps around the camp,
      but how many is far from clear. Booby traps are a device typically used by a
      retreating force against an advancing one. Here, the Palestinian fighters
      had nowhere to go.

      What is beyond dispute is that the misery of Jenin is not over. There are
      Palestinians still searching for missing people, although it is not clear
      whether they are in Israeli detention, buried deep under the rubble, or in
      graves elsewhere.

      Suspicions abound among the Palestinians that bodies have been removed by
      the Israeli army. They cite the Israeli army's differing statements about
      the death toll during the Jenin operation ��� first it said it thought that
      there were around 100 Palestinian dead; then it said hundreds of dead and
      wounded; and, finally, only dozens. More disturbingly, Israeli military
      sources originally said there was a plan to move bodies out of the camp and
      bury them in a "special cemetery". They now say that the plan was shelved
      after human-rights activists challenged it successfully at the Israeli
      supreme court.

      Each day, as we interviewed the survivors, there were several explosions as
      people trod on unexploded bombs and rockets that littered the ruined camp.
      One hour after Fadl Musharqa, 42, had spoken with us about the death of his
      brother, he was rushed to the hospital, his foot shattered after he stepped
      on an explosive.

      A man came up to us in the hospital holding out something in the palm of his
      hand. They were little, brown, fleshy stumps: the freshly severed toes of
      his 10-year-old son, who had stepped on some explosives. The boy lost both
      legs and an arm. The explosives that were left behind were both the
      Palestinians' crude pipe bombs and the Israelis' state-of-the-art
      explosives: the bombs and mines with which they blew open doors, the
      helicopter rockets they fired into civilian homes.

      These are the facts that the Israeli government does not want the world to
      know. To them should be added the preliminary conclusion of Amnesty
      International, which has found evidence of severe abuses of human rights ���
      including extra-judicial executions ��� and has called for a war crimes
      inquiry.

      At the time of writing, Israel has withdrawn its co-operation from a
      fact-finding mission dispatched by the UN Security Council to find out what
      happened in Jenin. This is, given what we now know about the crimes
      committed there, hardly surprising.

      Also from the Middle East section.
      Teenagers shot by Israelis, then run over with a tank












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