Re: Re: [tied] Re: Comparative Notes on Hurro-Urartian, Northern Caucasian and Indo-European
----- Original Message -----
From: "Brian M. Scott" <BMScott@...>
>> You don't even understand how the comparative method
> *One* of us certainly has a problem with it, but I think
> that you'll have to look in the mirror to find him.
As it 's getting a little bit too personal,
my answer is on cybalist_admin
--- In firstname.lastname@example.org, "Torsten" <tgpedersen@...> wrote:
--- In email@example.com, "tgpedersen" <tgpedersen@> wrote:
> --- In firstname.lastname@example.org, "tgpedersen" <tgpedersen@> wrote:
> > --- In email@example.com, "keltikos" <keltikos@> wrote:
> > >
> > > No, but it was common that people were moving on and around from
> > > their original places, keeping their country-names, like Kasses
> > > (Hesse, then Welliokasses, Biokasses, Trikasses in France) and
> > > perhaps Turones (ThÃ¼ringen, Tours and South Gallaecia?).
> > The *kant-/katt- etc word means 'subtribe', AFAIK.
> > http://tech.groups.yahoo.com/group/cybalist/message/55551
> Michel Lejeune,
> Manuel de la langue VÃ©nÃ¨te
> calls the Venetic gloss kant- (among others) 'Ã©ventuellement,
> 30. - C. Pauli, Altit. Forsch. I, 1885, nÂ° 71; L37 VII; PP Es 49.
> DÃ©dicace sinistroverse (partant de la tÃªte, sur une face large) :
> ka.n.ta ruma.n[.]na dona.s.to re.i.tia.n.
> Dans le thÃ©onyme (accusatif rÃ©gi par dona.s.to : Â§ 55) le second i
> est aussi court qu'un point.
> Autre style votif de mÃªme dÃ©dicante : 31.
> [me: The Roman community/faction gave [this] to Reitia]
> 31. - G. Pauli, Altit. Forsch. I, 1885, nÂ° 69; L37 XV; PP Es 50.
> DÃ©dicace sinistroverse (sur une face Ã©troite, en partant de la
> tÃªte), offrande de la mÃªme dÃ©dicante qu'en 30. Texte :
> nego [sic] na.s.to [sic] ka.n.ta ruman [sic] re.i.tiia.i.
> Gravure plusieurs fois fautive : nego pour <m>ego; na.s.to pour
> <do>na.s.to (le graveur, arrivÃ© au o du pronom, ayant cru Ãªtre
> arrivÃ© Ã celui de la premiÃ¨re syllabe du verbe); ruman pour
> [me: Me gave the Roman community(?)faction to Reitia]
> 81 A. -
> A. Prosdocimi, Not. Sc. 1882, pl. VIII-16; L38 XXIII a; PP Es 80.
> Sur le bord de l'urne, graffite sinistroverse : ka.n.( )
> Peut-Ãªtre amorce abandonnÃ©e, ou doublet abrÃ©gÃ©, de la lÃ©gende b.
> Mais peut-Ãªtre aussi premiÃ¨re Ã©pitaphe (abrÃ©gÃ©e), une seconde
> Ã©pitaphe (b) ayant Ã©tÃ© gravÃ©e Ã l'occasion d'un remploi de l'urne.
> 81 B. - MÃªme urne (L38 XXIII b). Sur le corps, graffite dextroverse:
> ka.n.ta.i. vho[.]u.go.n.ta.i. vhr
> Ou bien dÃ©signation d'une seule dÃ©funte (la mÃªme que signale le
> graffite a) avec formule onomastique triple, Ã condition de corriger
> le second nom (L38) en vho.u.go.n.t<n>a.i. (lapsus par
> dissimilation) pour avoir un gamonyme, et de complÃ©ter le troisiÃ¨me
> en vhr(ema.i.s.tia.i.) pour avoir un patronyme. - Ou bien deux
> idionymes f. en asyndÃ¨te, avec patronyme commun vhr( ) au dat.
> sg. ou au dat. pl. : d'abord (a) utilisÃ©e pour Kanta:, l'urne aurait
> Ã©tÃ© remployÃ©e (b) aprÃ¨s la mort de sa sÅ"ur Fougonta:, et une
> Ã©pitaphe commune gravÃ©e; voir Â§ 57 b.
> [me: to/of the Foug-ont- faction/tribe/community vhr(?)]
> Hans Kuhn,
> Das letzte Indogermanisch
> compares names in the territory of the Marsi in Italy with the names
> of the territory of the Marsi in Westphalia, among them:
> 'lacus Fucinus: Vochene (jetzt Vochem, zu BrÃ¼hl, s. KÃ¶ln), dazu
> (Alba) Fucens/Fucentia (Ort): Vochentz (VÃ¶gnitz, sÃ¶. Schweinfurt),
> vgl. auch Fohhences-heim'
> Note the suffix alterantion: -in-/-ent-
> 66. - G. F. Gamurrini, Appendice al C.I.I. (1880), no 4; L35 IX; PP
> Es 11.
> Provenance : Morlongo; contexte inconnu. Fragment d'obÃ©lisque de
> trachyte. Il reste le bas de la partie inscrite sur 24 cm de haut et
> une largeur de 17 cm (en bas) Ã 12 cm (en haut). Deux lignes
> boustrophÃ©don, l'une sinistroverse descendante, l'autre dextroverse
> ascendante; dispositif :
> Restitution la plus probable (Ã©valuant Ã deux lettres les lacunes du
> haut) :
> [.e.g]o kata.i. | ege.s.tn[a.i.]
> Omission d'un point dans .e<.>ge.s.tn[a.i.]; non notation de la
> nasale antÃ©consonantique de ka<.n.>ta.i. (Â§ 157 b). Le .i. est
> constituÃ© par un tiret entre deux hastes longues, par inversion de
> son tracÃ© usuel (une haste longue entre deux tirets).
> [me: I, of/to the Egesta tribe], cf
> Hans Kuhn,
> Vor- und frÃ¼hgermanische Ortsnamen und den Niederlanden,
> in the list of placenames in -st
> 'Eckst, Ã¶. Assen, Drente, alt Exte Eegeste u. a.,'
> Note the loss of /n/ before /t/.
> Manuel de la langue VÃ©nÃ¨te,
> 157. Nasales antÃ©consonantiques : neutralisalion, au moins
> partielle, de l'opposition /m/ ~ /n/ :
> b) Nasale + occlusive (sÃ©quences hÃ©tÃ©rosyllabiques). C'est, par
> excellence, la position de neutralisation attendue pour les nasales.
> Par malchance, nous n'avons pas de premiers termes de composÃ©s Ã
> nasale finale (comme lat. com-/con-) oÃ¹ nous puissions suivre
> l'accommodation de la nasale Ã l'occlusive qui suit. Au reste, nous
> n'avons aucun exemple de nasale + labiale; seulement, quelques
> exemples de nasale + dorsale (avec graphie -.n.k- : voir Â§ 155 a),
> et surtout des exemples de nasale + dentale; il en existe pour la
> sonore (sans l'assimilation nd > nn qu'on trouve, notamment, en
> osco-ombrien): .a.n.de-, 136/ANDE- , 236, ve.r.ko.n.darna, 24; on en
> a un grand nombre pour la sourde (en particulier, participe
> horvionte 123, et nombreux thÃ¨mes d'anthroponymes en -.n.t- : Â§ 35
> c1). - La nasale implosive paraÃ®t avoir Ã©tÃ© d'articulation
> relativement dÃ©bile.
> A Este, en regard de plus de quarante exemples de -.n.t- (9, etc.),
> on a quatre textes oÃ¹ la nasale est omise :
> 66 (ka<.n.>ta.i.),
> 77 (vho.u.go<.n.>ta),
> 89 (vhogo<.n>tna.i.),
> 100 (kvi<.n.>to);
> il s'agit d'Ã©pitaphes de date Este-IV; chacune comprend un seul mot
> en -nt- (celui oÃ¹ la nasale n'est pas notÃ©e). De date Este-IV aussi
> est la dÃ©dicace de Vicence oÃ¹ l'on est tentÃ© de lire .a.<.n.>tra
> Â«intra:Â» (125), et qui, elle non plus, n'a pas d'autre mot en -nt-.
> Nous ignorons si le phÃ©nomÃ¨ne, d'apparition sporadique, est
> spÃ©cifiquement un phÃ©nomÃ¨ne tardif en vÃ©nÃ¨te. Nous ignorons si
> l'usage d'un mÃªme scribe Ã©tait constant en la matiÃ¨re. Si la rÃ©ponse
> aux deux questions Ã©tait nÃ©gative, il serait loisible, dans
> l'inscription atestine archaÃ¯que 75 ter (qui prÃ©sente aussi vhontei)
> de lire a<n>tisteit, et dans l'inscription vicentine archaÃ¯que 123
> (qui prÃ©sente aussi horvionte), de lire me<n>tlon.'
> In other words, my understanding of *kant-/*katt-/*kass- as "edge,
> side, faction, tribe" is not contradicted by the Venetic data, but
> might even make new sense of well-known inscriptions.
> BTW, Venetic punctuation marks consonants in auslaut with a point.
In the above posting, I assumed without proof that Roman-annexed territories contained an identifiable and self-conscious Roman 'expat community'. I better find somethng to corroborate that assumption.
Roman Rule in Asia Minor
ch. The Consequences of Annexation
'There is another side to the picture. At the very time when the citizens of Pergamum were in debt and when the city had petitioned in vain for the abolition of the war-contribution demanded by the Romans, the Council and People voted to honour Diodorus by bestowing on him a golden wreath and by erecting no less than five statues of him, two of gold and two of bronze, one of each kind to be on horseback, and one of marble, the last to be set up in a temple which was likewise to be reared for his worship.4 Such an outlay of public funds immediately after an economic crisis seems indeed to indicate a reckless management of the municipal finances and shows why the city, as well as its citizens, became involved in debt.
The loans which the citizens of Pergamum had contracted may have been advanced in part by the richer men of the city, but it is highly probable that in some cases, at least, they were made by Roman capitalists, who had come from Italy in the wake of the army. One of the decrees honouring Diodorus includes among other groups that of "the resident Romans,"5 and it can hardly be supposed that these were residing in Pergamum for any other purpose than the exploitation of the country.
This is the earliest mention in Asia Minor of a type of organization which grew up in the provinces of Rome - a definitely constituted group of Italians permanently domiciled in a city and existing as a special association alongside of the citizens.6 Technically, such a group was known as a conventus Civium Romanorum, but for practical purposes it was called more simply "the resident Romans" or "the Romans engaged in business." With the love of organizing that is characteristic of their kind, these business-men established associations, each having officials and a treasury of its own. They passed resolutions, sometimes acting conjointly with the Council and People of their city, and conferred honours on some important person, a Roman, a member of their own association, or a citizen of the community. As time went on, the groups of the entire province would sometimes combine for some joint action.7 In the second or early first century before Christ, these groups existed in many cities, not only at Pergamum but also at Ephesus, Priene, Tralles, Adramyttium and Caunus and on the islands of Chios and Cos. During the first forty years of the province of Asia the influx of Italians must have been great indeed, for in 88 b.c. as many as 80,000 are said to have been massacred by order of King Mithradates.l But it was especially after the expulsion of the Pontic King that Italian settlers crowded into the province and the real heydey of exploitation began. In the first century and under the emperors there was an association of "resident Romans" in almost every city of importance.
These associations evidently regarded themselves as constituting a body apart from and independent of the community in which they lived.8 They were also so regarded in cases where the law was concerned. In the free cities, at least during the Republican period, they were subject to the city's jurisdiction unless specifically exempted, but elsewhere they could not be tried by local magistrates but only by the Roman governor or his substitute.9 From the more important groups were chosen members of the governor's consilium, or panel from which he drew referees or jurymen for the lawsuits of the provincials conducted by him.10 Despite their independence of the community, these Italians shared in all the advantages which the communal life afforded. They were eligible for election to the local offices,11 and, as at Pergamum they were included among those invited to the public banquet given by Diodorus,m so in other places also they shared in benefactions made to the people by dignitaries or public-spirited citizens.12
The groups included not only Romans but also all citizens of the Italian towns which were in alliance with Rome; with the extension of citizenship in 89 b.c. to all the Italian allies this differentiation, of course, ceased, and all those whose homes were south of the Po became "Romans" in the eyes of the law. Men of all classes were eligible to membership - exporters of the products of Asia, merchants great and small, agents of the tax-farming corporations, veterans domiciled in the province, bankers who made loans to bankrupt cities, and minor capitalists who lent money to individuals. No distinction among the Roman settlers was made, either economic or social.
4. I.G.R. IV 292, l. 23f.; 293 II, l. 17f. It is, of course, possible that these honours were not all carried out. We know only that, as provided by the decree (I.G.R. IV 292, 1. 37), a city-tribe was named after him; it was called, however, not ÏÎ±ÏÏÎ±ÏÎ·Î¯Ï, but Î´Î¹Î¿Î´ÏÏÎ¯Ï; sw: A.M. xxxv (1910), p. 422f., nos. ii, 13 and 19.
5. Â´ÏÏÎ¼Î±Î¯ÏÎ½ Î¿Â´Î¹ `ÎµÏÎ¹Î´Î·Î¼Î¿Ï ~Î½ÏÎµÏ; see I.G.R. iv 294 = O.G.I. 764, 1. 19, as corrected in AM. xxix (1904), p. 389. In the lists of ephebi enrolled at Pergamum, AM. xxvii (1902), p. 115f. (see Chap. VI note 8), xxxii (1907), p. 415f., xxxiii p. 384f and xxxv p. 422f., there are several Italian names. In one list, AM. xxxii p. 438, no. 303 (see xxxv p. 424), the Â´ÏÏÎ¼Î±Î¹~Î¿Î¹ seem to have formed a separate group.
6. For these conventus Civium Romanorum - which, of course, were wholly different from the judiciary conventus (conventus iuridici) or dioceses (see below note 41)- see A. Schulten De Conventibus Civ. Rom. (Berlin 1892), pp. if. and 26f.: E. Kornemann De Civibus Rom. in Provinciis Imperii consist. = Berl. Stud. f. Cl. Philol. xiv (1892), no. i and in R.E,. iv 1179f.: Mommsen in Eph. Ep. vii p. 440f. For those in the Asianic provinces see also Chapot Prov. Procons. p. 186f.: J. Hatzfeld Les Trafiquants Italiens dans l'Orient HellÃ©nique (Paris 1919), pp. 44f, 90f. and 160f.: Broughton in Econ. Surv. iv p. 543f. For a list of the cities in these provinces in which these conventus are known during the Republican and the Imperial periods see Appendix iv. The associations were regularly and properly called Romani --- (name of city) consistentes or qui --- negotiantur; in Greek Î¿Â´Î¹ ÎºÎ±ÏÎ¿Î¹ÎºÎ¿Ï ~Î½ÏÎµÏ Â´ÏÏÎ¼Î±Î¹~Î¿Î¹ or Î¿Â´Î¹ ÏÏÎ±Î³Î¼Î±ÏÎµÎ½ÏÎ¼ÎµÎ½Î¿Î¹ Â´ÏÏÎ¼Î±Î¹~Î¿Î¹ but sometimes simply Î¿Â´Î¹ Â´ÏÏÎ¼Î±Î¹~Î¿Î¹. During the Republican period the associations seem to have been headed by magistri varying in number; no certain example of these officials, however, has been found in Asia Minor, for the assumption (R.E. iv 1190) that the two freedmen, entitled magistri, who appear in an inscription from Samos (C.I.L. iii 458) were magistri of a conventus Civium Romanorum is very doubtful. In the Imperial period a conventus seems ordinarily to have had a single curator; see Hatzfeld, p. 286. This official, as the list in Appendix iv shows, is known to have held office at Attaleia, Thyateira and Tralles. An official called ÎºÎ¿Î½Î²ÎµÎ½ÏÎ±[Ï]ÏÎ®ÏÎ±Ï ÏÏ~Î½ Â´ÏÏÎ¼Î±Î¹~ÏÎ½ is known at Hierapolis (I.G.R. iv 818). A Î³ÏÎ±Î¼Î¼Î±ÏÎµÏÏ of the conventus existed at Tralles (A.M. viii , p. 328f., no. 10 = P.A.S. i p. 108, no. 10). No mention of a treasury appears in any inscription from Asia Minor, but the statues or other honours for which the various conventus must have paid are sufficient evidence that they had funds of their own.
7. At Ephesus the conventus C. R. qui in Asia negotiantur honoured the Emperor Claudius (Ephesos iii p. 110, no. 19); at Laodiceia-on-Lycus Î¿Â´Î¹ `ÎµÏ`Î¹ ÏÎ·~Ï `Î±ÏÎ¯Î±Ï Â´ÏÏÎ¼Î±Î¹~Î¿Î¹ combined with Î¿Â´Î¹ `ÎÎ»Î»Î·Î½ÎµÏ (evidently the ÎºÎ¿Î¹Î½ÏÎ½ of the province, see below note 48) and Â´Î¿ Î´Î·~Î¼Î¿Ï Â´Î¿ ÎÎ±Î¿Î´Î¹ÎºÎÏÎ½ in honouring a Q. Pomponius Flaccus (AM. xvi , p. 144f. = I.G.R. iv 860); at Rhodes the C.R. qui in Asia negotiantur took some action unknown (C.I.L. iii 12266); and at Ephesus [Î¿Â´Î¹ ÎºÎ±Ï`Î± Ï`Î·]Î½ `Î±ÏÎ¯Î±Î½ Î¿`Î¹ÎºÎ¿Ï ~[Î½ÏÎµÏ Â´ÏÏÎ¼Î±Î¹~Î¿Î¹] (if the restoration be correct) seem to have set up a statue of the genius of the city (I.B.M. 517). Chapot, who knew only the inscription from Laodiceia, denied (Prov. Procons. p. 190) that the Romans of the whole province were thus organized in one group; but the inscriptions from Ephesus and Rhodes seem to demonstrate it clearly. That the group of mercatores qui Alexandr., Asiai, Syriai negotiantu[r], who made a dedication at Puteoli (C.I.L. x 1797 = Dessau 7273), were a still larger organization, as was suggested by Kornemann, is unlikely; more probably they were local merchants whose trade was carried on with these provinces; see Broughton in Econ. Surv. iv p. 548, note 96.
8. This is apparent from the fact that in some cases, e.g. at Cibyra, Erythrae, Laodiceia, Smyrna and Teos, honours were conferred separately by Â´Î¿ Î´Î·~Î¼Î¿Ï and Î¿Â´Î¹ Â´ÏÏÎ¼Î±Î¹~Î¿Î¹. On the other hand, in many cities, e.g. Apameia, Assus, Cibyra, Cyzicus, Methymna, Pergamum, Philadelpheia (?), Prymnessus, Thyateira and Conana (Pisidia), action was taken conjointly by the Î²Î¿Ï Î»`Î· ÎºÎ±`Î¹ Î´Î·~Î¼Î¿Ï (or the Î´Î·~Î¼Î¿Ï) and Î¿Â´Î¹ ÎºÎ±ÏÎ¿Î¹ÎºÎ¿Ï ~Î½ÏÎµÏ (or ÏÏÎ±Î³Î¼Î±ÏÎµÎ½ÏÎ¼ÎµÎ½Î¿Î¹) Â´ÏÏÎ¼Î±Î¹~Î¿Î¹, evidently distinct bodies. A similar distinction is made between singulos conventus (of Roman citizens) and singulas civitates in Caesar Bell. Civ. iii 32 (see above p. 403).
9. See Mommsen RSt.R. iii p. 702 and Chapot Prov. Procons. pp. 125 and 190. In C.I.G. 2222 = Syll.8 785 = I.G.R. iv 943 (Chios, a re-enactment under Augustus of a senatus consultum of 80 b.c.) it is specifically provided that Î¿Â´Î¯ ÏÎµ ÏÎ±Ï` Î±`Ï ÏÎ¿Î¹~Ï `ÏÎ½ÏÎµÏ Â´ÏÏ[Î¼,Î±Î¹~](Î¿)Î¹ ÏÎ¿Î¹~Ï ÏÎµÎ¯ÏÎ½ Â´Ï ÏÎ±ÎºÎ¿ÏÏÏÎ¹Î½ Î½ÏÎ¼Î¿Î¹Ï. Mommsen supposed (l.c., note 3) that under the emperors autonomy was taken away from Cyzicus and Rhodes because by inflicting capital punishment on Roman citizens the cities' courts had exceeded their powers, but these instances do not prove his contention. Cyzicus was deprived of its freedom by Tiberius because of violentia committed against Romans (Tacitus Ann. iv 36, 2f.: Suetonius Tib. 37: Cassius Dio lvii 24, 6; see above p. 503); it had once before been deprived of it for the same reason by Augustus (see Chap. XX note 21). The freedom of the Rhodians was taken away by Claudius (Cassius Dio lx 24, 4, see Chap. XXIII note 24) because they had impaled (Î±Î½ÎµÏÎºÎ¿Î»ÏÏÎ¹ÏÎ±Î½) certain Romans. In both cases it would seem that it was the illegality of the act that these emperors punished and not a regular procedure of the properly constituted courts of the cities.
10. So in Sicily; see Cicero II Verr. ii 32f. and 70; iii 28: Mommsen RSt.R. I3 p. 317 and note 5. The belief that the members of the conventus formed this panel and also Mommsen's theory that only the richer (and hence more responsible) Romans were enrolled in it has found striking confirmation in the first and fourth of the edicts of Augustus recently found at Cyrene and dealing with law-suits in which provincials were concerned; see S.E.G. ix 8 = H. Malcovati Augusti Operum Fragmenta2 (Turin 1928), p. 39f. In these edicts the Emperor ordered that all cases involving life, freedom or nationality, hitherto tried by a jury selected from the 215 resident Romans having a taxable property of at least 2500 denarii, might henceforth, if the defendant so desired, be tried by a jury composed of equal numbers of Romans and "Greeks," all to be at least 25 years of age and having a minimum taxable property of 7500 denarii - unless it should prove necessary, on account of a dearth of those so qualified, to lower this amount to not less than one half. All other cases were henceforth, unless either party to the suit should express his preference for Romans, to be tried by a jury composed entirely of "Greeks," none of whom, however, might be domiciled in the city of which either party to the suit was a native. It may be supposed that a similar arrangement also existed in Asia, and that the same change was introduced there.
11. So at Apameia, where four Roman citizens and one native are described as `Î¬ÏÎ¾Î±Î½ÏÎµÏ `ÎµÎ½ ÏÏ~ Î»' ÎºÎ±`Î¹ ÏÂ´ `ÎÏÎµÎ¹ (a.d. 45/6) Â´ÏÏÎ¼Î±Î¹~Î¿Î¹, ÏÏÏÏÏÏ (i.e. the first Romans to hold the office); see I.G.R. iv 792. The curatores known from the inscriptions listed in Appendix iv from Attaleia and Thyateira (I.G.R. iv 1169 and 1255), Tralles (C.I.G. 2930) and the official from Hierapolis (I.G.R. iv 818) all held local offices.
12. For example, at Panamara and Lagina in Caria the Â´ÏÏÎ¼Î±Î¹~Î¿Î¹, as well as the citizens, received the money-doles distributed by the priest and priestess; see B.C.H. xi (1887), pp. 146f., nos. 47, 48, 51; xii (1888), p. 255 = xxviii (1904), p. 23f., no. 2. At Priene they were included in the dole of oil and the free use of the public bath, as well as in the entertainments provided by generous magistrates; see Ins. Priene 112, 113 and 123.'
So apparently such communities existed, and would have existed in Venetic-speaking regions before the Social War of 91-88 BCE.
> Note esp. note 6.
> That settles that question,...
Now, the fact that the Latin term for the Venetic 'kanta' "ethnic community" is 'conventus' made me suspect that the Romans had engaged in som volks- or learned etymology here. Cf. the similar words in
'comes, -itis c.: qui va avec, compagnon [de marche]. On l'explique gÃ©nÃ©ralement par *com-it-s (v. eÅ), cf. pedes. L'e du nominatif au lieu de i attendu (*comis) s'expliquerait par l'influence de eques, mÄ«les. Pour la forme et le sens, cf. ÏÏÎ½oÎ´oÏ. Mais comes peut avoir Ã©tÃ© fait sur le modÃ¨le de eques, qui a entraÃ®nÃ© pedes. Ancien, usuel.
La notion de marche est bien sentie des anciens; mais, dans 1'usage, comes a le sens large de "compagnon", Â´ÎµÏÎ±Î¹~ÏÎ¿Ï. Le comes accompagne souvent un supÃ©rieur; cf. Ulp.Dig. 47,10,15,16, comitem accipere debemus eum qui comitetur et sequatur et, ut ait Labeo, siue liberum, siue seruum, siue masculum, siue feminam; et ita comitem Labeo definit "qui frequentandi cuiusque causa, ut sequeretur destinatus in publÎ¯co priuatoue abductus fuerit". Il accompagne notamment les magistrats en fonction, les proconsuls par ex., et Ã l'Ã©poque impÃ©riale, des comite:s sont attachÃ©s officiellement aux empereurs (comite:s ordinis prÄ«mÄ«, secundÄ«, tertÄ«), et chargÃ©s de diffÃ©rentes fonctions (comitÄ«ua, cf. comitiÄnus) d'oÃ¹ fr. conte, it. conte, esp. conde, cf. M.L.2078, 2081 *comitissa, comes stabuli 2078a. Irl. coem.
DÃ©nominatif: comitÅ,-Äs (et comitor) avec ses composÃ©s; d'oÃ¹ concomitÅ.
comitium, -Ä« n. : dÃ©signe non pas le fait d'accompagner, mais le lieu de rÃ©union, comitium qui locus a coeundo, i.e. insimul ueniendo est dictus. P.P.34,13, puis "l'assemblÃ©e". Souvent joint et opposÃ© Ã forum. Il doit s'agir d'une formation indÃ©pendante, du mÃªme type que [sÅl]stitium; *con-, servant de premier terme de composÃ© nominal, a Ã©tÃ© traitÃ© autrement que dans co-eÅ oÃ¹ il est prÃ©verbe. Le pl. comitia dÃ©signe les assemblÃ©es lÃ©gales et convoquÃ©es par le magistrat (par opposition Ã contiÅ "rÃ©union publique"): comitia calÄta, cÅ«riÄta, centuriÄta. De lÃ comitiÄlis: die:s c., morbus c., "le haut mal, l'Ã©pilepsie": prohibere comitia dicitur uitiare diem morbo qui uulgo quÎ¯dem maior, ceterum ob id ipsum comitialis appellatur, F.268,15; comitiÅ, -Äs "aller aux comices, dÃ©signer dans les comices"; incomitiÅ "insulter en public" (mot plautinien). Pour la forme et l'emploi, cf. concilium.
cÅmis, -e adj. (la forme ancienne est peut-Ãªtre cosmis qu'on lit dans l'inscr. de Duenos CIL I2 3; toutefois le sens du mot y est incertain): bienveillant, affable, indulgent, aimable, opposÃ© par Cic. Ã asper, Rep.1,50, comme cÅmitÄs Ã seue:ritÄs, Or. 34, Bru.148; cf. ThÃ©s. III 1791,6sqq.
Emploi assez rare; Ã partir de l'Ã©poque impÃ©riale ne se rencontre plus que dans Horace, Ovide, Tite-Live, Tacite, Fronton, ApulÃ©e et Ausone. La 1. de l'Ãglise et les Ã©crivains vulgaires l'ignorent. Non roman. DÃ©rivÃ©s: cÅmiter, cÅmitÄs.
Si cosmis est la forme ancienne, on pourrait songer Ã voir dans cÅmis un composÃ© de la racine *smei- "rire, sourire", et le sens premier serait "qui sourit avec", cf. cÅmis frÅns, cÅme:s oculÄ«, T.L1,22,5, Ov. Ars 5, 510, et le gr. ÏÎ¹Î»oÎ¼Î¼ÎµÎ¹Î´Î®Ï.
continor, -Äris, -Ätus sum, -ÄrÄ: rencontrer. Verbe rare, archaÃ¯que (Sisenna) et repris par les archaÃ¯sants de l'Ã©poque impÃ©riale, (Apul., Paneg., etc. ). Souvent Ã©crit continuor par rapprochement avec continuas; mais ce n'est peut-Ãªtre qu'une Ã©tymologie populaire; le rapprochement avec contiÅ n'est pas plus assurÃ©. Non roman.
contiÅ, -Ånis f, : - significat conuentum, non tamen aliam quam eum
qui <a> magistratu uel a sacerdote publico per praeconem conuocatur, P.F.34,1. Du sens de "assemblÃ©e, rÃ©union publique", on passe Ã celui de "discours prononcÃ© devant le peuple assemblÃ©"; de lÃ contiÅnor, -Äris et ses dÃ©rivÃ©s; pour le sens, cf. gr. `Î±Î³oÏÎ¬Î¿Î¼Î±Î¹, et `Î±Î³oÏÎµÏÏ, de `Î±Î³oÏÎ¬.
- Ancien, usuel, classique. Rare aprÃ¨s Hadrien.
L'ablatif couentionid du SC Ba., I 23 indique le sentiment qu'on avait de l'Ã©tymologie (les graphies de l'inscription sont Ã©tymologiques plus que phonÃ©tiques).
ueniÅ, -Äs, ue:ni, uentum, uenÄ«re
Ancien classique et usuel.
Des dÃ©veloppements de sens particuliers se sont produits dans conueniÅ, -Ä«s "venir ensemble, se rÃ©unir", qui, Ã cÃ´tÃ© de ce sens propre, conservÃ© dans
conuentus,-Å«s m."rÃ©union" (irl. conuent),
conuenticulum, conuentÄ«cius, conuentiÅ "assemblÃ©e" (britt. cenfaint) (et contiÅ q.u.),
a pris le sens moral de "convenir avec (et "convenir Ã "), tomber d'accord", qui s'emploie aussi impersonnellement:
conuenit ut,"il est convenu que"; M.L.2182 et 2893 *convenium, 2194 conventus.
conuenie:ns "qui s'accorde avec; qui convient, convenable";
conuenienter "en accord avec";
conuenientia "accord, conformitÃ©",
qui semblent crÃ©Ã©s par CicÃ©ron pour traduire ÏÏ Î¼ÏÏÎ½ÏÏ et ÏÏ Î¼ÏÎ¬Î¸ÎµÎ¹Î± et Â´oÎ¼oÎ»oÎ³Î¯Î±, cf.
Fin.3,21, quod Â´oÎ¼oÎ»oÎ³Î¯Î±Î½ Stoici, nos appellamus conuenientiam, si placet;
Diu.2,124 ex quadam conuenientia et coniunctione naturae quam uocant ÏÏ Î¼ÏÎ¬Î¸ÎµÎ¹Î±Î½;
et les contraires
inconuenie:ns (non dans Cic.),
inconuenienter, -tia (tardifs);
disconueniÅ (Hor., Lact,),
The semantic split between comitia "convoked assembly" and contiÅ "general public assembly" seems to me to be possibly high and low (re- and non-etymologized) forms, respectively, of the same (loaned?) word, something like *kaN-t-, and so possibly also conventus and contiÅ.
Note also that there is no trace of the -e/i- of comes, -itis in the Romance 'conte' etc "count", as if it was borrowed directly from a Low Latin *kont- "compagnon".