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Re: [tied] Re: PIE genitive plural *-o:m, a possible analysis (*wL'kWo-s)

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  • Piotr Gasiorowski
    ... Pokorny s reconstruction is non-laryngeal, so what else could he say? The fact that we don t see this prefix anywhere except in Greek (and it s precisely
    Message 1 of 5 , May 4 10:23 AM
      On 2006-05-04 18:57, Patrick Ryan wrote:

      > Could you spell out in detail your reasoning for considering the
      > initial o- the result of a 'laryngeal' as opposed to the explanation
      > offered by Pokorny: "prefix"?

      Pokorny's reconstruction is non-laryngeal, so what else could he say?
      The fact that we don't see this "prefix" anywhere except in Greek (and
      it's precisely in Greek that we would expect to see a pre-liquid
      laryngeal) militates against this explanation.

      Piotr
    • Patrick Ryan
      *** Patrick: I thought it might be helpful to delineate my assumptions concisely. 1. The earliest prevalent PIE root-form was *CACA, where *A is the
      Message 2 of 5 , May 4 11:17 AM
         ***
        Patrick:
         
         
        I thought it might be helpful to delineate my assumptions concisely.
         
         
        1. The earliest prevalent PIE root-form was *CACA, where *A is the Ablaut-vowel, which can appear as *é/*o/*Ø.
         
        2. The singular/punctual is expressed by penultimate stress-accentuation: *CÁCA > *CéCA.
         
        3. The earliest expression of stress-unaccented *A was *Ø: *CéCØ.
         
        4. The plural/durative is expressed by ultimate stress-accentuation: *CACÁ
        > *CØCé.
         
            a. Any *e is the result of present or former stress-accented *A.
         
        5. The _next_ earliest expression of stress-_de_-accented *é was *o; *CéCØ with ultimate stress-accentuation becomes *CoCé.
         
            a. The origin of *o may have originally been purely epenthetic.
         
        6. In the _last_ earliest stage, stress-accentuation shifts do not occasion deletion or quality change of vowels.
         
        ***
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