71728Re: Finnic loanwords (was: Dating *e > *i in Germanic)
- May 1, 2014
> I would be surprised if Proto-Mordvinic *purc^@s yielded Fi. _porsas_ rather thanThe Mordvinic words have the palatalized alveolar affricate /c´/, not the postalveolar /c^/.
> *porha(s), since Proto-Finnic would have to borrow *c^ like *s,
> Pokorny (IEW 841) regards Fi. _porsas_ as borrowed from an Iranian dialect. KurdishKurdish is kind of a long way away from Finnic. Are there other Iranian cognates that do something similar?
> _purs_ has both the required secondary vowel-decentralization and secondary *-rs^- >
> The other sibilant-borrowing issue is Fi. _hanhi_ 'goose' not *hansi (evidently *-is > -iI'm not sure there's any regular treatment of this stem type. This might have varied by time frame and by individual preferences of morphological adaptation. Also attested are at least
> regularly in these borrowings)
/-es/ as in *kirvis > _kirves_ "ax"
/-is/ as in *kapris > _kauris_ "roe deer"
perhaps /-as/ in *s^irvis > _hirvas_ "elk/reindeer bull" (but this may be secondarily derived from _hirvi_ "elk")
perhaps /-a/ as in Estonian _kaber, kabra-_ "roe deer" (but this might be preferrable to derive from Germanic *xafraz).
> It appears that Proto-Finnic assimilated borrowed *s to the reflex of a preceding *s^ or *z^There's no evidence for a final *-h here. This should be retained in Karelian, which however has _tarha_, _kauha_. On the other hand, there are cases like Fi. _herne_, Ka. _herneh_, but Es. _hernes_ "pea" < Baltic *z^irnis, where final *-h seems to have been a secondary innovation in Northern Finnic. This was not at all necessarily phonologically motivated: *-eh is a productive derivational suffix, and morphological normalization of the rare *-es-stem (also inflected very similarly to *-eh) could be what occurred here.
> unless a nasal cluster intervened as in *z^ámbas. Thus PBlt *z^ansís yielded Fi. _hanhi_
> (Est. _hani_), *dárz^as 'enclosure, garden' (Lith. _dar~z^as_) yielded *tarhah, then Fi.
> _tarha_ (Est. _tara_) not *tarhas, and *káus^as 'dipper, ladle' (Lith. _káus^as_) yielded Fi.
> _kauha_ not *kauhas. Of course, this small sample is not definitive. Other factors may be
> at work.
Similarly /-as/ has been turned into a derivational suffix that may occur even in inherited roots, e.g. _koiras_ "male" < _koira_ "dog", orig. "male animal". Compare also _hirvas_ above. so it's not too surprizing that this may also occur in all sorts of unexpected contexts in loanwords:
Fi. _hidas_ "slow" < Gmc *siiTuz
Fi. _mallas_ "malt" < Gmc *malta~
Fi. _saapas_ "boot" < Russian _sapóg_
> Nevertheless the agreement between Finnish and Estonian with the 'garden'-auslaut is_taivas_ is usually considered to have been acquired from Indo-Iranian.
> striking, given the /s/-retention in Fi. _taivas_, Est. _taewas_ 'heaven' (OLith _deivas_
> 'god') and the like.
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