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Mark's Epilogue (15,42 - 16,8)

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  • Karel Hanhart
    This is a repeat of my earlier contribution to the List. Mark Goodacre set me kindly straight on procedures. As I have come to the Internet rather late in life
    Message 1 of 11 , Jun 13, 2003
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      This is a repeat of my earlier contribution to the List. Mark Goodacre set me kindly straight on procedures.
      As I have come to the Internet rather late in life I'm not always sure of the intricacies of this phenomenal means of communication. : I've sent this first instalment of the theses also to the Crosstalk.2 list
      as the topic is of interest to both groups

      So here goes again.

      As I announced earlier you'll find below a first instalment of a number of theses concerning
      Mark's open tomb narrative. As far as I know, no alternative to William L.Craig's able defence of a literal
      understanding of Mark 15,42 - 16,8 has thus far been offered (see New Testament Studies 30.2 and 31.1), based on a text by text exegesis, that is . But the question is, did Mark really want his readers to believe that the three women discovered Jesus' grave to be empty that Sundaymorning? If the text itself does not warrant a literal interpretation, what message did Mark want to convey?
      In these theses I am offering an alternative. The numbered theses may help to focus the debate on a specific issue as part of the entire argumentation concerning Mark's witness to the resurrection. I am referring especially to the argumentation in my "The Open Tomb, a New Approach", Liturgical Press, Collegeville, 1995. This first instalment is related to the text.itself of Mark's ending. Off-list correspondence is also welcomed.

      The original open tomb story (Mark 15,42 - 16,8)

      1. Soon after the traumatic fall of Jerusalem, John, surnamed Mark, native
      of Jerusalem (Acts 12,12) wrote his euaggelion for the ecclesia of Rome (and
      Alexandria?). Trained in Greek rhetorica, he chose the form of a tragedy
      (Standaert) for his account of Jesus' heavenly mission and tragic death on a
      Roman cross. In the prologue (1,1-13) two protagonists are introduced, scl.
      the Baptist and Jesus, the latter holding center stage in the narrative
      itself with its climax on Golgotha. In the epilogue, - the first original
      open tomb story -, a window to the future is opened after this dramatic
      denouement, in which Jesus' victory over death and his continued mission to
      Israel and the nations is prophesied.

      2. The only source references, omitted in Nestle's margin, are precisely the
      ones concerning this 'monumental tomb' of Jesus [mnemeion]. These references
      are LXX Isa 22.16; LXX Isa 33,16; LXX Gn 29,3 (Montefiore). They constitute
      a midrash. The 'grave hewn from the rock' (LXX Isa 22,16), a hapax in
      Tenach, is a metaphor for the doomed temple (Rashi, van der Kooij).

      3. Since Mount Zion is often simply referred to as the holy 'Place', (Hb.
      maqom, LXX topos') and every pilgrim was seeking the maqom that "JHWH had
      chosen to put his name there" (Dt 12,5; cf. Ps 25,8), the reader would
      readily associate ho topos in Mk 16,6 with the temple. The angel is not
      pointing the women (plur.!) to a shelf (accus.!) in a memorial grave, where
      Jesus body had literally lain (- requiring idete ton topon -); he rather
      reveals to them in a vision (anablepsasai-looking up!, cf Mk 6,4} the future
      destruction of the temple! Hence the Hebraism ide (sing.!), ho topos
      (nomin.!), [Hb re'eh ha-maqom].

      4. With the harsh wordplay body - corpse (soma - ptoma) in 15,43.45 Mark
      distinguishes between the actual burial of the dead body of Jesus and Paul's
      metaphor of the ecclesia as the living body of Christ. Arimathea's attempt
      to 'bury' the.ecclesia of Jerusalem proved to be in vain. The Romans, in the
      epilogue represented by Pilate, were only able to present him with a dead
      body. Arimathea's vain attempt to 'bury Jesus' for good symbolizes the
      persecution of the apostles in Jerusalem, barring them from preaching on the
      temple square (esp. Acts 12,1ff). The stone before the door of the
      monumental tomb stands for the Nicanor gate of the temple giving access to
      the "Holy". On the first day of the Pentecostal harvest the women see the
      future destruction of the temple - the stone was removed, the entrance to
      the Shekinah secured. Thus Mark cited Isaiah's prophetic judgment of Sebna,
      a high priest, in 15,46 to shed a heavenly light on the present disaster

      5. This exegesis of the above cross references is bolstered by (a) the
      previous references to the temple's destruction in 13,2; 14,58; 15,29 and
      38 - the torn veil!.and by (b) the emphatic here and there in LXX.Isa
      22,16.18 paralleled by here (hode - scl Mt Zion) and there in Mk 16,7 (ekei,
      scl in the Galil ha-goyim). Cmp.Dt 12,5 "to put his name there" (ekei) in
      contrast to the Samaritan Mt Gerizim.

      6. "Midrash means the searching of the Scriptures (Tenach), whereby "a text
      is read..through the lens of a specific event and/or special concern that
      may or may not be explicitly referred to in the text. In the relationship
      between the original text and the focussing event and/or concern, the
      meaning of the original text is expanded and the significance of the
      focussing event and/or concern is underscored" (Eron).


      7. According to content the gospels's unique genre is not that of a sacred
      biography, nor of a Greek tragedy; it is best defined as a messianic
      Passover Haggadah. Its theme is Israel's 'pass-over' into exile (16,7) led
      by its Messiah, thereby introducing the last phase in history (13,10; cf.
      Rm. 11,25). Mark does not describe a counter-natural miracle. The angel
      rather reminds the women that Jesus was raised and exalted "to the right
      hand of power" (9,1; 14,62) and announces the post-70 consequences thereof
      for themselves and for the nations: he will lead his own during the coming
      exile (16,7).

      8. In a lost pre-70 version the euaggelion (Urmarkus) was read in the
      ecclesia for the Pesach - Pentecost season. In the present post-70 version
      it is retold, now in the shadow of the doomed temple. It concerns Jesus'
      journey through the Land ending on Zion (cmp. the Way of JHWH, 1,3 and
      hodos, passim). The following features confirm Mark writing a Messianic
      Passover Haggadah in the wake of the trauma of 70 CE. (I) the parallels
      between Joshua's conquest of the Land (Josh 3,16ff; 4,20; 5.2-15 ) and Jesus
      ' principle deeds (Mk 1,9-12; 3,14, Bowman); (II) the three main midrashim
      in Mk 1,2f.; 9,2-11; 15,46; (III) the depiction of the Baptist as Elijah
      redivivus (1,6; 8,28; 9,5.11f.; 15,36); (IV) the references to the sacrifice
      of Isaac (1,11; 9,7; 14,32-36, Vermes, Le Déaut); (V) the haggadic order of
      the four questions on the temple-square, a parallel of the order in the
      Jewish Passover Haggadah in Mk 12 (Daube); (VI) the Pesach setting of the
      last supper (14,12); (VII) the Shabuoth terminology in 16,2: " on Day One
      (en miai hemerai)" of the fifty days of the Pentecostal harvest (ta
      sabbata), on Nisan 17 (16,2); (VIII) the 'frustrated' burial is timed at the
      onset of the Sabbath, Nisan 16, the Pharisaic dating of Day One of Shabuoth
      (Mk 15,42). The 'black' date Nisan 16 reminded the reader of the bloody
      persecution of the ecclesia in Jerusalem, when the new Pharisaic calendar
      for the harvest festival was probably introduced under Herod Agrippa I
      (40-44 CE).


      cordially yours

      K.Hanhart@...



      [Non-text portions of this message have been removed]
    • Geoff Hudson
      ... William L.Craig s able defence of a literal ... New Testament Studies 30.2 and 31.1), based on a text by text exegesis, that is . But the question is, did
      Message 2 of 11 , Jun 13, 2003
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        --- In crosstalk2@yahoogroups.com, "Karel Hanhart" <K.Hanhart@n...>
        wrote:

        > Mark's open tomb narrative. As far as I know, no alternative to
        William L.Craig's able defence of a literal
        > understanding of Mark 15,42 - 16,8 has thus far been offered (see
        New Testament Studies 30.2 and 31.1), based on a text by text
        exegesis, that is . But the question is, did Mark really want his
        readers to believe that the three women discovered Jesus' grave to be
        empty that Sundaymorning? If the text itself does not warrant a
        literal interpretation, what message did Mark want to convey?


        Karel,

        Simply by changing "for" to "at" in Mk.16:6, the verse makes better
        sense, i.e. the women were "alarmed" because they were looking AT the
        body of their dead prophet HJ. It also makes more sense in the
        context of the common Jewish belief in the immortality of the spirit,
        i.e. "his spirit has risen!". In verse 5, the young man (not
        identified, but possibly a disciple, and the same man who put the
        body in the tomb) was "sitting on the right side" of what? - probably
        right side of the body. So I would go for something that approached
        the literal rather than the figurative interpretation. The women were
        bewildered and afraid because the young man had told them the
        disciples were to embark on a journey to a place "Galilee" away from
        Jerusalem. That journey was to be kept secret, presumably from
        others who could do the disciples harm.

        Geoff
      • Geoff Hudson
        ... wrote: Karel wrote (in her post dated 6/14/2003): My main question to you, however, concerns the reference to LXX Isa 22,16 in Mk 15,46 concerning the
        Message 3 of 11 , Jun 17, 2003
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          --- In crosstalk2@yahoogroups.com, "Karel Hanhart" <K.Hanhart@n...>
          wrote:

          Karel wrote (in her post dated 6/14/2003):

          My main question to you, however, concerns the reference to LXX Isa
          22,16 in Mk 15,46 concerning "the tomb hewn out of the rock". Do you
          not agree that Mark was purposely citing Isa 22, as it refers
          to a monumental tomb and a 'burial;' of Jesus?
          ********

          Karel,

          Compared to the other gospels, it is interesting to note that the
          accounts of the execution and burial of HJ in Mark are the least
          elaborate, leading one to think that Mark is more original.

          I am not sure that one could prove that the writer of Mk.15:46 was
          purposely citing Isa. 22:16 – "What are you doing here and who gave
          you permission to cut out a grave for yourself here, hewing your
          grave on the height and chiselling your resting place in the rock."
          The parallels are obvious and striking - Mk.16:4 has the women
          looking up to the tomb location which implies it was high up in a
          rock face. These words in Is. 22 have some meaning to me following a
          visit to the Tombs of the Kings in Paphos, Cyprus during April of
          this year. There I saw the innumerable chisel marks laboriously cut
          into the tomb faces. These family tombs were not just for rulers but
          also for the wealthy from the locality.

          The monumental tomb is essential to the resurrection account.
          Without it, there could be no empty tomb to prove the rising of HJ's
          body from the dead. If the writer of Mk.16:4 is deliberately citing
          Isa. 22:16, one could infer that he was fabricating his resurrection
          account. If the monumental tomb is dispensed with, then the visit by
          the women to the tomb to anoint the body, the young man dressed in
          white like an angelic character, and the alarm at his appearance are
          spurious (Mk.16:1-6). Tombs were left unsealed for three days after
          a burial for relatives to pay their last respects and to see if the
          dead revived. So the immediate sealing by a stone (Mk.15:46) could
          be an error made by a writer who was unaware of tomb burial practice
          (Jewish Encylopedia.com – BURIAL). For an individual to transport a
          body any distance, and especially to take it up a rock face is
          difficult.

          The alternative is immediate burial in the ground in a special
          cemetery for executed criminals (JE.com – CAPITAL PUNISHMENT),
          probably adjacent to the site of execution. As it was a preparation
          day for the Sabbath, it was unlikely that anyone, apart from a
          relative or a close associate, would have touched the corpse and
          incurred corpse impurity. In this scheme, the important disciple
          referred to as Joseph simply took the body, wrapped it in linen (to
          be buried without garments was considered a disgrace – JE.com –
          BURIAL) and "placed" (buried) it in a grave (Mk. 15:46). The women
          were with him and saw where he was "laid" (buried) (Mk.15:47).
          Skipping the empty tomb scene (Mk.16:1-5), then the disciple says to
          the women, "Don't be alarmed" (Mk.16:6), when there was a real need
          to calm the women's nerves at the graveside because they had lost
          their leader. I would argue (under a separate topic) that amongst
          Jews at the time of HJ, there was a commonly (widely) held belief in
          the immortality of the soul or spirit. With a body in the ground,
          the idea of the spirit rising to God or (going to an intermediate
          place) for judgement assumes greater significance. So the disciple
          reassures the women that "he" (meaning the spirit of HJ) has risen.
          Since the three disciples knew that the body of HJ was buried before
          them, one can regard the sentence: "You are looking for Jesus the
          Nazarene, who was crucified" as belonging to the scheme for the
          monumental tomb. The same can be said for: "See the place where
          they laid him".

          If it was a leading disciple speaking, the sentence "But go, tell his
          disciples" (Mk.16:7) should be "But go, tell the others". In the same
          verse, "He is going ahead of you into Galilee" is highly significant,
          alluding to an exile and an exodus somewhat in the style of Israel's
          from Egypt when God showed his presence in the pillar of smoke by day
          and the pillar of fire by night. These words were undoubtedly spoken
          by a leader who now saw himself in a Moses-like role. God (the
          Spirit of God) would go before the disciples into exile
          in "Galilee". After the death of its leader the church was to leave
          Jerusalem, ostensibly contradicting the command in Acts 1:4, "Do not
          leave Jerusalem." My suggestion is that the person who buried HJ,
          was none other than the leader elect of the disciples, and that
          Joseph of Arimathea is a pseudonym and possibly close to a homophone.

          Geoff
        • Geoff Hudson
          ... homophone. ... I would like to thank everyone who has posted on this subject. This post follows on from my previous post. Three words in the passage that
          Message 4 of 11 , Jun 20, 2003
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            --- In crosstalk2@yahoogroups.com, "Geoff Hudson" <geoff.hudson@n...>
            wrote:
            > My suggestion is that the person who buried HJ,
            > was none other than the leader elect of the disciples, and that
            > Joseph of Arimathea is a pseudonym and possibly close to a
            homophone.
            >

            I would like to thank everyone who has posted on this subject.

            This post follows on from my previous post.

            Three words in the passage that intrigue me, are: "WAITING FOR"
            (Mk.15:43 and Lk.23:51), and "SURPRISED" (Mk.15:44). Mark is the
            only gospel with this notion of surprise.

            It seems a late stage in the story (Mk.15:42) to tell us that it was
            Preparation Day. One might have expected to be told so at the
            apparent start of the day (Mk.15:1), rather than the evening. We
            are also told (Mk.15:1) that it was "very early in the morning"
            that "the whole Sanhedrin had reached a decision", presumably of
            conviction. This would seem to be in agreement with Mishnah
            Sanhedrin 4.1 which requires that a verdict for a capital offence be
            given on the day following the day of trial. Again, according to
            Mishnah 4.1, the trial for a capital offence was to be in the
            daytime. The trial (in Mark and Matthew) had taken place illegally at
            night. I would suggest that the "very early in the morning" of Mk.
            15:41 was originally "very late in the evening". The nod and wink
            agreement of Pilate was obtained, and the execution occurred that
            same night. There had been a period of darkness (Mk.15:33) during
            the execution. The Preparation Day was the next day, and
            the "evening" of Mk.15;42 was in fact the "morning", the start of the
            day.

            Now consider that Mark had just removed the lead disciple "Peter"
            from the frame, making him a coward in denying that he was with
            the "Nazarene" (Mk.14:67) and that he was "one of them", a so-
            called "Galilean" (Mk.14:70,71). This was the man who previously had
            promised HJ, that "even if all fall away, I will not" (Mk.14:29).
            There is no reason to suppose, apart from the editor's desire to
            remove him from the action, that "Peter" cracked under the pressure.
            If anyone had a reputation for sticking to his guns it was "Peter".

            As someone on the list has already stated, Matthew 27:57 and John
            19:38 agree that Joseph of Arimathea was a disciple of Jesus. So, I
            would suggest that it was not Joseph of Arimathea (the
            undertaker/embalmer according to Jan) who went "boldly" to Pilate
            (Mk.15:43), but "Peter" who went boldly to the temple. He went
            because he was "WAITING FOR" the verdict, which he was expecting to
            hear on the day after the trial. So he was "SURPRISED" (to say the
            least) "to hear that he (HJ) was already dead", because the verdict
            had been reached and the sentence carried out, all illegally.

            Needless to say, it would have been no surprise for Pilate to hear of
            HJ's death because he had given the OK for the execution. He knew
            what was afoot. Mark has to make Joseph of Arimathea "a prominent
            member of the Council" (the Sanhedrin) that decided HJ's fate. He
            would then know about the verdict and the progress of the execution,
            and could therefore inform Pilate of HJ's death. The person who was
            a "prominent member" of a recognised group (the "Galileans")
            was "Peter" who was able to gain access to the courtyard of the high
            priest (Mk.14:54) in the temple.

            "Peter" (bold as ever, and by now all guns blazing), summoned
            the "centurion" (presumably the captain of the temple guard) to hear
            him confirm that the sentence had been carried out, and to gain
            permission to retrieve the body (Mk.15:44,45). The "centurion" does
            not hesitate to grant that permission. He had observed the rough
            justice illegally meted out to someone he thought was innocent, and
            really was the "Son" (prophet?) of God. He no doubt held his head in
            shame (Mk.15:39) as he made his report.

            It would have been almost impossible for an individual to take a
            corpse down from a gallows without causing severe damage, such as
            hacking off hands and feet which would have been held with huge crude
            nails embedded deeply in heavy timbers. The gallows with the body
            would have had to be lowered before any extraction of nails could
            begin. The total weight would have been more than one could manage.
            Then what would the nails have been extracted with? One would have
            needed special tools. Heads of nails could hardly be sawn off
            without hours of sweaty labour (and a dozen iron saws with hardened
            teeth). The famous skeleton of a crucified person with a nail
            remaining through the heals is testimony to the security of the nails
            in a body, let alone timber. (Incidentally, that body was probably
            buried for a time and the bones dug up later for burial in the tomb
            in which they were found).

            So J of A (imo "Peter") "took down" the body (as in Mk.16:46, and
            Lk.23:53) – one is left to presume from the gallows, but the text
            doesn't say what he took it down from. It could have been a high
            place where the body was left. In Mt.27:59 and Jn.19:38, he
            simply "took" the body presumably from where it had been left. He
            then buried it in the graveyard designated for convicts.

            Geoff
          • Karel Hanhart
            ... Dear listers, Here follows the complete and slightly revised conclusions from my book The Open Tomb. A New Approach, Mark s Passover Haggadah ± 72 CE,
            Message 5 of 11 , Jun 28, 2003
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              ----- Original Message ----- > ----- Original Message -----
              > From: Karel Hanhart <k.hanhart@...>
              > To: <crosstalk2@yahoogroups.com>
              > Sent: Monday, June 23, 2003 5:36 PM
              > Subject: Re: [XTalk] Re: Mark's Epilogue (15,42 - 16,8)

              Dear listers,

              Here follows the complete and slightly revised conclusions
              from my book The Open Tomb. A New Approach, Mark's Passover Haggadah ± 72
              CE,
              Liturgical Press, 1975.
              It offers an alternative to a literal interpretation of the ending of Mark's
              gospel
              Please, disregard previous postings of this summary.

              THE ORIGINAL OPEN TOMB STORY (MARK 15,42 - 16,8)

              1. Soon after the traumatic fall of Jerusalem, John, surnamed Mark, native
              of Jerusalem (Acts 12,12) wrote his euaggelion for the ecclesia of Rome (and
              Alexandria?). Trained in Greek rhetoric, he chose the FORM of a tragedy
              (Standaert) for his account of Jesus' heavenly mission and tragic death on a
              Roman cross. In the prologue (1,1-13) the two protagonists are introduced,
              namely,. the Baptist and Jesus, the latter holding center stage in the
              narrative itself with its climax on Golgotha. In the epilogue, - the
              original open tomb story -, a window to the future is opened after this
              dramatic denouement, in which Jesus' victory over death and his continued
              mission to Israel and the nations is prophesied.

              2. According to its CONTENT, the gospels' unique genre is not that of a
              sacred biography, nor of a Greek tragedy, but a Messianic Passover Haggadah
              concerning the last phase in history (13,10; cf. Rm. 11,25). Its theme is
              Israel's 'pass-over' into exile led by its Messiah, who is seated at the
              right hand of Power (14,62). The epilogue (15,42 - 16,8) was not written to
              convince the adult readers of a contranatural miracle. It is a timely
              post-70 prophecy in narrative form announcing to the educated and the
              uneducated that the risen Messiah is able to continue his mission to Israel
              and the nations which he began in Galilee: he will lead his own during the
              coming exile (16,7).

              3. The only source references, which Nestle omits in the margin, are
              precisely the ones concerning the 'monumental tomb' of Jesus [mnemeion].
              These references are lxx Isa 22.16; lxx Isa 33,16; lxx Gn 29,3 (Montefiore).
              They constitute a midrash. The 'grave hewn from the rock' (lxx Isa 22,16),
              cited by Mark, is a metaphor for the doomed temple (Rashi, van der Kooij).
              It is.a hapax in Tenach.

              4. Since Mount Zion is often simply referred to as the holy 'Place', (Hb.
              maqom, lxx topos') and every pilgrim was seeking the maqom that "JHWH had
              chosen to put his name there" (Dt 12,5; cf. Ps 25,8), the reader would
              readily associate ho topos in Mk 16,6 with the temple. The angel is not
              pointing the women (plural!) to a shelf (accusative!) in a memorial grave,
              where Jesus' body had literally lain (- requiring idete ton topon -); he
              rather reveals to them the future destruction of the temple in a vision!
              (anablepsasai -looking up!, cf lxx Isa 22,1 "valley of vision"; Mk 6,4}.
              Hence the Hebraism "Behold, the Place.": ide (singular.!), ho topos
              (nominative.! = Hb. re'eh ha-maqom !.

              5. The destruction of the temple casts its shadow over the Gospel. The first
              section ends with the insipid salt (of the templecult, 9,49f). Jesus'
              pilgimage for the Passover in Jerusalem is the leading motif of the
              following chapters (10,32). At the entry he accuses the hierarchy of the
              temple, ("you have turned it into a rebels' den" (11,11.17.20). The
              withered fig tree is a dark omen of the coming catastrophe. Follow the
              disputes on the temple square, introduced by the parable of the vineyard
              "given to others" (12,9), while the unfaithful tenants, the high priests,
              will perish. But seated opposite the treasury. Jesus praises the widow, who
              put in the box everything she had (12,41ff). Leaving the temple he turns
              around and prophecies - a vaticinium ex eventu? -. "Not one stone will be
              left here (!) up on another". Afterwards, seated on the Mt of Olives
              opposite the temple, with just four of his disciples, he foretells future
              wars and the imminent desecration of the temple (13,8.14). At the trial he
              is falsely accused, "we heard him say: I will destroy this temple" (14,58).
              The same charge is leveled at the foot of the cross, "Aha, you would destroy
              the temple". Finally, when breathing his last, the curtain of the temple is
              torn in two (15,28.37). This temple background is thus integrated in the
              dramatic plot of the narrative.
              The emphatic here and there in lxx Isa 22,16.18 is paralleled by here (hode)
              in 16,6 , namely, on Mount Zion and there (ekei ) in Mk 16,7, namely, in the
              Galil ha-goyim. Cmp. Dt 12,5 "to put his name there" (ekei) in contrast to
              the Samaritan Mount Gerizim. By citing lxx Isa 22,16, Mark left no doubt of
              his reference to 70 CE.

              6. "Midrash means the searching of the Scriptures (Tenach), whereby "a text
              is read through the lens of a specific event and/or a special concern that
              may or may not be explicitly referred to in the text. In the relationship
              between the original text and the focussing event and/or concern, the
              meaning of the original text is expanded and the significance of the
              focussing event and/or concern is underscored" (Eron). The temple's
              destruction by a foreign army and the unlawful acts by a temple priest
              contributing to the disaster, constitute the relationship between Mark's
              epilogue and the texts from Tenach.

              7. With the harsh wordplay body - corpse (soma - ptoma) in 15,43.45, Mark
              distinguishes between the actual burial of the dead body of Jesus and Paul's
              metaphor of the ecclesia as the living body of Christ. Joseph's attempt to
              'bury' the.'body of Jesus' proves in the end to have been in vain. Pilate,
              who in this Passover drama represents the Roman overlord, is only able to
              present him with the corpse. The rolling of the stone before "the door"
              symbolizes the persecution of the apostles in Jerusalem. It was the
              frustrated attempt to bury Jesus for good, because the apostles were barred
              from preaching in the temple square (passim, esp. Acts 12,1ff). "The door"
              of the monumental tomb stands for the Nicanor gate of the temple that gave
              access to the "Holy" (cmp 'door' in 1,33; 2,2; 11,4; 15,46; 16,3).
              'On the first day of Shabuoth, the Pentecostal harvest (tei miai ton
              sabbaton, 16,2), the women see in a vision the future destruction of the
              temple. It signifies, now the stone has been removed, that the access to the
              Shekinah is secured (cmp. 15,38). Thus Mark cited Isaiah's prophetic
              judgment of Sebna, a (high?) priest, in 15,46 to shed a heavenly light on
              the present disaster and the new exile.

              8. Earlier, in a lost pre-70 version, the euaggelion (Urmarkus) was read in
              the ecclesia for the Pesach/Pentecost season. In the present post-70 version
              it is retold, now in the shadow of the doomed temple. It concerns Jesus'
              journey through the Land ending on Zion (cmp. the Way of JHWH, 1,3, and the
              frequent occurrence of hodos).The following features confirm that Mark wrote
              for his ecclesia a revised Messianic Passover Haggadah in the wake of the
              trauma of 70 CE:
              (a) The Pesach setting of the last supper (14,12) introduced by the theme of
              'handing over' (14,17-21; 9,31; 10,33f)
              (b) the Shabuoth terminology in 16,2: "on Day One of Shabuoth" - the days
              were counted! (Lv 23, 15.16). The Messianic harvest was already definitively
              brought to fruition in Galilee (Mk 1,1.14.21 (tois sabbasin!).35-39; 2,23
              (plucking grain en tois sabbasin!); 3.6.7-12; chp. 4 on the harvest);
              (c) the parallels between Joshua (Josh 3,16ff; 4,20; 5.2-15 ) and Jesus (Mk
              1,9-12; 3,14, Bowman);
              (d) the depiction of the Baptist as Elijah redivivus (1,6; 8,28; 9,5.11f.;
              15,36);
              (e) the haggadic order of the four questions on the temple-square, a
              parallel of the order in the Jewish Passover Haggadah in Mk 12 (Daube);
              (f) the ominous timing of the 'frustrated' burial. It takes place at the
              onset of the Sabbath, Nisan 16 (Mk 15,42, cmp Mt 28, 1, opse, at the onset
              of Sunday, Nisan 17). In Mark's day the Pharisaic dating of Day One of the
              fifty days of Shabuoth on Nisan 16 prevailed, while the ecclesia clung to
              the old priestly calendar. The 'black' date, Nisan 16, reminded the readers
              of the bloody persecution of the ecclesia in Jerusalem, when this new
              Pharisaic calendardate for the harvest festival was introduced under Herod
              Agrippa I (40-44 CE
              (g) The liturgical order (taxis): Pesach - Pentecost, was purposely reversed
              by Mark for his post-70 revision thus creating a parallel between Jesus'
              ministry in Galilee and that of the ecclesia in the Galil ha-goyim
              (Papias).

              9. I concluded from Mark's epilogue and Luke's Acts 1 and 2
              (a) that the earliest creedal formula "he was raised on the third day and
              appeared to Peter" probably capsulized theologically the historic event of
              Simon Peter addressing the multitude of pilgrims in the temple square on
              the Day of the First Fruits (cf. 1Cor 15,20) In pre70 Jerusalem that day
              was a highly festive occasion. But Simon accused the temple authorities,
              proclaiming Jesus' exaltation into heaven and calling for repentance. The
              ecclesia was born.
              (b) As a result, Judeans, sympathetic to the Jesus' movement from various
              walks of life, f.i. Essenes and diaspora Judeans, joined Jesus' Galilean
              followers. Twelve apostles were elected (cmp Acts 1,15-26 being a post-70
              substitute). [The leadership of twelve, representing the twelve tribes of
              Israel was an Essene notion]. The original twelve were headed by (1) James,
              Jesus' brother, (2) Simon Peter and (3) John of Jerusalem, probably an
              Essene (Acts 3,1.11; 4,19; 8,14; 13,5.13). In that historical context
              "raised on the third day" would refer theologically to the earthly
              manifestation of Jesus' exaltation on Good Friday (cf Lk 23,43; Phil 2,9).
              Christian Judeans hallowed the Sabbath, but ANNUALLY celebrated the Sunday,
              the 'first day' of the Messianic harvest, in defiance of Agrippa's new
              calender dates for the harvest festival.. In Mark a distinction is made
              between 'egerthe' (Mk 16,7) referring to this Pentecostal event of the birth
              of the ecclesia and the 'anastenai' or 'anastesetai' in Mk 8,31; 9,31; 10,33
              refering not to Jesus' triumph after the crucifixion,, but to his continued
              heavenly authority after the trauma 70 CE (s. thesis 11).
              (c) Thus the Spirit, who had inspired the Messiah, lived on in his followers
              (cmp Acts 2). At baptism the Spirit like a dove (Hb yonah} had entered "into
              Jesus" (Mk 1,10). As Jonah was once sent to Nineveh, the archenemy, so
              through his followers Jesus would "go before" into the Galilee of the
              Gentiles with its capital Rome (Mk 16,7; cf. 4,35- 41; 6,48, 42-56).
              (d) The "third day" was the first of the fifty days of the harvest period,
              Shabuoth (Mk 16,2). In pre-Agrippa years this 'Day One' fell always on a
              Sunday (Lv 23,11.15). Farmers would then bring the first sheaves of barley
              for the 'weave offering'; hence the metaphor of Jesus' exaltation as "the
              first fruits of those who have died" (1 Cor 15,20). Acts 1 contains an
              expanded post-70 narrative including an ascension after 40 days, being the
              formative period in Jerusalem between the crucifixion (± 30 CE) and the
              destruction of the temple (70 CE). Mark compared the two generations of
              Jesus and the apostles to the desert generations of the Exodus
              (8,12.38;9,1.19; 13,30).

              10. The creedal formula, " raised on the THIRD" and Mark's opened tomb
              story, set on Sunday, clashes seemingly with the thrice repeated "..and
              AFTER THREE days rise again (8,31; 9,31; 10,33f). It is, however, the 'Son
              of Man' who rises after three days. The meaning of ho huios tou anthropou is
              best paraphrased with the (promised) 'Human One' because of its
              eschatological gist. This expression, only in the mouth of Jesus, is a
              CORPORATE term (Manson, Higgins). The thrice repeated predictions of the
              passion of the Human One form the plot of his Haggadah with the key verb
              paradidomi, 'to hand over' (not 'to betray', thesis 15). These two-layered
              predictions deal (1) with Jesus' own suffering, and exaltation/resurrection
              and (2) with those of his people "after three days". (1) Caiaphas will 'hand
              over' Jesus to Pilate (15,1; cmp 15,15) and (2) the high priests (plur!)
              will 'hand over' the Human One to the Gentiles (ethnesin, 10,33). The three
              predictions expound a theodicy, derived from the musterion of Rom 11,25. The
              plot of the story is worked out by means of the Messianic Secret (cf Mk
              4,11, musterion). God turns the evils of crucifixion (± 30) and temple
              destruction (70 CE to good "after three days". Mark scheduled in
              apocalyptic fashion the various stages in the Messianic Age according to the
              seven days of the week, as in Gn 1. (1) The first stage beginning with Jesus
              ' birth issues in the all important Passover of ± 30 CE, designated "after
              two days", 14,1. (2) The 'after three days' refers to Jesus' power to rise
              again (14,62) to complete his Messianic mission through the Spirit in spite
              of his gruesome death ànd of the trauma of 70 (13,14.27; 14,26-28; 16,7)..
              (3) The last stage of the Messianic Age, which in real time Mark is now
              facing, will end "after six days" (9,2). It is the glorification or
              transfiguration. Originally this glorification probably constituted the end
              of Ur-Markus (cmp. Mt 28,16), but in Mark's post-70 revision, the
              glorification is placed in story time at the very centre of his Gospel.

              12. The vision of Da 7 about. the 'Human One', written in the subversive
              'language of the persecuted' (J.Straus), deeply influenced Mark. Jesus is to
              Mark the Man of Promise par excellence. Wherever Jesus comes, salvation
              flourishes. But also the 'saints' may be called the people of the promise.
              In baptism they have risen to become new beings (Rm 6,4; Col 2,12).
              Mark composed the theme or plot of his post-70 Haggadah (8,31; 9,31;
              10,33f) by elaborating on an authentic saying. Those not 'ashamed' of Jesus
              would be acknowledged by the bar nash .at his coming (8,38, cmp. the 'saints
              ' in Da 7,27). In Mark the theme concerns the passion and rising of the
              present Human One, not only of Jesus, for his followers will share in the
              Messianic weal and woes of the basileia tou theou (Mk 10, 28-44). In 1,13
              Jesus sojourns with the 'wild beasts' for forty days, a reference to the bar
              nash in Dan 7, symbolic of the 40 years until the Roman conquest in 70 CE.
              But he heals the paralytic, a Roman soldier on a camp-bed (krabattos, Lat.
              gravatus), paralysed by remorse. For Jesus saw the faith of the 'four
              friends' ready to bring the cripple to Jesus. These friends represent 'the
              saints' of Da 7, 'human ones', now with authority to forgive sins (2,1-12).
              Mark used this subversive, apocalyptic language especially when referring to
              the Empire (10,33f; 12,13-16; 13,14-23; epilogue).
              Before the Fall in lxx Gn 2,16ff). created man is simply called ho
              anthropos (+ definite article!, but afterwards he is named 'Adam'
              J.Marcus). This explains the enigmatic definite article in ho huios TOU
              anthropou (lit. the son of the man'). It should be attributed to Mark's
              combining the anarthrous huios anthropou of Da 7 with the Adam speculation
              in the Wisdom literature (Ps 8; Jubilees; t. Abr 12,13; Goulder). Paul's
              silence of the term huios anthropou and his use of ho eschatos Adam, support
              this thesis. The proposal of a non-apocalyptic origin of the term ho huios
              tou anthropou has a dead end (contra Vermes).

              13. Aramaic Daniel (2 - 7) was originally a pre-Maccabean prophetic, but
              subversive, pamphlet, urging the population to offer, like Daniel, spiritual
              resistance to the temptation to become an apostate ( J. Soetendorp). After
              the Maccabean triumph, it was preserved in Aramaic, but framed in a Hebrew
              commentary. In Da 7 the bar nash coming "on the clouds" is a foil to the
              'bestial' suppression by successive superpowers, at the time of writing by
              the Hellenic Syrian occupier, Antiochus IV Epiphanes. The beasts represent
              the four realms, contemporaneously situated around the Mediterranean Sea, as
              if encircling the Land, namely, Egypt, the lion, to the South; Parthia, the
              bear, to the East; the burgeoning republic of Rome, the panther, to the West
              (Rev 13,2) and the anonymous monster, to the North, the Syrian empire of
              Antiochus. The geographic layout in this vision is counter balanced in
              Nebuchadnessar's statue in Da 2 by the imagery of several successive
              superpowers in diachronic order that suppressed the people (Gressmann,
              Erdmans, Beek). But in both cases the ironic wrath of the author is directed
              against Antiochus (Da 2,33: "kingdom "of clay"; 7,8: "mouth full of boasts).
              The anonymous monster represents probably the battle elephant, used by
              Antiochus against the Maccabeans (1 Macc 3,34; 8,6). Coins demonstrate that
              this battle elephant served as emblem of the Syrian empire (Staub). In Mark
              the huios tou anthropou is confronted by the powers of evil, in particular
              by (1) the high priest Caiaphas and his successors from the house of Annas
              and (2) by foreign suppressors like Nero and Vespasian.

              14. In the epilogue of this timely post-70 Passover drama, Pilate represents
              the suppression by the Empire and Arimathea (lit. "Joseph who came from
              Ramah"!) the suppression by Caiaphas and by succeeding high priests, who
              'excommunicated' the apostles. In Greek the oddly phrased ioseph apo
              harimathaias, wrongly translated as Joseph of Arimathea, probably suggests
              his true Aramaic name: Joseph bar-Matthias. Through a cumulative argument
              this circumlocution may well refer to Josephus!, the son of Matthias, a most
              prominent Judean priest/general in Rome protected by the emperor. He is the
              Sebna in Mark's midrash, while Peter, the Rock man, last named in the
              Gospel, serves as the Eljakim in Isa 22,15-15). In his important Peter
              passage, Matthew appears to confirm this new approach to Mark's epilogue (Mt
              16,18-18).
              Joseph is not a secret disciple of Jesus, but a "respected member of the
              council (or conspiracy)" 15,43). The proposal he stands for Josephus is not
              fanciful. Mark notes with heavy irony that Joseph was "also himself waiting
              expectantly for the 'rule of God' (43). He "dared" to ask Pilate for the
              "body - soma - of Jesus" and bought (priestly) linen on the sabbath! (46).
              His evil undertaking to bury the body of Christ at the onset of the sabbath,
              Nisan 16, proved to have been in vain. Pilate was only able to give him a
              "corpse".
              The father of Josephus was probably Matthias, high priest of the house of
              Annas, serving under Agrippa I, who persecuted the 'saints' (Acts 15,1).
              Josephus' complete silence on the influential Jesus' movement and their
              persecution makes him an unreliable source. He was deliberately vague on the
              true identity of his father and his involvement in the persecution (cmp Acts
              1,23.26; 12,1ff). If so, Mark's wrath was directed at the seven (?) high
              priests of the House of Annas serving in pre-70 Jerusalem: esp. Caiaphas,
              Matthias and Joseph bar Matthias. Historically Joseph did not live at the
              time of Caiaphas, (in real time); but in the story time of his epilogue, he
              represents a number of high priests (plur!). Luke corrects Mark, specifying
              that in real time Joseph "had not participated in the conspiracy" of
              Caiaphas 23,51).
              The defeated attempt by Joseph to bury Jesus' body is a metaphor for the
              continued high priestly harasment and persecution of the apostles (Acts
              4,23; 5,25; 7,1; 9,1.14.21; 22,30; 23,2 (!).5.15; 24, 1(!); 25,2.5.15;
              26.10). Their Judas' role was acted out in the Passover drama.with the Judas
              ' kiss in Gethsemane. Judas is a fictive character whose symbolic act in
              story time describes the high priests' role in the Passover drama. Iscariot
              is derived from the Hb iesh sheqer, the man of 'deceit', cf Ps 69, 4, the
              perennial adversaries of God (Gärtner, Qumran).
              The "door (thura) of the monument" is a metaphor for the great Nicanor
              gate, giving access to the "Holy" of the temple. The "rolling" of the "stone
              before the door" refers to the 'excommuication' by the high priests. The
              stone rolled away, a reference to Gn 29,2.3.10, symbolizes that access to
              the Holy Presence was restored; the flock could be nourished. The wordplay
              soma-ptoma is deliberate. Pilate representing the Empire, was, of course,
              not able to give Joseph the body, for Jesus had "long" (cmp. palai, 44) been
              exalted to the "right hand of Power" as "head" of his body. The ± 40 hours
              between Jesus' death and the women's vision (15,33; 16,2) symbolize the
              appr. 40 years between the crucifixion (± 33) and the temple destruction
              (70 CE), that is one generation (cf. 9,1)

              15. Mark introduced "the twelve" into the story time of his haggadah (3,14),
              although in real time they were elected after the crucifixion. The
              inconsistencies in the list of twelve apostles can be explained by Mark's
              post-70 revision of the haggadah. He left out James and John from the
              original list of the twelve so that he could introduce two fictive
              apostles: Iscariot and the Greek named Andreas. Judas, as "one of the
              twelve" plays a key role in the 'handing over' of the Human to the Gentiles
              (14,17-21). Andrew, representing the Gentiles was already at the outset
              called on the seashore together with his 'spiritual' brother, the Judean
              Simon. Mark needed these fictive apostles for his 'handing-over' drama in
              terms of a theodicy: (1) in a positive way: the Gospel will be preached to
              the Gentiles (13,3.10). and (2) negatively: Jesus was 'handed over' to
              Gentiles and the people forced into exile in 70 (14,17-22). . The young
              man in the temple/tomb is dressed in a white stola, worn by neophytes at
              their baptism. For immediately after the reading of the euaggelion,
              neophytes were baptized early on Sunday morning. He represents any convert,
              "buried with Christ".. "to live with him" (Rm 6,4; Col 2,12 Neophytes were
              called 'first fruits' of the harvest (cf. Rm 11,16; 16,5; 1 Cor 15,20.23;
              16,15; Rev 14,4). But he is more than a convert. In 16,5 this young man
              probably represents the angel of the apostle Paul. (he appears as an angel
              because in the vision of the trauma of 70, Paul had died). In 14,51f he is
              designated as the thirteenth disciple (sunekolouthe) who in the time of
              testing narrowly escapes loosing the linen worn by the temple clergy. The
              two scenes thus symbolize Paul's conversion.
              The women in this dramatic representation are not "eyewitness' of an empty
              tomb. Their terror, amazement and fear (16,8) is governed by the literary
              model of the daughters of Zion in lxx Isa 32,9 ff. Their flight and silence
              are caused by the vision of temple's future destruction, the denouement of
              the messianic secret. Mark calls them by name as the most prominent leaders
              in the early ecclesia. Two of them 'served' Jesus throughout his own
              diakonia. The Greek diakonein (to mediate) was used to indicate their
              authority. They were honored as the first disciples to hear the message of
              the resurrection: Mirjam, the mother of Jesus, Mirjam of Magdala (migdal
              means tower), and Salome.

              Your comments will be appreciated
              Respectfully submitted by K.Hanhart@...






              .



              > THE ORIGINAL OPEN TOMB STORY (MARK 15,42 - 16,8)
              >
              > 1. Soon after the traumatic fall of Jerusalem, John, surnamed Mark, native
              > of Jerusalem (Acts 12,12) wrote his euaggelion for the ecclesia of Rome
              (and
              > Alexandria?). Trained in Greek rhetorica, he chose the form of a tragedy
              > (Standaert) for his account of Jesus' heavenly mission and tragic death on
              a
              > Roman cross. In the prologue (1,1-13) two protagonists are introduced,
              scl.
              > the Baptist and Jesus, the latter holding center stage in the narrative
              > itself with its climax on Golgotha. In the epilogue, - the first original
              > open tomb story -, a window to the future is opened after this dramatic
              > denouement, in which Jesus' victory over death and his continued mission
              to
              > Israel and the nations is prophesied.
              >
              > 2. The only source references, omitted in Nestle's margin, are precisely
              the
              > ones concerning the 'monumental tomb' of Jesus [mnemeion]. These
              references
              > are LXX Isa 22.16; LXX Isa 33,16; LXX Gn 29,3 (Montefiore). They
              constitute
              > a midrash. The 'grave hewn from the rock' (LXX Isa 22,16), a hapax in
              > Tenach, is a metaphor for the doomed temple (Rashi, van der Kooij).
              >
              > 3. Since Mount Zion is often simply referred to as the holy 'Place', (Hb.
              > maqom, LXX topos') and every pilgrim was seeking the maqom that "JHWH had
              > chosen to put his name there" (Dt 12,5; cf. Ps 25,8), the reader would
              > readily associate ho topos in Mk 16,6 with the temple. The angel is not
              > pointing the women (plur.!) to a shelf (accus.!) in a memorial grave,
              where
              > Jesus body had literally lain (- requiring idete ton topon -); he rather
              > reveals to them in a vision (anablepsasai-looking up!, cf Mk 6,4} the
              > future destruction of the temple! Hence the Hebraism ide (sing.!), ho
              > topos (nomin.!), [Hb re'eh ha-maqom].
              >
              > 4. With the harsh wordplay body - corpse (soma - ptoma) in 15,43.45 Mark
              > distinguishes between the actual burial of the dead body of Jesus and
              Paul's
              > metaphor of the ecclesia as the living body of Christ. Arimathea's
              attempt
              > to 'bury' the.ecclesia of Jerusalem proved to be in vain. The Romans, in
              the
              > epilogue represented by Pilate, were only able to present him with a dead
              > body. Arimathea's vain attempt to 'bury Jesus' for good symbolizes the
              > persecution of the apostles in Jerusalem, barring them from preaching in
              the
              > temple square (esp. Acts 12,1ff). The stone before the door of the
              > monumental tomb stands for the Nicanor gate of the temple giving access to
              > the "Holy". On the first day of the Pentecostal harvest the women see the
              > future destruction of the temple - the stone was removed, the entrance to
              > the Shekinah secured (cmp. 15,38). Thus Mark cited Isaiah's prophetic
              > judgment of Sebna, a high priest, in 15,46 to shed a heavenly light on the
              > present disaster
              >
              > 5. This exegesis, supported by the above cross references, is bolstered by
              > (a) the previous references to the temple's destruction in 13,2; 14,58;
              > 15,29 and 38 - the torn veil!.and by (b) the emphatic here and there in
              > LXX.Isa 22,16.18 paralleled by here (hode - scl Mt Zion) and there in Mk
              > 16,7 (ekei, scl in the Galil ha-goyim). Cmp.Dt 12,5 "to put his name
              there"
              > (ekei) in contrast to the Samaritan Mt Gerizim.
              >
              > 6. "Midrash means the searching of the Scriptures (Tenach), whereby "a
              text
              > is read..through the lens of a specific event and/or special concern that
              > may or may not be explicitly referred to in the text. In the relationship
              > between the original text and the focussing event and/or concern, the
              > meaning of the original text is expanded and the significance of the
              > focussing event and/or concern is underscored" (Eron). The relationship
              > between the original text and Mark's ending is in this case focussed on
              the
              > temple's destruction by a foreign army and unlawful acts by temple priests
              > contributing to the disaster.
              >
              > 7. According to content the gospels's unique genre is not that of a
              sacred
              > biography, nor of a Greek tragedy; it is best defined as a messianic
              > Passover Haggadah. Its theme is Israel's 'pass-over' into exile led by
              its
              > Messiah (16,7), thereby introducing the last phase in history (13,10; cf.
              > Rm. 11,25). Mark does not describe a counter-natural miracle. The angel
              > rather reminds the women that Jesus was raised and exalted "to the right
              > hand of power" (9,1; 14,62) and announces the post-70 consequences thereof
              > for themselves and for the nations: he will lead his own during the coming
              > exile (16,7).
              >
              > 8. In a lost pre-70 version the euaggelion (Urmarkus) was read in the
              > ecclesia for the Pesach - Pentecost season. In the present post-70 version
              > it is retold, now in the shadow of the doomed temple. It concerns Jesus'
              > journey through the Land ending on Zion (cmp. the Way of JHWH, 1,3 and
              > hodos, passim). The following features confirm Mark writing a Messianic
              > Passover Haggadah in the wake of the trauma of 70 CE. (I) the parallels
              > between Joshua's conquest of the Land (Josh 3,16ff; 4,20; 5.2-15 ) and
              Jesus
              > ' principle deeds (Mk 1,9-12; 3,14, Bowman); (II) the three main midrashim
              > in Mk 1,2f.; 9,2-11; 15,46; (III) the depiction of the Baptist as Elijah
              > redivivus (1,6; 8,28; 9,5.11f.; 15,36); (IV) the references to the
              sacrifice
              > of Isaac (1,11; 9,7; 14,32-36, Vermes, Le Déaut); (V) the haggadic order
              of
              > the four questions on the temple-square, a parallel of the order in the
              > Jewish Passover Haggadah in Mk 12 (Daube); (VI) the Pesach setting of the
              > last supper (14,12); (VII) the Shabuoth terminology in 16,2: " on Day One
              > (en miai hemerai)" of the fifty days of the Pentecostal harvest (ta
              > sabbata), on Nisan 17 (16,2); (VIII) the timing of the 'frustrated'
              burial
              > at the onset of the Sabbath, Nisan 16, the Pharisaic dating of Day One of
              > Shabuoth (Mk 15,42). The 'black' date Nisan 16 reminded the readers of
              the
              > bloody persecution of the ecclesia in Jerusalem, when the new Pharisaic
              > calendar for the harvest festival was probably introduced under Herod
              > Agrippa I (40-44 CE).
              >
              > 9. Mark's post-70 ending and Luke's presentation of the days after the
              > crucifixion in Acts 1 and 2 lead to the following conclusions: (I) that
              the
              > earliest creedal formula "he was raised on the third day and appeared to
              > Peter" probably capsulized theologically the historic event of Simon Peter
              > addressing the pilgrims gathered in the temple square "on the third day"
              > after the crucifixion. He proclaimed Jesus' exaltation into heaven and
              > called for repentance. (II) As a result Judeans, sympathetic to the
              Jesus'
              > movement from various walks of life, f.i. Essenes and diaspora Judeans,
              > joined Jesus' Galilean followers. Twelve apostles then were elected (cmp
              > Acts 1,15-26 being a post-70 substitute). The leadership of twelve,
              conform
              > the twelve tribes of Israel was an Essene notion. These twelve were headed
              > by (a) James, Jesus' brother, (b) Peter and (c) John of Jerusalem,
              probably
              > an Essene (Acts 3,1.11; 4,19; 8,14; 13,5.13). Thus the ecclesia was born.
              In
              > that historical context "raised on the third day" would refer to the
              earthly
              > manifestation of Jesus' exaltation on Good Friday (cf Lk 23,43; Phil
              2,9).
              > In Mark a distinction is made between (a) 'egerthe' (Mk 16,7) referring to
              > this Pentecostal event of the birth of the ecclesia on the Day of the
              First
              > Fruits (cf. 1Cor 15,20) and (b) 'anastenai' or 'anastesetai' in Mk 8,31;
              > 9,31; 10,33 referring to a different moment in history (see the third
              > instalment). (III) Thus the Spirit, who had inspired the Messiah, lived
              on
              > in his followers (cmp Acts 2). At baptism the Spirit like a dove (Hb
              yonah}
              > had entered "into Jesus" (Mk 1,10). As Jonah was once sent to Nineveh, the
              > archenemy, so through his followers Jesus would go before into the Galilee
              > of the Gentiles with its capital Rome (Mk 16,7; cf. 4,35- 41; 6,48,
              42-56).
              > (IV) The "third day" was the first of the fifty days of the harvest
              period,
              > Shabuoth (Mk 16,2). In pre-Agrippa years this 'Day One' fell always on a
              > Sunday (Lv 23,11.15). Farmers would then bring the first sheaves of barley
              > for the 'weave offering'; hence the metaphor of Jesus' exaltation as "the
              > first fruits of those who have died" (1 Cor 15,20). Acts 1 contains an
              > expanded post-70 narrative including an ascension after 40 days, being the
              > formative period in Jerusalem between the crucifixion and the destruction
              of
              > the temple
              >
              > 10. The destruction of the temple cast its shadow over the Gospel. The
              > first section ends with the
              > insipid salt (of the templecult, 9,49f). Jesus' pilgimmage for the
              Passover
              > in Jerusalem is the leading motif of the following chapters (10,32). At
              the
              > entry he accuses the hierarchy of the temple, ("you have turned it into a
              > rebels' den" (11,11.17.20). The withered fig tree is a dark omen of the
              > coming catastrophe. Follow the disputes on the temple square, introduced
              by
              > the parable of the vineyard "given to others" (12,9), while the unfaithful
              > tenants, the high priests, will perish. But seated opposite the treasury
              > Jesus praises the widow, who put in the box everything she had (12,41ff).
              > Leaving the temple he turns around and prophecies - a vaticinium ex
              > eventu? -. "Not one stone will be left here (!)
              > upon another". Afterwards. Seated on Mt. Of Olives opposite the temple,
              > with just four of his disciples, he foretells future wars and the imminent
              > desecration of the temple (13,8.14). At the trial he is falsely accused,
              "we
              > heard him say: I will destroy this temple" (14,58), The same charge is
              > leveled at the foot of the cross, "Aha, you would destroy the temple .
              > Finally, when breathing his last, the curtain of the temple is torn in two
              > (15,28.37). This temple background forms an integral part of the
              > dramatic plot of the narrative.
              >
              > cordially
              >
              > Karel
              >
              >
              >
              >
              >
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            • Mike Grondin
              ... Not only the twelve, but the triadic leadership as well, reflects the Council of Community in 4QSe=4Q259: In the Council of Community, there shall be
              Message 6 of 11 , Jun 28, 2003
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                --- Karel Hanhart wrote:
                > Twelve apostles were elected (cmp Acts 1,15-26 being a post-70
                > substitute). [The leadership of twelve, representing the twelve
                > tribes of Israel was an Essene notion]. The original twelve were
                > headed by (1) James, Jesus' brother, (2) Simon Peter and (3) John
                > of Jerusalem, probably an Essene ...

                Not only the twelve, but the triadic leadership as well, reflects
                the "Council of Community" in 4QSe=4Q259:

                "In the Council of Community, there shall be twelve men and three
                priests, perfect in all that has been revealed from the whole Law..."

                Regards,
                Mike
              • Mike Grondin
                ... But isn t it the case that the James and John in question would not have been members of the twelve, since they were of the triad of priests that
                Message 7 of 11 , Jun 28, 2003
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                  --- Karel Hanhart wrote:
                  > 15. Mark introduced "the twelve" into the story time of his
                  > haggadah (3,14), although in real time they were elected after the
                  > crucifixion. The inconsistencies in the list of twelve apostles
                  > can be explained by Mark's post-70 revision of the haggadah. He
                  > left out James and John from the original list of the twelve so
                  > that he could introduce two fictive apostles: Iscariot and the
                  > Greek named Andreas.

                  But isn't it the case that the "James" and "John" in question would
                  not have been members of the twelve, since they were of the triad
                  of "priests" that ruled over the twelve? If so, it wouldn't have
                  been those two that were "left out" to make room for Iscariot and
                  Andreas, but two others, right? Or do you suppose that the "sons of
                  Thunder" might have served as stand-ins for this other "James/John"
                  combo (in which case, *four* real names would have been left out).

                  Also (please excuse my ignorance), is 'Andreas' the only Greek name
                  of any of the twelve? If not, why invent a Greek name when there was
                  another one already? Secondly, are you suggesting that Simon had no
                  real brother, or that that brother wasn't one of the twelve, or that
                  Mark changed the brother's name to 'Andreas', or what?

                  On a related matter to which you didn't address yourself directly:
                  what do you make of the special importance given to the first five
                  named disciples? How much midrash, how much real-time there?

                  Finally, since you believe that Iscariot was a fictional, symbolic
                  character, why not Thomas as his (fictional, symbolic) antithesis?
                  There'd have been a nice symmetry to that, wouldn't you say? (Thomas
                  wasn't made to do much, but then neither was Andreas; if the name
                  was the thing in the one case, why not in the other?)

                  Regards,
                  Mike Grondin
                  Mt. Clemens, MI
                • Mike Grondin
                  ... Had I been more familiar with the DSS, I would have referred instead to 1QS - the Community Rule . In searching the archives for 1QS , I discovered that
                  Message 8 of 11 , Jun 30, 2003
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                    [me to Karel]:
                    > Not only the twelve, but the triadic leadership as well, reflects
                    > the "Council of Community" in 4QSe=4Q259:
                    >
                    > "In the Council of Community, there shall be twelve men and three
                    > priests, perfect in all that has been revealed from the whole
                    > Law..."

                    Had I been more familiar with the DSS, I would have referred instead
                    to 1QS - the "Community Rule". In searching the archives for '1QS',
                    I discovered that Karel engaged Frank McCoy on this issue back in
                    September. I must not have been paying attention at the time, but
                    Frank had also suggested that the structure of the Jerusalem
                    leadership reflected that of 1QS. Karel responded in part:

                    "Simon Peter, however, was not a priest; neither James, Jesus'
                    brother, as far as we know, James and Peter were naturally regarded
                    as leaders from the beginning. It seems to me that John (of
                    Jerusalem) may well have been a chassidic leader. We may not
                    conclude, therefore, that the election was modeled precisely after
                    that Qumran structure."

                    This position strikes me as excessively cautious - and somewhat
                    mysteriously so, coming as it does from a person (Karel) who has
                    himself made a good many leaps from data to hypothesis. But aside
                    from that, I think that the objection is satisfactorily answerable.

                    With respect to Jacob, he was purported to have been a Nazarite from
                    birth. If so, that might well have been good enough for him to be
                    considered a "priest" (without knowing exactly what that meant to
                    the 1QS folks).

                    With respect to Peter, there's a good many reasons for him to have
                    been included in the leadership triad, not least of which was the
                    political clout deriving from his having been a leader of the
                    original Galilean disciples. "Reasons for him to have been
                    included", yes, but that still doesn't make him a "priest", one
                    might argue. One response might be to suggest that Peter may not
                    have been the illiterate fisherman portrayed in the gospels, but an
                    argument from speculation isn't really satisfying, and I think
                    there's a better response anyway. I would suggest that - perhaps out
                    of necessity as much as anything else - the Yeshuines adopted a
                    modified "Community Rule" leadership model in which the nature of
                    the top three followed the ancient model of a king (James/Jacob) and
                    his "rod and staff" - i.e., his priest (John) on the one hand and
                    his "military commander" (Peter) on the other. Seems to me that this
                    model corresponds pretty well with what we about the three.

                    But if the Jerusalem leadership structure differed significantly
                    from that of 1QS in the way I suggest, is it correct to say that the
                    Yeshuines were influenced by the leadership model in 1QS? Or might
                    it have been just a coincidence that the two structures resembled
                    each other? On that question, I'm inclined to believe that the
                    purpose of "the fifteen" in "preparing the way of the Lord" was very
                    much the same between the Jerusalem leadership and the "Community
                    Rule", and thus that the similarities were probably not due to
                    coincidence.

                    Regards,
                    Mike Grondin
                    Mt. Clemens, MI
                  • Mike Grondin
                    ... (Fitzmeyer suggests that the missing verb-phrase might have been what we wish we knew , but that seems unlikely.) Some mss have the pillars in place of
                    Message 9 of 11 , Jun 30, 2003
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                      > Seems to me that this
                      > model corresponds pretty well with what we about the three.

                      Most ms witnesses correct this to read:

                      > Seems to me that this
                      > model corresponds pretty well with what we KNOW about the three.

                      (Fitzmeyer suggests that the missing verb-phrase might have
                      been "what we wish we knew", but that seems unlikely.)

                      Some mss have "the pillars" in place of "the three". Not only is the
                      wording of these later copies more elegant, but, ironically, they
                      seem to more accurately reflect the intentions of the author than
                      his own autograph.

                      Mike <g>
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