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ToC: Communist & Postcommunist Studies

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  • Prof. B.V. Toshev
    Just Received: COMMUNIST AND POSTCOMMUNIST STUDIES ISSN 0967-067x (Elsevier) [Communist and Post-Communist Studies on ScienceDirect(Opens new window)]
    Message 1 of 4 , Jul 1, 2011

      Just Received:


      Communist and Post-Communist Studies on ScienceDirect(Opens new window)

      Editors: A. Korbonski, L. Fajter, L. Kerner

      Impact Factor, IF=0,456

      All articles from Volume 28 (1995) to today are avaible.


      ToC: Communist & Postcommunist Studies, Volume 44, Issue 1, March 2011


      K. Ash. A Game-theoretic Model for Protest in the Context of Post-communism  (p. 1)

      Notes: 15; References: 42

      In recent years, large-scale protests have forced several incumbent governments in former Soviet countries from power. Scholarly examinations of these events have lacked a cohesive explanation of the reasons for the success of certain movements and the failure of others. This study uses prior research on the dynamics of protest to formulate a game-theoretic model for why protest takes place and how its eventual outcome comes about. The model is tested through logistic regression analyses of monthly protest data. The statistical analysis shows that elections, prior protests and government transgressions increase the likelihood of anti-government protests.

      A.B. Grodeland, A. Aasland. Fighting Corruption in Public Procurement in Post-communist States: Obstacles and Solutions  (p. 17)

      Notes: 17; References: 25

      Anti-corruption efforts in Europe’s post-communist states have been less successful than anticipated. Criticism has been raised against the role of the international community in promoting anti-corruption programmes. Besides, such programmes have been deemed vague and “all-inclusive”. They have largely failed to address local factors “informing” corrupt behaviour in post-communist states, such as (a) negative perceptions of law, and (b) informal practice.‘ I'd be grateful if you could retain the original sentence as it is more precise.

      V. Shlapentokh. Expediency Always Wins over Ideology: Putin’s Attitudes Toward the Russian Communist Party (p. 33)

      Notes: 2; References: 61

      Vladimir Putin provides us with an excellent example of a politician whose attitude toward ideology is instrumental to his political longevity. He has shown that in the fight between ideology and political expedience, to maintain authority and control within the country, or to achieve geopolitical ambitions in the international arena, ideology will almost always lose the battle. It is well known that the major threat to political power stems often not from the adversary who holds diametrically opposite views, but from the rivals who share almost the same ideological position. The closer the ideological position is of a rival, the more intense the competition. For just this reason Putin is implacable toward Communists who share many of his views. He tries as much as possible to reduce the political role of the Communist party â€" the most serious opposition to the regime â€" by using the same underhanded tactics which are used against the liberals.

      J.E. Johnson, A. Saarinen. Assessing Civil Society in Putin’s Russia: The Plight of Women’s Crisis Centers  (p. 41)

      References: 50

      The article assesses civil society in Putin’s Russia through the lens of the small social movement working against gender violence. Based on questionnaires distributed to movement organizations in 2008â€"2009, we find significant retrenchment among the NGO segment of the movement, adding evidence to the claim of Russia’s turn toward authoritarianism. However, this innovative, midlevel analysis--not the typical society-wide surveys nor the small number participant observation--also shows that the women’s crisis center movement has made some in-roads in transforming the state, revealing that some democratic opportunities remain at the local level.

      A. Dukalskis, Z. Hooker. Legitimating Totalitarianism: Melodrama and Mass Politics in North Korean Film (p. 53)

      References: 50

      This article attempts to analyze the construction and maintenance of political legitimacy in North Korea through the lens of its state-produced films. After classifying North Korea’s regime as totalitarian, we then discuss the strategies of legitimation available given this classification, and highlight the importance of ideology therein. Next, we demonstrate the importance of film within North Korea’s ideological apparatus and thematically analyze six North Korean films dating from 1948â€"2006. From this analysis, we situate the social role of film in contemporary North Korea and argue that it will remain a crucial force amongst the country’s various attempts to maintain legitimacy.

      R. Szwed. Printmedia Poll Reporting in Poland: Poll as News in Polish Parliamentary Campaigns, 1991â€"2007  (p. 63)

      Notes: 9; References: 50

      Information about the support given by the public opinion to political actors has become a constant element of the public debate in Poland after the fall of Communism. Very soon polls became an argument in debates, a premise, or a way to justify decisions. At the same time they were criticized both by politicians and journalists convinced that polls can significantly influence the election results. But the fact was not noticed in Poland that all debates about the influence of polls on election outcomes should be preceded by a discussion of the way they are presented in the media. The present article joins this debate by subjecting to analysis the polls published in the Polish press during parliamentary campaigns in the dimensions of the role they played during the recent several years, the quality of methodological information, and of the way the polls were used in the media. As opposed to European and American analyses, no improvement in the conformity to standards of minimal disclosure in newspapers’ reporting of public opinion polls was noticed, althoughâ€"like in other countriesâ€"a dramatic increase in the number of polls reported was observed.

      T.K. Blauvelt.  March of the Chekists: Beria’s Secret Police Patronage Network and Soviet Crypto-politics  (p. 73)

      Notes: 28; References: 39

      Lavrentii Beria built up one of the most powerful patronage networks in Soviet history. Its success represents a unique case in Soviet history in which a regionally based secret police patron-client network, comprised primarily of representatives of ethnic minorities, took control first of the civilian leadership of one of the major regions of the Union, and then of the most powerful institution in the USSR, the national secret police, and subsequently became one of the main competing factions in the “crypto-politics” of the late-Stalin era. The fact that the Beria network emerged from the secret police gave it certain advantages in the political struggles of the period, but it also held weaknesses that played a role in Beria’s final undoing. The evolution and political struggles of Beria’s network also shed light on the inner workings of the competition among informal networks that made up the crypto-politics of the period. Using recent memoirs, new archival sources and interviews, this article will examine how Beria developed, managed and advanced his informal network, giving particular attention to the specific and unique outcomes that resulted from the rooting of this network in the secret police, at five critical junctures in Beria’s career.

      Z. Kriz, Z. Shevchuk.  Georgian Readiness for NATO Membership after Russian-Georgian Armed Conflict  (p. 89)

      References: 55

      The history of the cooperation between Georgia and NATO had started long before the Rose Revolution. Nowadays, Georgia belongs to the countries which want to join NATO. This article gauges the Georgian readiness for its accession to NATO. Study on NATO enlargement provides requirements on future members of NATO, even though it avoids such an explicit formulation. This article concludes that Georgia is not yet ready to join NATO because it has serious deficiencies in the area of democracy building, military readiness, and settling territorial disputes with its neighbours. The only area where the situation is satisfactory is the support of the public for the accession.

      S.M. Smith, P.J. Bryson, G.C. Cornia. The View from City Hall: Local Perceptions of Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations in the Czech Republic (p. 99)

      Notes: 1; References: 9

      This article analyzes perceptions of inter-governmental fiscal relations as held by local officials of the Czech Republic. The field study probes local perceptions of progress toward fiscal decentralization in the Czech Republic. A statistical analysis is based on a scaling of cities according to size and according to a generalized, multi-part measure of fiscal autonomy. This measure is effective in discriminating high and low autonomy cities by size, types of expenditures, and funding sources. Cities of diverse sizes are divided into groups reflecting perceptions of greater or lesser autonomy. The implications of the findings are discussed.




    • Prof. B.V. Toshev
      Just Received: COMMUNIST AND POSTCOMMUNIST STUDIES ISSN 0967-067x (Elsevier) [Communist and Post-Communist Studies on ScienceDirect(Opens new window)]
      Message 2 of 4 , Jul 26, 2011

        Just Received:


        Communist and Post-Communist Studies on ScienceDirect(Opens new window)

        Editors: A. Korbonski, L. Fajter, L. Kerner

        Impact Factor, IF=0,456

        All articles from Volume 28 (1995) to today are avaible.


        ToC: Communist & Postcommunist Studies, Volume 44, Issue 2,  June 2011


        M.J. Bain. Russia and Cuba: “Doomed” Comrades?  (p. 111)

        References: 58

        In 1991 Vitaly Churkin, a Soviet Minister for Foreign Economic Cooperation, stated that economic links between Russia and Cuba were “doomed” to continue. This gave a very negative impression of the relationship, but quickly he appeared to be incorrect because by the end of 1992 little seemed to remain of the 30-year relationship. However, as the 1990s progressed, the relationship continued to function and then improve. Fundamental to this were the principles of the realist paradigm of International Relations, which has been vital since the relationship’s inception in the aftermath of the Cuban Revolution, in conjunction with a long-term legacy. The outcome is that Russia and Cuba are indeed “doomed” comrades.

        M. Bilgin. Energy Security and Russia’s Gas Strategy: The symbiotic Relationship between the State and Firms  (p. 119)

        References: 43

        The way how Russia ignores the EU’s quest for liberalization and sustains a control over markets and supplies is directly related to her use of gas as leverage. Russia’s strategy affects many European and non-European countries during all stages: demand, supply and transit. It is not, however, possible to generalize a common statement that the EU’s position is based on a policy of market liberalization while Russia pursues an opposing strategy of increased state control. Russian energy strategy leads markets in Europe; sets tone for energy supplies at homeland and abroad, benefiting from a variety of means. This article shows how a symbiotic relationship between the Russian state and Russian energy companies emerge from a structure in which trade, markets and international politics have been embedded within the state interests and firm behavior. It identifies the economic and geopolitical trends with regard to recent developments of Russia’s strategy.


        V. Havlik. A Breaking-up of a Pro-European Consensus: Attitudes of Czech Political Parties Towards the European Integration (1998â€"2010)  (p. 129)

        Notes: 15; References: 32

        This article represents a contribution to the debate over the attitudes of political parties to the European integration-one of the hot topics in contemporary political science. It explores the dynamics of attitudes of political parties in the Czech Republic to the EU and analyzes them in the context of parties primary ideologies. On the basis of the results of an expert survey the author interpretes the changes in the major features of “European” debate in the Czech Republic and offers a new classification schema of attitudes of political parties towards the EU, according to the preferences of economic and/or political dimension of European integration.

        B. Habib. North Korea’s Parallel Economies: Systemic Disaggregation Following the Soviet Collapse  (p. 149)

        Notes: 7; References: 73

        This article aims to introduce the concept of parallel economies to explain the transformation of North Korea’s command economy during the 1990s. The article summarises North Korea’s pre-1991 command economy, before identifying the collapse of the Soviet Union and the great famine (1994â€"1998) as causes for the splintering of the old command system into parallel economiesâ€"the official, military, illicit, court and entrepreneurial economiesâ€"separated from the central planning matrix. It concludes that the existence of parallel economies makes system-wide economic reform unlikely and increases the importance of foreign aid in maintaining the viability of the regime’s political architecture.

      • Prof. B.V. Toshev
        Just Received: COMMUNIST AND POSTCOMMUNIST STUDIES ISSN 0967-067X (Elsevier) [Communist and Post-Communist Studies]
        Message 3 of 4 , Dec 30, 2011

          Just Received:


          Communist and Post-Communist Studies

          Editors: Andrzej Korbonski, Luba Fajfer, Lucy Kerner

          Impact Factor, IF=0,211


          ToC: Communist & Postcommunist Studies, Volume 44, Issue 3, September 2011


          M. Rybar. National determinants of international preferences in post-communist Europe: The case of Slovakia in the European Union (p. 161)

          References: 42

          This paper shows that the dominant theory of European integration, the liberal inter-governmentalism, contains several assumptions about the process and character of national preference formation that may not be fully met in the post-communist EU member states. It argues that the primacy of economic and societal interests in influencing positions of national governments should not be taken for granted. Using Slovakia as an example, it demonstrates the autonomy of political and bureaucratic actors and importance of their preferences. It is also argued that ideational and exogenous factors should not be left out in constructing a realistic framework of national preference formation.

          J. Visic, B.S. Peric. The determinants of value of incoming cross-border mergers & acquisitions in European transition countries (p. 173)

          References: 23

          This research aims to determine variables that affect the aggregate value of incoming cross-border M&As in European transitional countries. Dynamic panel models have been estimated using Arellano and Bond GMM estimator for period between year 1994 and 2008. The ratio of the total value of cross-border M&A to GDP of the country is the dependent variable. Independent variables include following indicators: lagged value of cross-border M&A to GDP, lagged GDP per capita, lagged GDP growth, inflation, interest rate spread, lagged private credit to GDP ratio, market capitalization to GDP ratio, lagged rule of law and lagged control of corruption.

          B. Leven. Avoiding crisis contagion: Poland's case (p. 183)

          References: 27

          This paper examines the major reasons for limited crisis contagion to Poland in the period 2007–09. At this time Poland was the only European Union (EU) member that grew in the midst of the Great Recession and financial crisis. The following analysis focuses on domestic polices and economics structure which made this growth possible. Poland's modest levels of private and public debt, low share of mortgages in bank assets, limited decline in real estate prices, and proactive policies by domestic and foreign banks substantially buffered Poland's financial sector. At the same time, real economy was aided by a high share of domestic consumption as opposed to exports, a favorable labor market structure, and timely financial assistance from the EU, all that shielded it from major crisis contagion.

          M. Bader. Hegemonic political parties in post-Soviet Eurasia: Towards party-based authoritarianism? (p. 189)

          References: 66

          Hegemonic parties in authoritarian regimes can fulfill important purposes for those regimes and thereby contribute to their survival. Along with the consolidation of authoritarian regimes, hegemonic political parties have emerged in some post-Soviet states, raising questions about the role that these parties play in the survival of the regimes. This article asks which of the purposes that are frequently ascribed to ruling authoritarian parties are fulfilled by United Russia, the Yeni Azerbaijan Party, and Nur Otan of Kazakhstan, the hegemonic parties of the three strongest consolidated authoritarian regimes with a hegemonic party in the former Soviet Union. It is argued that despite the increasing prominence of the hegemonic parties, full-fledged party-based authoritarianism has not yet been established in Russia, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan.


          A. Krasovec, T. Haughton. Money, organization and the state: The partial cartelization of party politics in Slovenia (p. 199)

          References: 44

          A detailed analysis of party organization, party funding and voting behaviour in parliament in Slovenia indicates a partial cartelization of Slovene party politics. In line with the cartel thesis, parties in Slovenia are heavily dependent on the state for their finances and there is evidence that parties have used the resources of the state to limit competition. Nonetheless, there is much less evidence of cartelization in terms of party organization indicating more cartelization in the party system as a whole than within individual parties.

          J. Aidukaite. Welfare reforms and socio-economic trends in the 10 new EU member states of Central and Eastern Europe (p. 211)

          References: 39

          The paper reviews recent socio-economic changes in the 10 new EU member states of Central and Eastern Europe and the earlier and latest debates on the emergence of the post-communist welfare state regime. It asks two questions: are the new EU member states more similar to each other in their social problems encountered than to the rest of the EU world? Do they exhibit enough common socio-economic and institutional features to group them into the distinct/unified post-communist welfare regime that deviates from any well-known welfare state typology? The findings of this paper indicate that despite some slight variation within, the new EU countries exhibit lower indicators compared to the EU-15 as it comes to the minimum wage and social protection expenditure. The degree of material deprivation and the shadow economy is on average also higher if compared to the EU-15 or the EU-27. However, then it comes to at-risk-of-poverty rate after social transfers or Gini index, some Eastern European outliers especially the Check Republic, but also Slovenia, Slovakia and Hungary perform the same or even better than the old capitalist democracies. Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Romania, Bulgaria, Poland, however, show many similarities in their social indicators and performances and this group of countries never perform better than the EU-15 or the EU-27 averages. Nevertheless, the literature reviews on welfare state development in the CEE region reveal a number of important institutional features in support of identifying the distinct/unified post-communist welfare regime. Most resilient of it are: an insurance-based programs that played a major part in the social protection system; high take-up of social security; relatively low social security benefits; increasing signs of liberalization of social policy; and the experience of the Soviet/Communist type of welfare state, which implies still deeply embedded signs of solidarity and universalism.

          T. Kuzio. Soviet conspiracy theories and political culture in Ukraine: Understanding Viktor Yanukovych and the Party of Regions (p. 221)

          References: 102

          Conspiracy theories in Ukraine draw on inherited Soviet political culture and political technology imported from Russia where such ideas had gained ascendancy under President Vladimir Putin. Eastern Ukrainian and Russian elites believed that the US was behind the 2000 Serbian Bulldozer, 2003 Georgian Rose and 2004 Orange democratic revolutions. The Kuchmagate crisis, impending succession crisis, 2004 presidential elections and Orange Revolution – all of which took up most of Leonid Kuchma's second term in office – were the first significant domestic threats to Ukraine's new, post-communist ruling elites and in response Ukraine's elites revived Soviet style theories of conspiracies and ideological tirades against the US and Ukrainian nationalism. Opposition candidate Viktor Yushchenko became the focal point against which the conspiracies and tirades were launched because his support base lay in `nationalist' Western Ukraine and he has a Ukrainian-American spouse. The revival of Soviet style conspiracy theories has become important since Viktor Yanukovyc's election as Ukrainian president in 2010 because this political culture permeates his administration, government and Party of Regions determining their worldview and influencing their domestic and foreign policies.


          O.B.P. Sierra. No man's land? A comparative analysis of the EU and Russia's influence in the Southern Caucasus (p. 233)

          References: 83

          The article investigates, through a comparative analysis, the different mechanisms of influence that the EU and Russia are projecting in their shared neighborhood in shaping domestic politics. It focuses on the economic and energy sectors in order to analyze two relevant policies for contrasting EU and Russia's influence in the case of the Southern Caucasus. Contrary to commonly held opinions, Russian influence is receding in both areas and is a dominant external actor only in Armenia. In contrast, the EU is slowly increasing its presence in the economic area and has become a key player in the energy sector.





        • Prof. B.V. Toshev
          Just Received: COMMUNIST AND POSTCOMMUNIST STUDIES ISSN 0967-067X (Elsevier) [Communist and Post-Communist Studies]
          Message 4 of 4 , Jan 11, 2012

            Just Received:


            Communist and Post-Communist Studies

            Editors: Andrzej Korbonski, Luba Fajfer, Lucy Kerner

            Impact Factor, IF=0,211


            ToC: Communist & Postcommunist Studies, Volume 44, Issue 4, December 2011


            V.I. Ganev. The annulled Tax state: Schumpeterian Prolegomena to the study of postcommunist fiscal sociology (p. 245)

            References: 61

            How was a new infrastructure of revenue-collection instituted after the collapse of Soviet-type regimes in Eastern Europe? This article suggests that currently available answers to this question are unsatisfactory. Building upon insights derived from the literature on fiscal sociology and from Joseph Schumpeter’s analysis of modern “tax states,” it outlines a new approach to the study of various phenomena related to revenue-collection in postcommunism. More specifically, I examine a set of empirical and theoretical issues related to the reemergence of a taxpayer as having a cultural role, the reconfiguration of the bureaucratic apparatuses bequeathed by the old regime, and the recreation of trustworthy national currencies. Having identified important gaps in our understanding of the transformative processes that engulfed the region after 1989, the paper introduces a more comprehensive research program focused on the context-specific challenges inherent in the attempt to re-establish tax states in the formerly communist countries.













            Joseph Schumpeter (1883-1950)

            B. Stanley. Populism, nationalism, or national populism? An analysis of Slovak voting behaviour at the 2010 parliamentary election (p. 257)

            References: 34

            This article explores the impact of populist attitudes on party preferences and voting behaviour at the 2010 Slovak election. Using an original battery of questions on populist attitudes developed by the author and attached to the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems post-election survey, the article addresses hypotheses about the impact of populist attitudes on preferences and choices alongside nationalist and economic attitudes and the socio-demographic ‘transition loser/winner’ divide. It finds that whilst nationalist and economic attitudes are significant predictors of preferences and choices, populist attitudes are much less influential than anticipated.

            A. Kuhelj. Rise of xenophobic nationalism in Europe: A case of Slovenia (p. 271)

            References: 25

            The article focuses on rise of nationalism and xenophobia in Slovenia. It starts by considering the issue of unrecognized minorities in Slovenia (former Yugoslavia nations) that have no minority rights, despite being large groups, as many international organizations for the protection of minorities have pointed out. A particular issue in this relation for Slovenia is the ‘Erased’ â€" the individuals who did not acquire Slovenian citizenship when Slovenia seceded from federal Yugoslavia â€" and despite the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) decision, the Slovenian state has still not recognized their rights, which were violated in the post-independence period. The article also examines two other minorities in Slovenia, the Jews and the Roma. The article finds Slovenia to be a closed, non-globalised society which, in spite of its constitutional declaration to protect the rights of minorities and other national communities, is seeking to retain a politically and culturally homogeneous nation state.

            M. Mares. Czech extreme right parties an unsuccessful story (p. 283)

            Notes: 40; References: 57

            This article describes the extreme right in the Czech Republic, where, in contrast to several other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, this part of the political spectrum has been unsuccessful for the past ten years. The aim of this article is to analyse the position of the extreme right in the Czech party system and the internal ideological and strategic cleavages within the extreme right. The conclusion of this article is that organized party-political extremism is after two decades of modern political development only a marginal part of the Czech political spectrum, with many internal problems and without real chances of significant success in the near future.

            S. de Regt, D. Mortelmans, T. Smits. Left-wing authoritarianism is not a myth, but a worrisome reality. Evidence from 13 Eastern European countries (p. 299)

            References: 73

            A sometimes heated debate between authoritarianism researchers takes place on the issue of authoritarianism on the left. Some researchers argue that authoritarianism is typical for right-wing political orientation while other researchers assert that authoritarianism can also be found at the left side of the political spectrum. The aim of this paper is twofold. First, we aim to contribute to the ongoing discussion on left-wing authoritarianism. Using representative samples, the relationship between authoritarianism and political preferences is examined in 13 ex-communist Eastern European countries. Employing six different indicators of left-wing/communist political orientations make clear that, despite cross-national differences, left-wing authoritarianism is definitely not a myth in Eastern European countries. Second, it was aimed to survey whether authoritarian persons in Eastern European countries might be a possible threat for the transition to democracy. Based upon five items it was demonstrated that in general the Eastern European population seems to hold a positive opinion on democracy. However, it becomes also clear that authoritarian persons in the ex-communist countries are significantly less positive towards democracy.

            F. Millard. Vigilante justice in post-communist Europe (p. 319)

            Notes: 4; References: 53

            Five cases in which the names of former secret informers who supplied information to the communist secret political police were unofficially disclosed are discussed in terms of the motivations of their authors, their timing relative to 1989 and their countries’ lustration and file access legislation, and the information they make available to the general public. After contrasting them with civil society efforts to promote transitional justice and unofficial truth projects, it becomes evident that these unofficial disclosures were animated by revenge as much as the quest for unveiling the truth about communist repression.

            J. Butterfield, E. Levintova. Academic freedom and international standards in higher education: Contestation in journalism and political science at Moscow State University (p. 329)

            Notes: 14; References: 33

            Recently two new departments, the School of Broadcast Journalism and the Department of Political Science, were created at Moscow State University while leaving the two traditional departments that engendered them intact. The result has been a contestation over academic freedom, standards, and the very definition of both disciplines at Russia’s premier university. The new departments are both closely associated with United Russia, the dominant political party in Russian politics and the political movement designed to promote the priorities and policies of Prime Minister and former President Vladimir Putin. This paper examines the self-definition of each of the four departments by means of open-ended, semi-structured interviews with faculty and content-analytic examination of curricular materials, including syllabi and assigned readings. We conclude that the newer departments are somewhat more attuned to certain aspects of the international standards of both disciplines, but demonstrate little adherence to key ethical and pedagogical norms, leaving them more susceptible to political influence.

            S. Closson. A comparative analysis on energy subsidies in Soviet and Russian policy (p. 343)

            Notes: 10; References: 50

            Russia’s recent intent to use gas supplies to influence the former Soviet Union Republics, and now New Independent States (NIS), has mirrored that of the Soviet’s handling of hydrocarbon supplies to the Eastern bloc, or the Council on Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA). This paper explores the historical and unique conditions in making a comparison of energy trading patterns in the 1970s and 2000s. In the end, by comparing ’then’ and ’now’, we see a pattern of negative repercussions when the energy card is employed. This study employs a within case study cross-temporal comparative framework and asks: why would Russia transfer a failed policy of subsidies onto its newly independent states?

            B. Udovic. Slovene commercial diplomacy in the Western Balkan countries (p. 357)

            Notes: 23; References: 89

            The aim of the article is to present activities of Slovene commercial diplomacy in the Western Balkan markets. The result of the analysis proves that Slovene commercial diplomacy in the Western Balkan markets followed enterprise preferences. Thus, in the first decade of transition (1991â€"2000) commercial diplomacy focused only on ex-Yugoslav markets, while non-ex-YU (Western Balkan) markets became interesting only after the year 2000. The article argues that this can be explained by the reactiveness (instead of proactiveness) of Slovene enterprises, which stems from the Slovene national character.

            J. Ishiyama, A. Batta. Swords into plowshares: The organizational transformation of rebel groups into political parties (p. 369)

            Notes: 4; References: 53

            How do the features of a rebel group and the external political environment interact to affect the internal dynamics within a rebel group after it transforms into a political party? In this paper we combine literature on organizational change in parties in new democracies with the emerging literature on rebel group-to-party transformation, to develop a framework by which to understand these dynamics. Using the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) as a case study, we find that the legacies of the conflict, the organizational legacies of the rebel group, and the post civil war incentives for electoral gain, create political cleavages within parties that generate considerable organizational centripetal pressures, pressures that will need to be accommodated in new party organizational structures.

            Communist Part of Nepal  (Maoist)

            'Long Live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism'





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