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  • Florian Bieber
    Ethnic and Racial Studies, Volume 24, Number 4 (July 2001) Nadje Al-Ali; Richard Black; Khalid Koser, The limits to transnationalism : Bosnian and Eritrean
    Message 1 of 2 , Aug 14, 2001
      Ethnic and Racial Studies, Volume 24, Number 4 (July 2001)
      Nadje Al-Ali; Richard Black; Khalid Koser, The limits to
      'transnationalism': Bosnian and Eritrean refugees in Europe as emerging
      transnational communities, pp. 578 - 600

      Ethnicities, Volume 1 Issue 2 (August 2001)
      Glenda Sluga, Bodies, souls and sovereignty: The Austro-Hungarian empire
      and the legitimacy of nations

      Rethinking History, Volume 5, Number 2 (July 2001)
      Judith Keene, The Filmmaker as Historian, Above and Below Ground: Emir
      Kusturica and the Narratives of Yugoslav History, 233 - 253

      Brookings Institution, NATO's Macedonia Mission is No Picnic
      By signing an agreement giving Albanians greater political rights,
      Macedonia has taken a major step back from the brink of what could have
      been a very brutal civil war. Yet, peace in this region remains
      extremely fragile, and it will be up to the international community --
      and especially the NATO troops that are about to deploy to the country -
      -to make sure political reconciliation proceeds. Ivo H. Daalder,
      Aug. 20, 2001

      USIP, Whither the Bulldozer? Nonviolent Revolution and the Transition to Democracy in Serbia
      This report focuses on the largely nonviolent revolution that led to the removal of Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic
      from office and the rise to power of the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS). Particular attention is paid to
      the role of nonviolence in the revolution and the role of Serbia's civil society in the country's transition to democracy.
      Written by Institute consultant Albert Cevallos, the report is based on numerous interviews with civic activists and
      representatives of the democratic opposition, student groups, independent media, and the United States
      government, as well as an analysis of available literature surrounding these events. It is also based in part on a
      conference cosponsored by the United States Institute of Peace and the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, "Whither the Bulldozer? Revolution, Transition, and Democracy in Serbia," held on January 30-31, 2001 in

      Romanian Academic Society (SAR), Early Warning Report
      Issues addressed in depth in EWR 3/2001:
      - The trade (and current account) deficits have worsened lately; is
      Romania really on the right track? Professor Daniel Daianu (former
      Minister of Finance), who has just joined SAR�s EWR team, looks into the
      - Romania has still the lowest FDI per capita in the region, and the
      blame rests mostly with the Romanian policy-makers, past and present.
      Are the recent attempts to bolster foreign investment appropriate � or
      - The environmental fund � a modern, EU-type policy tool, or just
      another burden on the businesses?
      - Will Sidex steel plant, recently privatized with the Indo-British
      group ISPAT, become another messy affair like CS Resita, where unions
      and workers ended up beating the American owners earlier this year?
      - Why do we still spend so much on specialized health care (hospitals),
      instead of making more resources available to primary care and
      prevention? Is this trend sustainable?
      - Trust in government is slightly decreasing: as the effects of the
      latest elections are fading away, the decline in political trust can
      play a critical role once the Government moves for the unpopular
      measures it is bound to take.
      - Warning: the rule of law is the most salient topic in this issue of
      EWR. A majority of the Romanians distrust the judiciary, regard the laws
      as unjust and their application as unfair. 83% of Romanians consider
      that we cannot speak of the rule of law in Romania, as the laws are
      neither enforced by state agencies, nor abided by citizens.
      You can find it at the following address:
    • Florian Bieber
      1. New Perspectives on Turkey 2. EWR Romania, 5/2002, July 3. The Ottoman Dilemma: Power and Property Relations under the United Nations Mission in Kosovo?
      Message 2 of 2 , Aug 18, 2002
        1. New Perspectives on Turkey
        2. EWR Romania, 5/2002, July
        3. The Ottoman Dilemma: Power and Property Relations under the United Nations Mission in Kosovo? (ESI)

        4. Macedonia’s Public Secret: How Corruption Drags The Country Down (ICG)
        The Spring 2002 (No. 26) issue of the New Perspectives on Turkey (NPT) is
        available. The NPT is a refereed, scholarly journal published biannually
        by the History Foundation of Turkey, a non-profit organization. The
        objective of the journal is to stimulate and provide a medium for the
        publication of studies related to historical and contemporary issues on
        the culture and the socio-economic structure of Turkey.
        For information regarding submissions, subscription and other
        correspondence send e-mail to npt@...
        You can also visit npt web page: http://www.npt.boun.edu.tr
        The table of contents of the NPT # 26 is as follows:
        New Perspectives on Turkey, n.26, Spring 2002
        Kolluoglu-Kirli, Biray. "The Play of Memory, Counter Memory, Building
        Izmir on Smyrna's Ashes." New Perspectives on Turkey, no. 26 (2002):
        Oncu, Ahmet, and Gurcan Kocan. "Democratic Citizenship Movements in the
        Context of the Case of the Bergama Movement." New Perspectives on
        Turkey, no. 26 (2002): 29-57.
        Karaomerlioglu, M. Asim. "Agrarian Populism as an Ideological Discourse
        of Interwar Europe." New Perspectives on Turkey, no. 26 (2002): 59-93.
        ?rkoglu, Ali, and Ilgaz Ergen. "The Rise of Right-of-Center Parties and
        the Nationalization of Electoral Forces in Turkey." New Perspectives on
        Turkey, no. 26 (2002): 95-137.
        Nalbantoglu, Gulsum. "Review of Modernism and Nation Building: Turkish
        Architectural Culture in the Early Republic by Sibel Bozdogan." New
        Perspectives on Turkey, no. 26 (2002): 139-42.
        Bryant, Rebecca. "Review of Step-Mothertongue: From National to
        Multiculturalism: Literatures of Cyprus, Greece and Turkey by Mehmet
        Yasin." New Perspectives on Turkey, no. 26 (2002): 143-46.

        The latest issue (July/2002) of the monthly national Early Warning Report
        produced by the Romanian Academic Society (SAR), an independent think tank
        based in Bucharest, has just been released. You can find it, as well as
        other back issues, at the following addresses:
        Alternatively, we can email you the zipped file (about 300k) upon request.
        EWR is a project initiated and financed by UNDP, aimed at providing the
        Romanian government with objective advice from independent sources. The goal
        of the program is to monitor the socio-political and economic developments
        in order to identify the situations with crisis potential. UNDP commissioned
        this series of monthly reports to SAR beginning with May 2001. Our team of
        experts monitor and analyze on a permanent basis the developments in four
        main areas: Economy, Society, Politics and Rule of Law. You can find below a
        summary of the topics included.
        Alina Mungiu Pippidi, President
        Sorin Ionita, Director
        Romanian Academic Society (SAR)
        15 Petofi Sandor, Bucharest 1
        EWR Romania, 5/2002, July
        Romania's judicial system is in trouble, and public distrust has reached a
        critical level. But is this situation due to the system itself, or is it
        rather triggered by a tradition of political interventionism in justice
        affairs? As the Legal section argues, in reforming the justice, the process
        followed is just as important as the ends, and unless political interference
        is brought to an end, it is hard to see how the justice system could be
        empowered to fulfill its normal role in a democracy. The forthcoming changes
        in the Constitution represent a good opportunity to take a step in the right
        direction, but is there enough political will to do it?
        Under the appearance of a prolonged status quo, some worrisome trends in
        public mood can be discerned, and these are analyzed in the Politics
        section. The radical Greater Romania Party (PRM) has consolidated its second
        position in opinion polls, as the ordeal of democratic opposition continues
        and the support for the government is slowly, but steadily declining (2.5%
        per month in the last quarter). The report signals that it is high time for
        a government reshuffle, in order to give it a fresh boost in public
        confidence, one year and a half into its mandate.
        The Economy section discusses the possible effects of the recent increase of
        energy prices, the need to enhance policy coordination between the
        Government and the Central Bank, and the risks associated with the recently
        announced increase of the minimum wage. It also examines the volatility of
        some of Romania's key economic indicators, and warns about the country's
        vulnerability to external shocks.
        Finally, the EWR team went to Brasov, in order to assess the risk of social
        unrest in this city of Southern Transylvania, which has a consistent
        tradition of social protest and faces great challenges in industrial
        restructuring. The findings of this assessment are presented in the Social

        Please find attached [available at www.esiweb.org] the latest report by the Lessons Learned and Analysis Unit of the European Union Pillar of UNMIK: ?The Ottoman Dilemma: Power and Property Relations under the United Nations Mission in Kosovo?.
        The United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) has made itself responsible as trustee and administrator for a vast amount of state and socially owned property across Kosovo. However, over the past three years, it has lacked the institutional resources to establish an effective property regime.
        The report provides detailed information on the emergence of socially destructive institutions in the field of social property. It analyses different strategies employed by UNMIK to fulfil its responsibility as trustee of social property. It concludes that until now these efforts have done little to establish the rule of law or to promote an environment more conducive for private sector growth.
        The report provides a set of specific recommendations for how UNMIK might go about a broad-based property creation strategy, given existing administrative and financial resources and the newly created Kosovo Trust Agency (KTA).
        No social change can be brought about without identifying and working with constituencies and local interests with a stake in such reforms. Property creation and resolving the status of socially owned enterprises concerns all Pillars of UNMIK, international donors and the new institutions of Kosovo?s self-government. To have any chance of succeeding, it requires a concerted effort across all these institutions.
        The Lessons Learned and Analysis Unit is a project of the EU Pillar of UNMIK and the European Stability Initiative (ESI), a think-tank based in Berlin. It aims to provide policy makers and the public in Kosovo and outside with independent policy analysis based on empirical field research. The views expressed in its reports are those of the LLA, and do not represent those of the European Union Pillar and its staff or UNMIK.
        Please forward the report to anyone you think might be interested. As always, we are looking forward to your comments.
        Best regards,
        Gerald Knaus


        Macedonia’s Public Secret: How Corruption Drags The Country Down

        Click here to view the full report as a PDF file in A4 format.

        For more information about viewing PDF documents, please click here. If you have problems downloading the report, please let us know.


        Corruption in Macedonia, especially at high levels of government, is
        endemic. It has evolved from passive exploitation to active coercion and acquired the capacity not only to retard economic progress but also to feed organised crime and, in turn, political and communal instability. In effect, the state has come to function in important respects as a “racket”, while the racketeers thrive in a culture of impunity.

        The disease has infected the banking system as well as the structures of government, making Macedonia both a source and a transit point for contraband and criminality. The system encourages autocratic administration while coexisting comfortably with inefficiency and politicisation of the judiciary. It saps Macedonian morale, leaving civil society enervated and the population at large cynical.

        The Framework Agreement concluded at Ohrid in August 2001 cut short a rapidly evolving civil war but the agreement depends for its viability on the development of democratic institutions and a market economy. The corruption that eats away at the country is in many ways a cross- community, shared enterprise. At a minimum, it is highly damaging to the economy and increases the scope for social instability. However, it also invites outright collusion between ethnic leaders to heighten tensions and plays a substantial role in making the country ripe for conflict. Left to fester and spread, it will continue to erode Macedonia’s tenuous unity and send dangerous ripple effects throughout the Western Balkans.

        Unfortunately, the international community gives few indications that it recognises how powerfully corruption works against its fundamental objectives in Macedonia. Officials typically excuse Macedonia with the empty phrase “corruption is a problem in all transition countries”. Occasionally, senior international officials issue high-minded demands for Macedonia to clean up its act, but these have never been seriously followed through. Opportunistic foreign investors sometimes exacerbate the problem.

        The too frail international strategy emphasises “process” and “capacity building” – the passing of laws and the training of officials to, as one official says, “reduce the opportunities for corruption”. In the meantime, there is little effort to analyse why this approach has not produced meaningful results, why, for example, prosecutors do not act on ample evidence of corruption or precisely where criminal procedure loopholes allow corrupt officials to run free and keep their ill-gotten gains.

        The international community insists that Macedonians take “ownership” of the problem, yet it is the “owners” themselves – those in powerful government positions – who continue to dominate, exploit and subvert its institutions. In current circumstances, it is both naïve and negligent to rely on weak indigenous watchdogs like the Ombudsman, the forthcoming Anti- Corruption Commission, or the media and civil society, to stand up alone to the corrupt elite. By pouring money into Macedonia without insisting on a serious anti-corruption effort, the international community is merely filling sink-holes in the budget and inadvertently acting as one of the system’s enablers.

        The argument is often made that “if we push them on corruption, the government won’t cooperate on implementing Ohrid”. But failure to do so undermines the very agreement on which diplomats have concentrated their energies.

        A dramatically different mind-set is needed. Macedonia is not “just another transition country” but an inherently weak state with external and internal challenges to its very existence. This means that corruption inflicts special damage and that, in effect, Macedonia can have either great corruption or stability but not both. Unconventional prescriptions are needed. To complement existing “capacity building” programs, the international community must incorporate fundamental changes in its approach. It must play the role of catalyst rather than simple adviser, unabashedly demanding reform if its financial assistance is to continue, and it must adopt a retrospective and punitive, not merely prospective and instructive, focus in its anti-corruption efforts.

        Although this report contains specific examples, it has been written with care to respect the rights of individuals. ICG is prepared, however, to discuss a number of these matters in greater detail if requested to do so by appropriate, duly authorised governmental and legislative bodies.

        Also, while this report deals with the present and recent past and so may seem to concentrate on the parties now in power, corruption is an aspect of the country’s political culture, not the exclusive preserve of any particular group. For an attack on it to be effective, all political parties need to join in the effort, along with civil society and the international donor community. Corruption is emphatically not an issue that belongs to or should be misused for partisan political purposes, and it would be a major mistake to believe that a change of government after the September 2002 elections will automatically sweep away the problem.


        To the Macedonian government and political parties:

        1. Commit to fighting corruption as a major priority that extends beyond the life of the present government and the September 2002 elections and give concrete form to that commitment by accepting international proposals and strategies including those recommended below and those presented by civil society.

        To the major international donors, including the European Union and its member states and the U.S., and international financial institutions:

        2. Recognise the role of corruption in perpetuating instability in Macedonia and accept the need to play a leadership role in fighting it.

        3. Develop programs and policy positions that deal with past corruption, not only preventing future episodes.

        4. Identify as priority areas for corrective action those sectors that are especially susceptible to corruption because of the lucrative opportunities they offer or sensitive for the punishment and deterrence of corruption; in particular, urge the Macedonian government to agree to the appointment of international “watchdogs” to work inside the Health Insurance Fund, the Customs Service, the Prosecutor’s Office and the Judiciary.

        5. Condition financial aid to the government, in particular all balance of payments and budget support, on serious anti-corruption reform, and work with the government to develop realistic benchmarks to assess both good faith and effectiveness.

        6. Make convictions and confiscations the express goals of a results- oriented anti-corruption strategy, as a complement to the existing approach that emphasises improving the “capacity” of Macedonian institutions and strengthening the legal framework.

        7. Incorporate specific “follow-up” elements in all anti-corruption training programs.

        8. Provide financial support for the newly formed governmental Anti- Corruption Commission so it can operate effectively as soon as it is launched in October 2002, and to Transparency International Macedonia’s civil society effort to develop an anti-corruption strategy and build an “anti- corruption coalition”.

        9. Urge passage of legislation to limit the scope of parties when in power to make appointments on the basis of political patronage rather than competence.

        10. Engage Albanian political parties and civil society more actively in the anti-corruption effort.

        To the European Union (EU):

        11. Appoint an EU Anti-Corruption Adviser in Macedonia to complement the work of the EU Special Envoy.

        To the International Monetary Fund (IMF):

        12. Relax restrictions on hiring additional personnel in the State Auditor’s Office and related agencies.

        13. Set targets of increased revenue for ministries where corruption is depleting revenue.

        Skopje/Brussels, 14 August 2002
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