8790Re: Whither any of us?
- Jun 30, 2003Bradford comments;
There are many new departments of research that should be brought
into the educational life of humanity. Ahrimanic and Luciferic
symptomology is one that comes to mind. It advances psychology and
protects the human soul from gross, unconscious errors.
Another research department, is not merely Obits- But weighing the
crossing of the Threshold and carrying the ideals and failures, hopes
and dreams of deeds men have done on earth. The Spiritual world and
Karma work out the Time in which we live and the future time when
souls will return to right, face and celebrate in the progress that
their efforts on Earth made for humanity.
I mentioned that Mother Teresa and Princess Diana passed the
threshold around the same moment and much can be gained from such
observations, considering they had met each other on Earth. I offer
as a footnote a comtemplation of mutual threshold crossing, that met
on Earth profound dynamic differences that have left a legacy of
Spiritual Development in each and every human being. Much can be
gained by insights and much can be seen in following the spirit past
the sundering seas. These are Goethean observations within the realm
of moral spiritual development.
GREGORY PECK AND STROM THURMOND
Actor Gregory Peck, who won an Oscar for his portrayal of upstanding
Southern lawyer Atticus Finch in 1962's "To Kill a Mockingbird," has
died. He was 87.
The character of Finch was recently named the No. 1 hero in movie
history in an American Film Institute survey.
Peck was best known for roles of dignified statesmen and people who
followed a strong code of ethics: a magazine reporter confronting
anti-Semitism in "Gentleman's Agreement"
But he also could play against type. He was a conflicted father in
the original "Cape Fear" (1962) and a Nazi in "The Boys From Brazil"
(1978), the latter against Laurence Olivier's Nazi hunter.
Gregory Peck in 2000
"Inside of all the makeup and the character and makeup, it's you, and
I think that's what the audience is really interested in ... you, how
you're going to cope with the situation, the obstacles, the troubles
that the writer put in front of you," he told CNN.
All told, Peck was nominated for five Academy Awards.
Besides "Mockingbird," he also was nominated for "The Keys of the
Kingdom" (1945), "The Yearling" (1946), "Gentleman's Agreement"
and "Twelve O'Clock High" (1949).
Peck's life was as dignified as his most notable film roles. He
served as president of the Motion Picture Academy of Arts and
Sciences and was active in the Motion Picture and Television Fund,
American Cancer Society, National Endowment for the Arts and other
causes. His divorce from his first wife, Greta, was amicable.
A lifelong liberal activist, he even earned a place on President
Nixon's enemies list.
But he played down his own work.
"I'm not a do-gooder," Peck said after learning of the academy's Jean
Hersholt humanitarian award in 1968. "It embarrassed me to be
classified as a humanitarian. I simply take part in activities that I
'You can collect yourself and do it'
"....the Strom of today (what's left of him) is identical to the
Strom who ran for president in 1948 on the pro-segregationist
Dixiecrat platform? He is not. Clearly, Thurmond made shrewd
accommodations late in life to changing times. In the 1970s, he
became the first Southern senator to hire a black staff aide and to
sponsor a black man for a federal judgeship. In the 1980s, he voted
to reauthorize the Voting Rights Act (not because he agreed with it
but in belated deference to "the common perception that a vote
against the bill indicates opposition to the right to vote").
Strom also came to support making the birthday of Martin Luther King
(about whom he'd once said, "King demeans his race and retards the
advancement of his people") a federal holiday. Thurmond didn't do
much else to promote equality among the races, but these token
gestures were enough to demonstrate that he was no longer the 1948
Dixiecrat who had said, "There's not enough troops in the Army to
force the Southern people to break down segregation and admit the
Nigra race into our theaters, into our swimming pools, into our
homes, and into our churches." (Pedantic aside: Standard accounts of
the speech render "Nigra" as "Negro," but when listening to an NPR
sound clip, Chatterbox wondered whether the word Thurmond uttered
Nor was Thurmond any longer the 1948 Dixiecrat who had invited
audiences to ponder working for a company or belonging to a union
forbidden by law to discriminate against blacks. "Think about the
situation which would exist," he said back then, "when the annual
office party is held or the union sponsors a dance."
Nor was Thurmond any longer the 1948 Dixiecrat who, when it was
revealed that he had invited the governor of the Virgin Islands to
visit him without knowing that he was black, hastily explained, "I
would not have written him if I knew he was a Negro. Of course, it
would have been ridiculous to invite him."
The quotations cited above demonstrate that Thurmond has quite a lot
to apologize for. But on those rare occasions when Thurmond can be
induced to talk about the 1948 campaign at all, his first line of
defense is usually to misrepresent it.
"In that race I was just trying to protect the rights of the states
and the rights of the people," Thurmond insisted to the Washington
Post's Jim Naughton in 1988. "Some in the news media tried to make it
a race fight, but it was not that." Around the same time, when
Thurmond biographer Nadine Cohodas asked him about the "troops in the
Army" speech, which is Thurmond's only likely future entry in
Bartlett's, Thurmond responded with "incredulity." When she
finally "convinced" Thurmond that he'd really said it, all he would
say was the following: "If I had to run that race again, some of the
wording I used would not be used. I would word it differently." Early
in 1991, Thurmond observed, "When I grew up, the black people were
just all servants. Now they've developed and developed and come up
and we've got to acknowledge people when they deserve to be
acknowledged, and the black people deserve to be acknowledged."
There's no hint in any of these statements that Thurmond believes,
much less will acknowledge, that his prior policies were morally
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