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FW: Mohl on _Sunbelt Revolution: The Historical Progression of th e Civil Rights Struggle in the Gulf South, 1866-2000_

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      -----Original Message-----
      From: The Study of Florida History and Culture
      [mailto:H-FLORIDA@...]On Behalf Of Robert Cassanello
      Sent: Thursday, December 11, 2003 5:20 PM
      To: H-FLORIDA@...
      Subject: Mohl on _Sunbelt Revolution: The Historical Progression of the
      Civil Rights Struggle in the Gulf South, 1866-2000_


      H-NET BOOK REVIEW

      Published by H-Florida@... (December 2003)

      Samuel C. Hyde, Jr., editor. _Sunbelt Revolution: The Historical Progression
      of the Civil Rights Struggle in the Gulf South, 1866-2000_. Gainesville:
      University Press of Florida, 2003. x + 275 pp. Illustrations, notes, and
      index. $ 55.00 (cloth), ISBN 0-8130-2577-X.

      Reviewed for H-Florida by Raymond A. Mohl <rmohl@...>, University of
      Alabama at Birmingham

      Civil Rights Movements

      In the past two decades, scholars have dramatically reshaped the
      historiography of the civil rights movement. Earlier works in the field
      focused on the activities of major national civil rights leaders, the work
      of national organizations such as the NAACP and the National Urban League,
      and political battles in Congress in the 1950s and 1960s leading to passage
      of national civil rights legislation. In the 1980s, books by William H.
      Chafe, Robert J. Norrell, and David R. Colburn--case studies of civil rights
      action in Greensboro, Tuskegee, and St. Augustine - demonstrated how much
      could be learned from studying the movement from the local level.[1] Aldon
      D. Morris's book, _The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement: Black
      Communities Organizing for Change_, was published about the same time. A
      sociologist, Morris effectively made the case for a civil rights movement
      built from the bottom up by black churches and community organizations.[2]
      Since the mid-1980s, an array of new state and local studies has transformed
      the historiographical landscape. As civil rights historian Charles W. Eagles
      has suggested, "The local community study has in fact nearly supplanted the
      earlier emphasis on great men and big organizations operating on the
      national stage.[3] As a result of this work, it is now clear that the civil
      rights movement was in reality many civil rights _movements_, innumerable
      local groups confronting segregation and discrimination, energized by
      indigenous local leadership and moved to action by local conditions or
      events. These local action groups generally struggled on their own, outside
      the national spotlight and with little or no connection to national leaders
      or organizations.[4] Occasionally, as in Montgomery, Birmingham, and
      elsewhere, when local movement action reached crisis stage and became
      newsworthy, national organizations and leaders might move in to provide
      assistance or even to take control, but this did not always happen. In
      short, two decades of new research has energized the field of civil rights
      history, documenting the vital role of local agency in the black freedom
      struggle.

      The original essays in Samuel C. Hyde, Jr.'s _Sunbelt Revolution_ illustrate
      the general historiographical tendencies outlined above. The book pulls
      together nine separate essays on civil rights action in five Gulf South
      states--Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas. The essays
      range over time, from the 1860s in New Orleans to the 1960s in Biloxi,
      Mississippi and Bogalusa, Louisiana. The long time frame dating back to the
      mid-nineteenth century provides an important corrective to many accounts
      which suggest that the civil rights movement sprang into motion in the 1950s
      and that there was little to write about before that decade. The nine essays
      also cover a diversity of civil rights actions, from bus boycotts and beach
      wade-ins to demonstrations against the 1896 _Plessy v. Ferguson_ Supreme
      Court decision and the Democratic Party's white primary and in favor of the
      1964 Civil Rights Act. They place local activists at the center of civil
      rights action--preachers, church members, community organizations, editors,
      NAACP activists, union members, and thousands of citizens willing to march,
      demonstrate, register to vote, participate in boycotts, and otherwise
      challenge Jim Crow. Each case study, moreover, confirms Aldon Morris's
      thesis that the civil rights struggle represented a bottom-up
      phenomenon--one that emerged out of local racial situations with little
      connection to any national "movement." Collectively, then, the essays in
      _Sunbelt Revolution_ provide a persuasive picture of a civil rights movement
      marked by continuity, complexity, persistence, and, most importantly, the
      commitment of local citizens to take risks in dangerous times in the
      struggle for racial change.

      In his introduction to the book, editor Samuel C. Hyde, Jr., argues that the
      Gulf South states shared a common history shaped by climate, demography,
      culture, and proximity to the Gulf of Mexico. Although often portrayed as a
      "backwater in the annals of southern history," (p. 1) the Gulf South in
      Hyde's analysis represents a distinctive region worthy of serious study.
      This southern sub-region, he writes, was marked by several significant and
      distinctive characteristics. These included the influence of Caribbean
      cultural traditions, the emergence of Creole communities that blended racial
      difference, and the powerful role of the Catholic Church in such cities as
      New Orleans, Mobile, and Tampa. The Gulf South "once championed racial
      violence to sustain white supremacy" (p. 15), Hyde writes, but African
      Americans in the region from the Reconstruction period onward persistently
      challenged oppression and segregation and struggled for equality. Indeed,
      the Gulf South, he contends, "can arguably be considered the region most
      essential to determining the course of the civil rights struggle from its
      inception" (p. 6). Thus, Hyde's introduction makes several significant
      assertions: first, that the Gulf South offers an appropriate unit of study;
      and second, that the civil rights struggle in the region had a crucial
      impact on the larger movement. These large arguments, however, remain
      problematic. A careful reading of the essays suggests an alternative
      interpretation. The big story is not so much how these case studies
      illustrate something unique about the Gulf South region and the civil rights
      movement there. Rather, the chief conclusion to be drawn from the separate
      essays is how powerfully they confirm Aldon Morris's thesis on the local
      community origins of the civil rights movement.

      The first two case studies focus on black activism in New Orleans in the
      late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, providing extensive new data
      validating Morris's community organization argument. James G.
      Hollandsworth's piece uncovers a persistent campaign among New Orleans free
      blacks seeking voting rights as early as 1862--a campaign launched by editor
      Paul Trevigne in the pages of the new French-language newspaper _L'Union_
      serving the city's black Creole community. Over the next few years, during
      Union occupation of the city, free blacks demonstrated for voting rights and
      even delivered a petition to President Lincoln demanding black suffrage; as
      a consequence, Lincoln wrote to Louisiana's Union governor asking "whether
      some of the colored people may not be let in"--that is, permitted to vote
      (p. 22). In early 1865, free blacks joined with freedmen in an Equal Rights
      League to achieve enfranchisement. Later that year, however, President
      Johnson's amnesty declaration led to the ouster of Union loyalists by former
      Confederates, dramatically altering the political climate. In 1866, during
      meetings of a state constitutional convention debating voting rights, racist
      whites viciously attacked black civil rights demonstrators in what was soon
      labeled the New Orleans Riot of 1866. Blacks did get the right to vote in
      Louisiana's constitution of 1869, but a decade later these gains were wiped
      out as Reconstruction came to an end. The modern civil rights movement,
      Hollandsworth suggests, can trace its origins back to mid-1860s, when free
      blacks from the New Orleans Creole community challenged southern racial
      patterns.

      A second New Orleans essay, written by Joseph Logsdon (and completed by
      Lawrence Powell after Logsdon untimely death in 1999), carries the Creole
      civil rights campaign through the end of the nineteenth century and into the
      twentieth. Logsdon focused on the work of Rodolphe Lucien Desdunes, a Creole
      lawyer and community activist who traced his family roots to Haiti and whose
      outlook was shaped by ideals of "interracial brotherhood" stemming from the
      French revolutionary tradition. In the 1880s, Desdunes helped establish
      several civil rights organizations promoting black voting rights and
      enforcement of the Civil Rights Act of 1875. He supported a new bi-lingual
      Creole newspaper, _Crusader_, which quickly became "an aggressive vehicle
      for social protest in New Orleans" (p. 52). In the 1890s, in cooperation
      with a new national organization, the National Citizens Rights Association,
      Desdunes shaped a legal test case in Louisiana challenging segregated public
      accommodations. This legal battle over segregated intrastate railroad
      seating eventually ended up in the U.S. Supreme Court--the infamous _Plessy
      v. Ferguson_ case. Creole militancy suffered a setback in _Plessy_, but
      Desdunes contended that "liberty is won by continued resistance to tyranny"
      (p. 60). Taken together, the New Orleans essays document an almost forgotten
      pattern of Creole activism that predated the modern civil rights movement by
      almost a century.

      Following chronologically, Houston B. Roberson's essay on Montgomery's
      Dexter Avenue Baptist Church confirms a revisionist interpretation
      challenging the traditional view that the late-nineteenth century
      represented the "nadir"of race relations in the United States. Rather,
      Roberson contends, between the 1880s and 1920s the Dexter Avenue
      congregation of middle-class blacks found ways of challenging white power
      and creating black opportunity through what the author calls "accommodating
      activism." Given its location across from the Alabama State Capitol building
      on land that formerly served as a slave trader's pen, the construction of
      the church itself represented 'a dramatic act of resistance" (p. 80),
      carving out a central public space for black religiosity and political
      activism within sight of what once served as the Confederate capitol. Robert
      Chapman Judkins, Dexter Avenue's pastor for a decade after 1905, pursued a
      "ministry of social justice and racial uplift" (p. 80), but he also founded
      and edited a newspaper, the _Colored Alabamian_, that advocated black
      enfranchisement and political equality and that regularly condemned racist
      practices. Women's organizations at Dexter Avenue provided important social
      services and health education, raised funds for training black Baptist
      ministers, and advocated black women's suffrage. In 1918, Dexter Avenue
      church members helped to organize an NAACP chapter, which promoted black
      education and demanded state action to curb lynchings. Roberson argues that
      such actions persistently challenged racist practices--a pattern of
      resistance that "helped lay the groundwork for the more direct,
      confrontational activism that characterized civil rights protest in the
      mid-twentieth century" (p. 74). Dexter Avenue Baptist Church, of course,
      achieved prominence in the 1950s when its pastor, Martin Luther King, Jr.
      assumed leadership of the Montgomery bus boycott.

      The Montgomery bus boycott is the subject of Raymond Arsenault's essay, "One
      Brick at a Time," which offers an excellent example of a more complex,
      revisionist civil rights history. Arsenault recognizes the fragmented nature
      of the 1950s civil rights movement, and especially the cultural divide
      between northern and southern activists. The Montgomery bus boycott caught
      northern leaders and national organizations by surprise. It took several
      months before the Montgomery action was recognized for what it was--a major
      challenge to the southern Jim Crow system that needed the support of the
      national civil rights network. Arsenault's main interest is in tracing the
      impact of the bus boycott on national civil rights organizations centered at
      that time in New York City, especially the Congress of Racial Equality
      (CORE) and the Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR), both of which pioneered
      in nonviolent resistance. National organizations reacted slowly to the
      December 1955 arrest of Rosa Parks and the formation of the Montgomery
      Improvement Association (MIA), which conducted the boycott. A few months
      later, however, FOR sent long-time peace and civil rights activists Bayard
      Rustin and Glenn Smiley to Montgomery to work with MIA. Their key role was
      to bring the principles of nonviolent resistance to Martin Luther King and
      MIA--a crucial development for the modern civil rights movement. As a result
      of the bus boycott's ultimate success, and the consequent validation of
      passive nonviolence, King became a national figure, the "American Gandhi."
      Arsenault also argues that the outcome in Montgomery and the emergence of
      King encouraged national civil rights organizations to focus on the South
      and, eventually, to collaborate on movement building. This essay, perhaps
      more than any other in the book, makes clear the complexity of the civil
      rights movement, especially in illuminating uncertain, emerging links
      between local action and national organizations.

      Race relations in Florida provide the subject of two essays in _Sunbelt
      Revolution_. Gary R. Mormino takes a state-wide perspective in his piece on
      the history of Florida's white primary. Florida's post-Civil War state
      constitutions reinforced white supremacy and authorized poll taxes and other
      measures to restrict black voting. In the 1890s, along with other southern
      states, Florida legalized white-only primary elections to counter the
      perceived threat of black voting. Mormino notes that despite its image as a
      tourist playground and vacation paradise, Florida remained "a deeply
      stratified Jim Crow state" (p. 138) through the first half of the twentieth
      century--a racial pattern reinforced by lynchings, race riots, and a
      reinvigorated Ku Klux Klan. A major turning point nationally in race
      relations came during World War II, when black editors launched the
      "Double-V" campaign, returning black veterans demanded full citizenship, and
      civil rights activity intensified. Paralleling these racial shifts, the 1944
      Supreme Court decision in _Smith v. Allwright_ outlawed the white primary,
      but in Florida official white resistance to black voting continued for the
      rest of the decade and into the 1950s. Courageous black activism, especially
      the work of Florida NAACP leader Harry T. Moore, eventually opened up the
      political system to African American voters. In 1944 Moore organized the
      Progressive Voters League, perceived as a political arm of the Florida
      NAACP, and launched a voter registration campaign throughout the state.
      Moore's relentless activism made him, his biographer has written, "The most
      hated black man in the state of Florida."[5] Consequently, he was targeted
      by violent white supremacists, who bombed his house in 1951, killing him and
      his wife. As in New Orleans and Montgomery, local action spurred the civil
      rights movement in Florida. Moore had ties to the national office of the
      NAACP, and Thurgood Marshall often traveled to Florida to represent African
      Americans or investigate lynchings, but the hard work of voter registration
      and community organization fell to black activists like Moore on the state
      and local level.

      A second Florida essay, written by Gregory B. Padgett, provides a history of
      the Tallahassee bus boycott during 1956 and 1957. The Tallahassee civil
      rights campaign had spontaneous origins. Two female students at Florida A.
      and M. University, tired from downtown shopping, sat in the white section of
      a city bus because the black section at the rear was completely occupied.
      They refused to move when asked by the bus driver and were arrested, thus
      initiating a year-long racial confrontation in Florida's capital city. It
      was May 1956; the Montgomery bus boycott was still under way and may have
      provided inspiration to the two students. The incident galvanized the
      student community, which held a mass meeting and decided on a bus boycott.
      Tallahassee's small but cohesive black community was mostly supportive, and
      under the leadership of a Baptist preacher, C. K. Steele, the Tallahassee
      Inter-Civic Council (ICC) was established to conduct the boycott and create
      a car pooling system similar to that used in Montgomery and in an earlier,
      almost forgotten, 1953 bus boycott in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. Steele and the
      ICC sustained the boycott through bi-weekly mass meetings, despite police
      intimidation, show trials, legislative investigations, Klan marches, and
      cross burnings. In 1957, with its profits in severe decline, the bus company
      itself challenged the legality of the segregated seating ordinance, and the
      Tallahassee city commission backed off and quietly ended the controversy by
      rescinding the law. But the bus boycott had energized the black community,
      setting the stage for future civil rights action in Tallahassee by the
      Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating
      Committee (SNCC) in the 1960s. Padgett's essay provides an excellent example
      of local civil rights action growing out of local racial circumstances.

      James Patterson Smith's essay on civil rights activity in Biloxi,
      Mississippi offers still more evidence for this interpretation. Denied
      access to any of Mississippi's twenty-six miles of Gulf beachfront, black
      activists conducted several confrontational but nonviolent beach "wade-ins"
      in the Gulf Coast city between 1959 and 1963. Led by two local black
      physicians, Gilbert Mason and Felix Dunn, the Biloxi beach action stimulated
      white violence and intimidation, led to Mason's arrest and trial, and
      eventually prompted an unusual federal intervention under the 1957 Civil
      Rights Act to guarantee access to public facilities. It also aroused the
      local black community, spurred a successful voter registration campaign,
      gave life to local NAACP chapters in Mississippi, and encouraged black
      parents to challenge school segregation. Touched off by the first Biloxi
      wade-in of May 1959, Smith writes, "an indigenous civil rights movement was
      coming to life without outside help or support" (p. 220).

      In an essay on civil rights action in Louisiana, Roman J. Heleniak details
      racial confrontations in Jonesboro and Bogalusa in the 1960s. Young black
      activists in both places built bottom-up movements, namely chapters of the
      militant Deacons for Defense and Justice--a group that preferred armed
      self-defense instead of nonviolence and passive resistance. However, some
      blacks in Bogalusa rejected the aggressively militant approach of the
      Deacons and formed the Bogalusa Negro Voters League, which demonstrated for
      an end of segregated public facilities and job discrimination. But black
      activism in Louisiana is not the author's primary concern. Rather, Heleniak
      centers his essay on the role of Governor John McKeithen, a moderate
      segregationist who sought to avoid the defiant actions of his counterparts
      in Alabama and Mississippi. Heleniak situates McKeithen's racial
      decision-making in the context of Louisiana's Democratic Party politics,
      President Lyndon Johnson's vigorous support of the Civil Rights Act of 1964
      (announced in a speech in New Orleans), Louisiana's on-going dispute with
      the federal government over offshore oil revenues, and the vicious attacks
      on civil rights demonstrators in neighboring states. Thus, McKeithen
      intervened in Jonesboro to defuse a tense racial standoff, and in Bogalusa
      he used state police to protect civil rights marchers. On one occasion in
      1967, in a rare turnabout, state troopers used their clubs on racist whites
      who were attacking demonstrators marching from Bogalusa to Baton Rouge-quite
      a contrast to what had happened in Selma and Birmingham. Later that year,
      the governor ordered the hiring of black state policemen. This essay, then,
      takes more of a top-down approach to the civil rights story in Louisiana,
      although all of the elements are there for a bottom-up analysis, as well.

      One final essay, written by Rebecca Montes, analyzes labor union activity on
      the docks in Texas during the Great Depression, but it, too, documents local
      initiative in promoting civil rights goals for both black and Mexican
      workers. Historically, blacks were heavily represented among longshoremen on
      the Texas Gulf; blacks and whites had separate locals of the International
      Longshoremen's Association (ILA) in the region and shared equally in
      available dock work. An AFL affiliate, the ILA recruited Mexican-American
      workers during the depression years to achieve greater control of on-shore
      warehouse labor, where most Mexicans worked, but also to fend off the
      growing influence of CIO waterfront unions. As Montes writes, "this
      multiracial cooperation challenged the strict segregation of the Gulf South
      in the first half of the twentieth century and the virulent racism of many
      other unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor" (p. 103). But
      because each group had differing expectations, perceptions, and goals, the
      ILA in Texas had its problems: whites "felt stigmatized by working in a
      predominantly black profession" (p. 105); blacks saw the union primarily as
      a means of demanding equality on the job and in the community; and Mexicans
      joined to enhance their identity as Americans. In fact, the ILA in Texas
      actively supported some civil rights issues, such as voting rights and a
      Congressional anti-lynching bill, but because of white opposition the union
      ignored the issue of the white primary. Mexican-American dockworkers
      eventually recognized their second-class status in the ILA and shifted their
      loyalties to a competing CIO-affiliated union. The essay makes clear the
      complicated racial environment in depression-era Texas, concluding that the
      ILA's promising experiment in racial cooperation foundered on the shoals of
      union exploitation and rank-and-file racism. Unlike the other essays, this
      piece does not place civil rights activism front and center.

      Taken together, these essays reveal many different civil rights movements
      over space and time. Local circumstances differed from state to state and
      city to city, but black agency and activism provides a powerful common
      thread over more than one hundred yeas of civil rights struggle. As noted at
      the beginning of this review, the editorial effort to squeeze these separate
      civil rights case studies into a somehow unique Gulf South regional
      experience remains unpersuasive. New Orleans best fits the Gulf South
      regional characteristics identified by Hyde: it had some recognizable
      Caribbean cultural characteristics, the racially mixed Creole population was
      influential, and both the white and black population was heavily Catholic.
      But several of the other case study cities, such as Montgomery and
      Tallahassee, had different histories and different cultural and religious
      patterns. And much of what happened in the way of civil rights activism in
      the five states considered here also happened in other places south and
      north, which undercuts the argument that the Gulf South had a separate or
      different history. In the context of several decades of civil rights
      historiography, what stands out most strikingly in this book is the way in
      which communal activism bubbled up from the local level--civil rights
      movements each unique in many ways, yet very similar, derivative even, in
      their protest techniques and in the ways in which they articulated the hopes
      and aspirations of black Americans.



      [1] William H. Chafe, _Civilities and Civil Rights: Greensboro, North
      Carolina, and the Black Struggle for Freedom_ (New York: Oxford University
      Press, 1980); Robert J. Norell, _Reaping the Whirlwind: The Civil Rights
      Movement in Tuskegee_ (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1985); David R. Colburn,
      _Racial Change and Community Crisis: St. Augustine, Florida, 1877-1980_ (New
      York: Columbia University Press, 1985).

      [2] Aldon D. Morris, _The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement: Black
      Communities Organizing for Change_ (New York: Free Press, 1984). See also
      Armstead L. Robinson and Patricia Sullivan, eds., _New Directions in Civil
      Rights Studies_ (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1991). It
      should be noted that valuable civil rights studies with a national focus
      continue to be published, as well. For a sampling, see Hugh Davis Graham,
      _The Civil Rights Era: Origins and Development of National Policy,
      1960-1972_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Mark V. Tushnet,
      _Making Civil Rights Law: Thurgood Marshall and the Supreme Court,
      1936-1961_ (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994); Mary L. Dudziak, _Cold
      War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy_ (Princeton,
      N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000); Thomas Borstelmann, _The Cold War
      and the Color Line: American Race Relations in the Global Arena_ (Cambridge,
      Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2001); Adam Fairclough, _Better Day Coming:
      Blacks and Equality, 1890-2000_ (New York: Viking, 2001); Carol Polsgrove,
      _Divided Minds: Intellectuals and the Civil Rights Movement_ (New York:
      Norton, 2001); Michael R. Gardner, _Harry Truman and Civil Rights: Moral
      Courage and Political Risks_ (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University
      Press, 2002).

      [3] Charles W. Eagles, "The Civil Rights Movement," in _A Companion to the
      American South_, ed. John B. Boles (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2002), 467.

      [4] For examples of such state/local studies, see Alan B. Anderson and
      George W. Pickering, _Confronting the Color Line: The Broken Promise of the
      Civil Rights Movement in Chicago_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University
      Press, 1986); Michael K. Honey, _Southern Labor and Black Civil Rights:
      Organizing Memphis Workers_ (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993);
      James R. Ralph, Jr., _Northern Protest: Martin Luther King, Jr., Chicago,
      and the Civil Rights Movement_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,
      1993); Kim Lacy Rogers, _Righteous Lives: Narratives of the New Orleans
      Civil Rights Movement_ (New York: New York University Press, 1993); John
      Dittmer, _Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi_
      (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994); Charles M. Payne, _I've Got
      the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom
      Struggle_ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); Adam Fairclough,
      _Race and Democracy: The Civil Rights Struggle in Louisiana, 1915-1972_
      (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1995); Genn T. Eskew, _But for
      Birmingham: The Local and National Movements in the Civil Rights Struggle_
      (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997); Glenda Alice Rabby,
      _The Pain and the Promise: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Tallahassee,
      Florida_ (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1999); J. Mills Thornton,
      III, _Dividing Lines: Municipal Politics and the Struggle for Civil Rights
      in Montgomery, Birmingham, and Selma_ (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama
      Press, 2002); Jeanne F. Theoharis and Komozi Woodard, eds., _Freedom North:
      Black Freedom Struggles Outside the South, 1940-1980_ (New York: Palgrave,
      2003); Stephen G. N. Tuck, _Beyond Atlanta: The Struggle for Racial Equality
      in Georgia, 1940-1980_ (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2003); Martha
      Biondi, _To Stand and Fight: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Postwar New
      York City_ (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2003); Peter B.
      Levy, _Civil War on Race Street: The Civil Rights Movement in Cambridge,
      Maryland- (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003); Raymond A. Mohl,
      _South of the South: Jewish Activists and the Civil Rights Movement in
      Miami, 1945-1960_ (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2004).

      [5] Ben Green, _Before His Time: The Untold Story of Harry T. Moore,
      America's First Civil Rights Martyr_ (New York: Free Press, 1999), 4.

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