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Bill Clinton is guilty of criminal conspiracy part 6

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  • dick.mcmanus
    Attorney General Edwin G. Meese III in an apparent attempt to contain information about the Administration s Iranian arms dealings, waved the head of the
    Message 1 of 1 , Jan 9, 2014
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      Attorney General Edwin G. Meese III in an apparent attempt to contain information about the Administration's Iranian arms dealings, waved the head of the Justice Department's criminal division off an inquiry into a private weapons sale and said that he would handle the matter personally, Assistant Attorney General William F. Weld told congressional investigators.

      Weld stated in a sworn statement to Congress' Iran- Contra investigating committees, said that Meese insisted on handling claims by defendants in the case that the sale of weapons was in line with US foreign policy.   And Meese said that he would check the matter himself with then-National Security Adviser John M. Poindexter.

      Weld was not considered a member of Meese's inner circle of advisers. Weld was excluded from the team of close aides Meese relied on in his initial Iran-Contra inquiry.

      Meese ordered a delay into federal investigations of a Miami-based airline's efforts to support the Contras, later explaining that he took the action because Southern Air Transport allegedly had roles in both the Nicaraguan.

      In March 1988, Weld resigned from the Justice Department, together with United States Deputy Attorney General Arnold Burns and four aides, in protest of improper conduct by Messe. 



      John Bolton the Assistant Attorney General for the Office of Legislative Affairs in 1986 and 1987 "tried to torpedo" Sen. John Kerry's inquiry into allegations of contra drug smuggling and gunrunning, a committee aide says. When Kerry requested information from the Justice Department, Bolton's office gave it the long stall, a Kerry aide notes. In fact, says another Congressional aide, Bolton's staff worked actively with the Republican senators who opposed Kerry's efforts.


      In 1986 Bolton also refused to give Peter Rodino, then chair of the House Judiciary Committee, documents concerning the Iran/contra scandal and Meese's involvement in it,  According to Hayden Gregory, chief counsel of a House Judiciary subcommittee on crime, Bolton blocked House investigators from interviewing officials of the US Attorney's office in Miami.




      After Seal's murder the Attorney General of Louisiana, William J. Guste Jr., wrote to US Attorney General Edwin Meese, (why was not) "such an important witness" been given protection.   "Law enforcement officials were furious that their undercover operation was revealed and agents' lives jeopardized because administration officials (Oliver North) — decided to play politics with the issue."  (Source:  A 1988, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, Senate Committee on Foreign Relations report)

      (Source: Arkansas Times Cover Story, May 25, 2001) http://www.serendipity.li/wod/asa.html


      Now here is sections of the December 1986 sworn affidavit by William J. Casey wherein he lies about Assistant Attorney General William Weld.

      “I, William J. Casey, declare: After I became Director of Central Intelligence (DCI) on January 28, 1981, I was approached and briefed by William Colby, former DCI. My history with Bill Colby is known. Colby notified me off the record of two operations he was still running in Latin America…”


      One of these operations, code named JADE BRIDGE was as follows.


      …I made the decision to bring the prepositioned cocaine into Mena airport, Mena, Arkansas. Central Intelligence has used Mena Airport on prior occasions. This time the cocaine is the tool. The trick was to ignore the law and avoid public scrutiny. We were helped in our efforts by William J. Clinton and William “Bill” F. Weld.”

      Assistant United States Attorney Bill Weld was placed in charge of the Criminal Division of the Department of Justice. This was done so that Bill Weld could control investigations into Mena by federal law enforcement agencies.


      Casey continued:  “By 1984 all prepositioned cocaine had arrived at Mena airport and additional cocaine sources were secured. Cocaine was being transshipped through Hangar[s] Four and Five at Ilopango Airbase, El Salvador. My point man at Mena was Adler Berriman Seal (Berry [sic] Seal).”


      “Bill Clinton has proved invaluable so far by containing the local law enforcement investigations into the intelligence activity at Mena. Bill Weld, as Assistant United States Attorney, was placed in charge of the Criminal Division of the Department of Justice. This was done so that Bill Weld could control investigations into Mena by federal law enforcement agencies. The placement of Weld has proved invaluable.”


      “I ordered John Poindexter, Robert McFarlane and Oliver North to go outside normal channel's [sic] and use available assets, including the mafia, to ensure the arrival of the cocaine into Mena Airport. The arrival's [sic] occurred in no small part through the effort's [sic] [of] personnel assigned to the National Security Agency (NSA) and Army Security Agency (ASA). The men and women of the NSA and ASA blinded early warning defense satellites and radar grid to enable the aircraft to land undetected at Mena Airport.”


      ....”Executed this 9th day of December 1986 in McLean, Virginia, [signed] William J. Casey”


      Senior US Representative Henry Hyde, member of national security oversight committees and the chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, helped keep the lid on some of the CIA’s dirtiest secrets.  Hyde issued a fraudulent memo claiming that an exhaustive investigation turned up no evidence that the Contra leadership was involved with drug trafficking and no link was found between any government agency and drug trafficking by the Contras or anyone else.

      The 900-word memo, drafted by Iran-contra committee staff member Robert A. Bermingham, claimed that a thorough investigation into the drug-trafficking charges had found no evidence that the Contra leadership was implicated in narco-trafficking.

      With Hyde’s backing, the Bermingham memo galvanized a Washington conventional wisdom that the contra-cocaine charges had been thoroughly investigated and discredited.  He cited the memo as proof that the Democrats had “left no stone unturned” in efforts to hurt the contras, but still had come up empty.

      Hyde and Representative Dick Cheney led the charge in defense of President Reagan, while Hamilton engineered immunity for Oliver North and bought into the cover story that Iran-Contra was mostly a rogue operation.  During Iran-Contra investigation, Cheney who was on the House Intelligence Committee was a rabid supporter of Marine Lt. Col. Oliver North. Later he actively supported North's 1994 unsuccessful run for the US Senate from Virginia.


      Journalist Robert Parry had co-authored an Associated Press story citing 24 sources about North’s secret network. One of US Representative Lee Hamilton’s, D-IL aides contacted journalist Rodney Stich to say that the committee had sided with the “honorable men” at the White House over the 24 sources.  Hamilton was also the guy who rejected a bill that would have authorized a formal investigation into the October Surprise deal to discredit President Carter during the election campaign.

      (Sources: Henry Hyde’s Moral Universe: Where More Than Space and Time Are Warped by Dennis Bernstein and Leslie Kean)


      The Kerry investigation lasted two and a half years and questioned some 50 witnesses and its report was released on April 13, 1989.  The committee stated "It is clear that individuals who provided support for the Contras were involved in drug trafficking...and elements of the Contras themselves knowingly received financial and material assistance from drug traffickers." The Kerry report cites a 1986 meeting about Contra cocaine activity as one example of the CIA lying to Congress.

      There is more evidence of the corruption of the Reagan/Bush administration.   The Bolivian cartel leaders, Roberto Gasser and Alfredo Gutierrez were arrested in Miami after DEA Agent Michael Levine paid them $8 million dollars for a load of cocaine.   At the time Bolivia was the source of 100 percent of the cocaine entering the US.   Within weeks after the arrest these guys were release from jail and on July 17, 1980 took part in over throwing the government of Bolivia.  Scores of Bolivians were murdered, tortured and raped, part of Reagan’s cold war on communism.  “Just say no?” And we named things after this asshole!   The CIA, State and the Justice Department destroyed this DEA's case, US v Roberto Suarez, et al.    (Source:  The Big White Lie, by Michael Levine)

      Levine said “My informants were perfectly placed: one worked with the Contra pilots at their base, while another moved easily among the Salvadoran military officials who protected the resupply operation. They fed me the names of Contra pilots. Again and again, those names Again and again, those names showed up in the DEA database as documented drug traffickers. “When I pursued the case, my superiors quietly and firmly advised me to move on to other investigations.”  (CNBC-TV, October 8, 1996)

      Michael Levine said he experienced interference from the Department of Justice DoJ when he was working in an undercover infiltration of the Mexican cartel: 


      "...I was heading up a deep cover sting operation. I was posing as a ... mafia don. [O]n videotape as part of the deep cover operation we ... had the body guard of the incoming president of Mexico, Carlos Salinas, promising me a wide open Mexico once [he was] elected (wide open for drug trafficking). Also on camera (we had) is the grandson of an ex-president... This is in 1987 ...(in a deal for) 15 tons of cocaine bought in Bolivia, trans- shipped across Mexico. This was a pipeline! And I was literally renting the Mexican army. Now (our DEA surveillance) videotape (was sent) went to the Attorney General of the United States (Edwin Messe)..."


      "... I was told he (Messe) telephoned the Attorney General of Mexico... And Edwin Meese warned him about... blew our cover... blew the cover of a deep cover investigation. I was horrified.” Newsweek journalist Elaine Shannon substantiated this in her book, Desperados: Latin drug lords, U.S. lawmen, and the war America can't win, 1988.


      When you have the head of the Justice Department blowing the biggest drug case in DEA's history for political reasons who do you turn to?"


      When teams of DEA agents were sent to Mexico, they were met by a stone wall of a corrupt Mexican government that refused to cooperate.  DEA agents were ordered by the  Justice Department, to keep our mouths shut about Mexico; an order that was backed up by threats from the office of Attorney General Edwin Meese himself. 


      The CIA’s inspector general later opened a second investigation looking into the matter.  The declassified version of Volume II of the CIA Inspector General's Report states that the CIA engaged in a conspiracy to protect known narcotics traffickers throughout the Contra war years. The CIA admitted to engaging in a conspiracy to protect major narcotics traffickers, and forced the Drug Enforcement Administration to block investigations — and then lied to Congress about it.  http://www.copvcia.com/volii.htm

      On March 4, 1991, then-CIA director William Webster awarded Representative Henry Hyde a CIA Seal Medallion for his "tremendous service" and his "sustained outstanding support" for the CIA.

      In a 1995 meeting with Attorney General Janet Reno and her top aides Independent special prosecutor  Donald C. Smaltz sought to expand his probe of former US Agricultural Secretary Mike Espy to include an allegation that officials of Tyson Foods, the nation's leading poultry producer, had delivered cash to then  Gov. Bill Clinton. Smaltz claims he was blocked from doing so by the Attorney General Reno.

      "We were not investigating the president. But if Tyson did give cash to public officials, then that would be relevant to our investigation," Smaltz said in an interview broadcast on a PBS Frontline documentary. Smaltz implied Reno had succumbed to political pressure in the matter. and she
      bar him from investigating Espy's former chief of staff, Ronald H. Blackley.   Smaltz obtained a ruling from the special court that supervises independent counsels that allowed him to prosecute him.  Blackley was convicted of concealing the receipt of $22,000 from Mississippi associates who had dealings with USDA.


      "My sense was that Tyson was putting a lot of pressure on the Justice Department," he said. He claimed that the Arkansas poultry company got Rep. Jay Dickey (R-Ark.) to go to the department to block his probe.

      Smaltz said, "First of all we had Dickey running around, saying I'm crazy.”


      Smaltz first testified about his dispute with the Justice Department at a congressional hearing. A few weeks after the hearing, however, Tyson pleaded guilty to giving $12,000 in gifts to Espy and agreed to pay a $4 million fine and $2 million to cover investigative expenses.

      Smaltz's investigation of Espy has generated controversy ever since his appointment in September 1994. Yet, he has won 10 convictions and millions of dollars in fines. Espy was indicted last August on charges of soliciting gifts worth more than $35,000 from companies he was supposed to be regulating, including Tyson.

      Smaltz was also again blocked in an attempt to expand his probe beyond specified alleged wrong-doing involving former Secretary Espy. A three-judge federal panel ruled against Smaltz in a case that has been placed under seal. The Justice Department says it is looking into the matter on its own.

      In his weekly Progressive Review editor Sam Smith, who also is a columnist for The Progressive Populist, relates Smaltz apparently wanted to look into alleged transfers of cash from Tyson Food to the Arkansas governor's mansion reported by a former Tyson pilot.

      "It is not known what is at stake here," Smith writes, "but it may be that Smaltz wanted to peer behind Arkansas' white and green wall of cocaine and money laundering that has repeatedly stumped serious criminal, congressional and journalistic investigators looking into the Clinton scandals.



      Mysterious deaths that are likely related to all this:


      Arkansas state trooper Jerry Parks was a former member for Governor Clinton security team.  He was a Little Rock private investigator and his security company supplied the guards at the 1992 Clinton-Gore campaign headquarters in Little Rock.  He had long-standing ties to Vincent Foster.   Foster had hired him to compile a file on Clinton extra-marital affairs.   He was murdered in a drive by shooting two months after the Foster death.


      On February 6, 1989, in the San Francisco Bay area, attorney David Meyer died from a gunshot wound. The next day he was to have appeared in District Court, defending clients who were reportedly tied in with CIA drug trafficking activities. Meyer sought to expose links between Iran-Contra, the Justice Department, the CIA, and others.  I could find no other information about this crime.


      Arkansas State Police Investigator Russell Welch stated that there was one smuggler pilot flying out of Mena, by the name of Simon Frazier who, like Barry Seal, was busted in Florida and rolled over [turned informant] to stay out of prison, and was later either killed in an airplane crash that was ruled pilot error, or the crash was used as a front for a witness relocation.  



      Dennis Patrick


      In July 1985 Dennis Patrick, then living in the mountains of eastern Kentucky, was telephoned by a former college friend, Steve Love and urged him to open a brokerage account at Lasater & Co, a Little Rock bond dealer, where Love worked as a vice-president.

      Patrick worked as a clerk at the Whitley county circuit court, at the time had an estimated net worth of at most $60,000 and no knowledge of securities investment. 

      Patrick says Love telephoned him the next month to say he had opened an account on his behalf, and that he had already made him a profit of about $20,000.  Patrick had not signed any documents nor put up any money.

      Patrick went to the offices of Lasater & Co in Little Rock, where he says he was reassured by Steve Love and Billy McCord, the sales manager, that there was no risk of loss and that he could expect to make up to $20,000 a week. He was instructed by Love to deposit his
      profits at the First American Bank in Little Rock. It was only several weeks later, after Love had pressed Patrick to startsigning documents even though his signature had never been needed
      before. Patrick grew uneasy enough to ask Love to stop trading on his behalf.

      A few months later, Love met Patrick in Kentucky and handed him a folder containing trading records, in the name of Patrick & Associates, which Patrick did not understand. Then in April
      1986 Lasater & Co filed a lawsuit against Patrick seeking payment of a sum of $86,625.

      In June 1987 Patrick was disposed in the lawsuit.  Patrick stated Love had opened an account without his permission or knowledge, and that trades in his account had from time to time
      exceeded $12 million.  It was later found that
      $109 million laundered thru his bogus bond trading account.

      Within one year four men were arrested by agents of the Treasury Department's Alcohol,
      Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) division on charges relating to plots to kill Dennis Patrick.

      First, Patrick Tully was arrested in Alabama armed with a gun and carrying a map of the inside of Patrick 's house and a picture of his vehicle. Second, Danny Star Burson was arrested in
      Tennessee for machine-gun violations after Patrick had pursued him down an interstate highway after what he alleges was an attempt to kill him. Third, James Josey and Anthony Tricomi were
      arrested in Texas in September 1986 by the ATF for conspiracy to transport explosives across state lines. A federal indictment at the time said Josey had hired Tricomi to kill Patrick .

      Patrick says he had no idea why these people were trying to kill him.  He had at least three or four documented attempts on his life. But ATF agents in Kentucky thought he was mixed up in
      drug trafficking. They even offered him immunity from prosecution if he would talk. Patrick said he had no information to give. One ATF agent assigned to his case, John Simms, now says
      Patrick was considered "a victim only."   Patrick moved away from Kentucky in 1988, and still lives in semi-hiding.




      Copyrighted January 9, 2014

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