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1980 to 1990 Bill Clinton is guilty of criminal conspiracy part 1

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  • dick.mcmanus
    Copyrighted January 9, 2014 1980 to 1990 - Bill Clinton is guilty of criminal conspiracy with the CIA to illegally fund the Contras Bill Clinton was governor
    Message 1 of 1 , Jan 9, 2014

      Copyrighted January 9, 2014



      1980 to 1990 -   Bill Clinton is guilty of criminal conspiracy with the CIA to illegally fund the Contras    



      Bill Clinton was governor of Arkansas from January 9, 1979 to January 19, 1981 and again from January 11, 1983 until December 12, 1992.   To understand the evidence linking Bill and Hillary Clinton to drug trafficking and money laundering in Mena, Arkansas, I must first tell you about the people connected to the CIA’s Contra operation located at Mena, AR.  In the late 1970s the Nicaraguan political party called the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), overthrew the dictator Anastasio Somoza who had been supported by the super rich land owners.   Beginning on December 1, 1981 to 1986 the CIA started secretly arming the members of the former elite in Nicaragua, the Contra, in support of their guerrilla war to retake control of the nation.


      In July 1979 President Carter approved a secret order call a “finding,” that approved the CIA to make covert war against the Nicaragua and against the Socialist guerrillas in El Salvador with a broader finding to oppose Cuban aid throughout Latin America. 

      After the Reagan administration took office (January 1981 to December 1988) they soon began aiding the dictator Anastasio Somoza  of Nicaragua.   CIA funded and trained the FDN/Contras in US camps like Libertad outside Miami, owned by Cuban exiles.

      In August 1981, a CIA official met with Honduran military officials, Argentine advisers, and the Contra (FDN) leadership and expressed his support for the contra operations.  On November 1, the Director of the CIA William Casey met with the Chief of Staff of the Argentine military; the two purportedly agreed that Argentina would oversee the contras and the United States would provide money and weapons.  In late 1981, President Reagan authorized the U.S. to support the contras by giving them “money, arms, and equipment” through Argentina, with the potential for “the occasional direct involvement of the United States in supporting individual operations.”  Toward the end of 1982, the contras (who operated out of Honduras) were conducting attacks deep inside Nicaragua. The Contras abducted local leaders, ambushed travelers, burned buildings and farm equipment, and kidnapped youngsters to carry their cargo. Occasionally there were major operations, involving up to 600 men and mortar shelling. 


      During the second half of 1983, with the help of the CIA, the Contras conducted air strikes on Sandino airport near Managua and other targets. 

      On September 8, 1983 speed boats attacked Port Sandino. Five weeks later frogmen sabotaged an underwater oil pipeline.   On October 10, 1983 port city of Corinto was attacked, 3.2 million gallons of fuel were destroyed and hundreds of inhabitants were injured. It is believed that this attack was directed by the CIA and carried out by U.S. Navy Seals.   On March 7 and on March 30, 1984 petroleum storage facilities at San Juan del Sur and Puerto Sandino were attacked.

      The CIA itself used its own assets to carry out some covert actions in Nicaragua, including destroying several fuel tanks.  The CIA also placed mines in Nicaraguan harbors on January 7, 1984 and February 29, 1984, damaging ten container ships injuring 15 sailors.  The contras initially took credit for the mining, but the Wall Street Journal reported it to be the work of the CIA a few months later. 

      Approximately 100 medical workers and more than 300 school teachers that have been killed by the Contras.  A Baptist Center burned to the ground.  (Source: The Struggle for Peace in Central America by Dario Moreno, page 31)

      After the CIA carried out a series of acts of sabotage without Congressional intelligence committees giving consent, or even being made aware beforehand, this led to the passage of the Boland Amendment by Congress and subsequent cutting off of appropriated funding for the Contras.



      Adler Berriman “Barry” Seal   --  one of the witness to the crimes of the Clintons



      Barry Seal was a CIA pilot during the Vietnam War and opium and heroin was shipped on his airplane for the CIA.   Seal later worked with Lt. Col. Lucien E. Conein.  Conein was a US Army officer and an OSS/CIA officer.  He worked for the OSS/CIA from 1940 to 1968 and then Conein became a businessman in South Vietnam.


      It is interesting to note that during World War Two, Lucien Conein worked with the Corsican Brotherhood/mafia that was allied with the French resistance. 


      On July 1, 1972, Barry Seal was arrested in New Orleans and accused of sending C4 explosives to a group of anti-Castro Cubans in Mexico.  The TWA airplane Seal was piloting, a DC-4, was owned by James Boy, a known associate of the CIA.  Boy's aircraft were later used to fly Oliver North's mercenaries in and out of Honduras.

      It took the authorities over two years to bring Barry Seal to trial after this arrest. When the trial finally got underway in June 1974, the government prosecutors promptly introduced into evidence about an automatic weapon that had nothing at all to do with the charges against the defendants. A mistrial was declared and Seal and his fellow defendants were released.  Such a bizarre course of events (like the lack of a speedy trial) led congressional investigators to suspect that Barry Seal might have had some sort of special relationship with the US government.

      According to Pete Brewton book, The Mafia, CIA & George Bush, as soon as Seal was freed he "began working full-time for the CIA, travelling back and forth from the United States to Latin America."  Daniel Hopsicker author of the book, Barry and the Boys, claims Seal was now "sheep-dipped" into the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) as a contract agent for their Special Operations Group.  In 1970 E. Howard Hunt introduced Lucien Conein to President Richard Nixon. Two years later Nixon appointed Conein to head the DEA, where he directed an intelligence-gathering and operations unit until his civilian retirement in 1984.   


      Seal worked under Lucien Conein, who ran secret missions for the DEA.   William Turner and Warren Hinckle wrote in their book, Deadly Secrets, that this mission of Conein’s included "plots to assassinate key international drug figures". 


      According Barry Seal’s wife, Deborah Seal, her husband became involved in drug smuggling in 1975. On December 10, 1979, Seal and another guy with a history of working for the CIA, were arrested in Honduras, after arriving from Ecuador with 40 kilos of cocaine. Newspapers reported that $25 million worth of cocaine was confiscated and the men were charged with having 17 kilos of cocaine in their possession. Seal spent nine months in prison before being released without charge.

      While in prison, Seal met William Roger Reeves, a drug smuggler who worked for the Ochoa family of Medellin.   In December 1979 he was arrested in Guatemala with $25 million worth of cocaine and imprisoned. He bribed the Guatemalan government officials and in September 1980, he was released without being charged. While in prison, he befriended William Roger Reeves who worked for the Medellin Drug Cartel.

      Established in 1980, the Medellin Cartel began when Jorge Ochoa convinced the major cocaine families to contribute $7 million each for the formation of a 2,000-man army in order to destroy the Marxist revolutionary group M-19, that was causing the drug barons problems in Colombia.


      Drug barons such as Jorge Ochoa and Pablo Escobar now began working together. It has been estimated that the cartel made up to $60 million per month. The CIA decided that the Medellin Cartel could be used to help defeat communism throughout Latin America. According to Journalist Leslie Cockburn, Felix I. Rodriguez persuaded the Medellin Cartel to make a $10 million contribution to the Contras.


      By 1982 Barry Seal was bringing in drugs to the United States on behalf of the Medellin Cartel. Seal moved his base of operations from Louisiana to Mena, AR. Seal told friends that he once made $1.5 million on a single cocaine flight. Seal worked directly for Sonia Atala, a viscous murder and cartel leader.  He had flown over 100 flights for the Medellin, bringing between $3 billion to $5 billion worth of cocaine into the United States.

      Sally Denton, the distinguished historian and investigative journalist, said there were rural airports in six other states: Alabama, Mississippi, Kentucky, Louisiana, Florida and Arizona.  The other airports were the airport in Baton Rouge where Barry Seal operated, Homestead Air Force Base (at the south end of Florida), and Greybull in Wyoming. Pinal Air Park, just north of Marana, AR, was used as an Evergreen/CIA base.  Firebird Lake Airstrip at Gila Indian Reservation in Arizona is where Evergreen and Southern Air flew from. http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/HL0707/S00058.htm

      Allegedly US Customs and the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) allow Seal’s airplanes to leave and enter the country without inspection because of orders from the National Security Agency (NSA). 

      The following noted sources report that 1983 Reagan Administration had become concerned about the possible presence of Soviet-made missiles in Nicaragua and even the possibility that the Soviet Union might have nuclear weapons there.  And therefore, the NSA needed low-flying airplane on which to place the very sophisticated devices that would detect any nuclear weapons. 

      I think that was the lie the CIA told FAA and US Customs.




      The first Boland Amendment was to the House Appropriations Bill of 1982, which was attached as a rider to the Defense Appropriations Act of 1983 and remained in effect until October 3, 1984.  The amendment outlawed U.S. assistance to the Contras for the purpose of overthrowing the Nicaraguan government, while allowing assistance for other purposes.  Congress was angry about the CIA’s mining of three Nicaraguan harbors.  The next year, a second amendment prohibited the federal government from supplying any type of aid to the contras, either financial or otherwise. It remained in effect until December 5, 1985. (~ 1986)

      In 1983 Seal was arrested by DEA for bringing in 200,000 Quaaludes to a Fort Lauderdale airport.   He was indicted and awaiting trial when he offered his services to the DEA. Former undercover narcotics investigator Stan Hughes told author Daniel Hopsicker that he heard about their being government intervention to save his ass.  And basically Seal didn’t serve much time in jail and allegedly became a confidential informant for DEA and working for them on sting operations.


      Seal's fleet of planes also flew supplies to Contra camps in Honduras and Costa Rica. Then he flew to airstrips in the mountains of Colombia and Venezuela where the airplanes were loaded with cocaine bound for the US. (Source:  The Big White Lie: The CIA and the Cocaine/Crack Epidemic by Michael Levine  and  Partners in Power by Roger Morris)


      According to author Daniel Hopsicker, Seal obtained two new multi-million dollar Beech Craft King Air 200s that were purchased by a Phoenix-based corporation that acted as a front company for retired Gen. John Singlaub. This company was also owned Southern Air Transport in Miami was a CIA proprietary connected to William Casey, Richard Secord, Felix I. Rodriguez and George H. W. Bush.   William Barr was the lawyer for Southern Air Transport.


      Seal also owned a Lear jet. It had previously been owned by two brothers convicted by the IRS. In 1981 the brothers were arrested and charged in Florida with importing 400,000 pounds of marijuana and evading taxes on $73 million. The Lear jet was then passed on to Seal. It was registered as being owned by Intercontinental Holding, a CIA front company in the Cayman Islands that had been established by CIA Officer Paul Helliwell.



      Intercontinental Holding was a shadow CIA bank connected with laundering shadow CIA drug trafficking profits during the Vietnam War and I believe connected with the hidden Black Eagle fund and the Golden Lilly funds captured from the Japanese and Nazis at the end of World War Two.  http://groups.yahoo.com/neo/groups/SomeUnknownUSHistory/conversations/topics/353


      On January 24, 1986, Seal, who had previously refused to enter the witness protection program because of the effect it would have on his family, pleaded guilty.  He was sentenced to five years probation, a $35,000 fine, and six months in a local halfway house. The next day Barry moved into a cramped room at the Salvation Army halfway house in Baton Rouge. He had been ordered to stay from 6:00 p.m. to 7:00 a.m. Monday through Friday. He had weekends off but had to be back at the halfway house by 10 o'clock Sunday night. While there, he could have no visitors, not even family.  When Seal was sentenced for drug dealing in 1985 and again in early 1986 his activities at Mena were never mentioned.  Richard Ben-Veniste was the lawyer for Seal.

      Ben-Veniste, was a close associate of several mobsters. Another client was Bill Clinton. Ben-Veniste served as chief counsel to the Senate Whitewater Committee.


      On February 19, 1986, Seal drove up to the Salvation Army and as he parked his car, he was killed by a man carrying an assault weapon. The murders were later arrested and convicted for his murder.  The Medellin Cartel learned about Seal was because Oliver North leaked to the news media photos of drug traffickers which Seal had taken during a DEA sting operation.  North did this as propaganda to Americans, making the new Nicaraguan appear as  corrupt and additionally, sell the idea it was a new Communist leaning nation linked to Castro’s Cuba.


      Seal’s attorney, Lewis Unglesby said the Medellin Cartel killed Seal to prevent the extradition of Medellin Cartel co-leader Jorge Ochoa from Spain, where he was hiding. US authorities wanted to put him on trial for drug smuggling. “It worked,” Unglesby said. “Ochoa wasn’t extradited.”


      One of the most dramatic of the disclosures in the book Barry and the Boys by Daniel Hopsicker concerns what Berry Seal’s lawyer Lewis Unglesby revealed about who was controlling Seal’s operations—then Vice-President George Bush!


      Unglesby stated “Barry pushed the phone across the desk to me and said, ‘You wanna know what’s going on? Here. Dial this number. Tell ‘em you’re me.’”


      Unglesby related. “When I did what he requested, a female voice answered the phone, saying, ‘Vice President Bush’s office, may I help you?’ I said, This is Barry Seal. She asked me to wait while she transferred the call, which was immediately picked up by a man who identified himself as Admiral somebody or other, who said to me, ‘Barry! Where you been?’ That’s when I told him that I wasn’t Barry Seal, I was his lawyer.’ Immediately he slammed down the phone.” (Barry and the Boys,  p. 442) 


      Richard Sharpstein a Miami defense attorney said Unglesby was with Seal when he retired to a back room. He said he watched as Seal placed a call to George Bush. He heard Barry Seal tell Bush: “If you don’t get these IRS assholes off my back I’m going to blow the whistle on the Contra scheme.  One week after the phone conversation between Barry Seal and George Bush, Seal was sentenced to a half-way house….’”  (Ibid. pp. 442-443.)

       (Source:  Barry and the Boys by Daniel Hopsicker)



      By Seal's own account, his gross income in the year and a half was three-quarters of a million dollars after he became an informant and while he was based at Mena.  Seal reported that $575,000 of that income had been derived from a single cocaine shipment, which the DEA had allowed him to keep. He testified that, since going to work for the DEA, he had imported 1,500 pounds of cocaine into the US for cocaine drug lords in Central America.  The Louisiana attorney general has estimated to the Justice Department that Seal had "smuggled between $3 billion and $5 billion in drugs into the US."


      L. D. Brown  --  a witness to the crimes of the Clintons

      Arkansas State police officer L. D. Brown, 28, worked as a bodyguard for Governor Clinton for six years at the Governor’s mansion.  At the time, in 1984, Brown was not only Clinton's favorite bodyguard, but also a close friend. The other troopers called him Clinton's "fair-haired boy." Brown had attended the University of Arkansas at Fayetteville, when Clinton was a law professor there.  Brown’s wife had been Chelsea Clinton's nanny and a frequent babysitter for Vince and Lisa Foster.  Brown says he and other State police officers guarding Gov. Clinton procured or solicited women for Bill Clinton.

      Brown says that Clinton encouraged him to join the CIA in 1984. Clinton helped Brown write a required essay as part of the application for a job with the CIA. Clinton had taken an active role in helping Brown. He told Brown he had acquaintances in the CIA who could expedite his application  Clinton also told Brown’s wife Becky, that he had help her husband get into the CIA. 

      Roger Morris, author of the book Partners in Power, wrote that Bill Clinton was recruited by the CIA while at Oxford to keep tabs on fellow students involved in protest activities against the Vietnam War.  The CIA called this spying on the anti-Vietnam War student protesters, Operation Chaos. Morris says that Clinton was tasked to do some low-level spying in Norway in 1969 on a visit to the Oslo Peace Institute.   Clinton wrote a report on American peace activists who had taken refuge in Scandinavia to avoid the draft. "


      An officer who worked at the CIA station in Stockholm confirmed that," said Morris.   In the mid-1970s the CIA shredded its archives on Operation Chaos. One of those former CIA officers involved in the destruction of these records told Morris that he had seen Bill Clinton listed as a former student informant.  Roger Morris worked at the National Security Council under both Presidents Johnson and Nixon administrations, so that may explain how Morris made contact with the above CIA sources.

      L.D. Brown received a letter from a CIA’s Southwest personnel representative using the name Ken Cargile.  The letter said, "I am pleased to nominate you for employment with the Central Intelligence Agency."  Brown says on August 30, 1984, he went to Dallas, TX and met with another CIA representative who identified himself as Dan Magruder.   Dan Magruder was an alias used by CIA officer Donald “Don” P. Gregg.

      Brown didn’t became aware of who Magruder really was until he saw him on TV during the eleven weeks of television coverage of Iran-Contra in mid-1987.  Brown stated the Don Gregg talked of his prior service in and extensive knowledge of Korea and that he was an "Asian expert."  Gregg, it turns out, was CIA station chief in Seoul in the 1970s. Two intelligence officers corroborated Gregg using the name “Magruderwhile assisting in arming the Contras in the early 1980s in Florida and California.


      Donald Gregg was appointed National Security Advisor to Vice President Bush in August 1982, resigning from the CIA at this time.  Prior to this he was working for the CIA as the Director of the National Security Council's Intelligence Directorate in 1981. Starting in 1979, Gregg was in charge of intelligence of about Asia and Asian police affairs at the NSC.  The Iran/Contra Committee discovered at least six memos from Gregg to Bush regarding detailed Contra issues.

      In September, 1989, President George H. W. Bush appointed Donald Gregg as his ambassador to South Korea.  Gregg retired from the United States government in March, 1993. Gregg was confirmed by the Senate for this position on September 12, 1989, and served as ambassador until March 1993.


      The CIA never hires a CIA contract agent using such a ranking CIA officer as Donald Gregg, so this puts Bush in the direct line for hiring Brown.    

      Brown said Donald Gregg asked him if he would be interested in paramilitary, counterintelligence, and narcotics.  Brown, who had worked in narcotics as a State cop, said he was interested.   Gregg then had Brown signed a secrecy agreement (non-disclosure agreement) and was told Brown that a contact would be made after he returned to Arkansas.

      Then Seal called Brown at his home and set up a meeting at a bar in Little Rock.   Seal was familiar with Brown’s biographical information that Brown had given to the CIA, that was Seal’s way of letting Brown know Seal with the CIA for real.  Seal also referred to Gov. Clinton, familiarly, as "the guy." He talked as though "the guy" knew all about the CIA operation going on in Arkansas. Brown theorizes that Seal "needed all the help he could get."

      Bill McKuen, former secretary of state of Arkansas, has told Danny Harkins, senior criminal investigator for the state of Arkansas, that he remembers seeing Seal and Brown together at Cajun's wharf Seafood Restaurant in Little Rock in 1984.

      On or about October 23, 1984, Brown made his first flight from Mena Airport with Barry Seal piloting the C-123K cargo plane and a co-pilot. Inside the back of the plane with Brown were two guys that looked like Central American Indians. Seal had instructed Brown not to carry identification, not even keys or jewelry, and to wear shoes that were untraceable.

      After it left Mena, the plane made a refueling stop at Stennis Airfield in Gulfport, Mississippi and continued on to some unknown location in Central America.  Somewhere over the forest, the two Indian looking guys, called "kickers," pushed two cargo loads out of the airplane that then  parachuted to the ground.

      When they returned to Mena, Seal paid Brown for the flight, handing him an envelope with $2,500 in cash.  When Brown returned to the Governor's Mansion after this first flight he recalls, Clinton greeted him jovially, "You having any fun yet?" Brown said that Clinton had been asking him variations of that question since the previous spring when he began encouraging Brown to apply for a job with the CIA.

      Brown was tasked to take a second flight from Mena to Central America on or about December 24, 1984.  During this second flight two duffel bags were put on board the plane at Tegucigalpa, Honduras. Back at Mena, Brown says, he and Seal walked to Brown's car, and Seal put one of the duffel bags the car.  Then both men got into the front seat of the car, and Seal reached back into the duffel bag, and pulled out a manila envelope with $2,500 in it. He said the money had been brought back from Tegucigalpa. Brown considered this a currency violation. The next thing Seal pulled from his duffel bag was a kilo of cocaine, a brick-shaped package wrapped in waxed paper.

      Brown said, “I immediately recognized it as identical to bricks of cocaine from my days in narcotics. I didn't know what to think and began demanding to know what was going on. I cursed, ranted and raved and I believe I actually caused Seal to wonder if I might pull a gun and arrest him. Seal threw up his hands and tried to calm me down saying everything was all right and quickly exited my car. He removed the (duffle) bag from the car and hustled back toward the plane.”  (Source:  Crossfire:  Witness in the Clinton Investigation, by L.D. Brown, pp.113-114)

      The tension was building up inside me as I saw Bill coming out the back door. I was getting mad all over again as I got out of my car and he strode over to me. It was the first time we talked since the trip, the trip he knew I was going to take. His mouth opened and the words "You having fun yet?" were already forming on his lips when I burst out, "Do you know what they are bringing back on those airplanes?"

      He immediately threw up his hands in a halting fashion and took a couple of steps back. I know he thought he was in danger of receiving a class A state police ass-whipping. My hopes of an innocent explanation to the whole sordid affair were dashed with the now-famous line, "That's Lasater's deal! That's Lasater's deal!" he whined as if he had just taken a tongue lashing by Hillary. "And your buddy (Vice President George Herbert Walker) Bush knows about it!"

      Below I’ll tell you more about how friendly Clinton and Lasater were.  (Crossfire, p. 116)

      Brown admired President George Bush, having met him in Portland, Maine, while traveling with the Governor Clinton. After that meeting the he and Clinton visited with the president at his Kennebunkport compound.

      Brown was angry feared that he, a member of the governor's security, was being set up to be blackmailed.  He went directly to a cottage on the mansion grounds where Becky McCoy, his future wife, lived.  Eleven years after that day Becky remembers Brown's arriving in tears and complaining, "I've been betrayed.


      Brown called his brother Dwayne Brown who said his brother seemed "terribly upset." Dwayne immediately drove over to the Governor's Mansion to meet him. Like Becky, Dwayne Brown says he knew his brother had made some unexplained trips out of the country.  When Dwayne asked his brother, "Who's pushing this?"  L.D. Brown nodded over toward the Governor's Mansion.  From then on, until he left Clinton's security detail in June 1985, Dwayne Brown says, his brother was in "a high level of despair."   Brown spent the next few years investigating white-collar crime for the Arkansas State Police.

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