Operation Mockingbird /propaganda directed at Americans part 2
In August 1968 Black soldiers in the Long Binh jail rioted and help off he MPs for nearly a month resulting in one soldier killed and dozens injured.
The Whiskey Mountain Mutiny which occurred September 25, 1971, but was mentioned only in the back pages of the Washington Post on October 15, 1971. Fourteen black soldiers were machine gunned out of a bunker where they had armed and barricaded themselves after being refused permission to attend a memorial service-for-a black girl killed two years ago in Watts. (Against the Vietnam War: writings by activists by Mary Susannah Robbins, p. 208)
By 1970, the Army had 65,643 deserters, roughly the equivalent of four infantry divisions.
A small minority, 2.5 million men (about 10 percent of those eligible for the draft), were sent to Vietnam. This small minority was almost entirely working-class or rural youth. Their average age was 19, with 85 percent of the troops made up of enlisted men; 15 percent were officers. The enlisted men were drawn from the 80 percent of the armed forces with a high school education or less. At this time, college education was universal in the middle class.
The upper class did none of the fighting. Joining the National Guard was a favorite way to get out of serving in Vietnam .It had triple the percentage of college graduates that the army did. Blacks made up less than 1.5 percent of the National Guard. In Mississippi, Blacks were 42 percent of the population, but only one Black man served in a Guard of more than 10,000.
Gen.Westmoreland's solution to the competition for combat command poured gasoline on the fire. He ordered a one-year tour of duty for enlisted men in Vietnam, but only six months for officers. The combat troops hated the class discrimination that put them at twice the risk of their commanders.
Prior to Vietnam, assaults against U.S. military officers were rare. World War I saw one incident leading to court martial per 12,700 servicemen, a ratio said to have remained fairly steady during World War II and the Korean war. During the Vietnam conflict, the fragging rate rose from 1 incident per 3,300 servicemen in 1969 to a peak of 1 per 572 servicemen in 1971. These are astonishing statistics, suggesting an army at the point of degenerating into a mutinous rabble.
There are documented cases of at least 230 American officers killed by their own troops, and as many as 1,400 other officers' deaths could not be explained. Between 1970 and 1971 alone, there were 363 cases of "assault with explosive devices" against officers in Vietnam.
In unclassified databases and at the U.S. Army Center of Military History and the Combat Studies Institute only a few short papers record the fragging.
Soldiers serving under Lieutenant William L. Calley Jr. secretly considered fragging him after he marched them into danger, resulting in a soldier's death.
Journalist Eugene Linden, in a 1972 Saturday Review article, described the practice of "bounty hunting" whereby enlisted men pooled their money to be paid out to a soldier who killed an officer or sergeant they considered dangerous. One well-known example of bounty hunting came out of the infamous Battle of Dong Ap Bai, aka Hamburger Hill, in May 1969. After suffering more than 400 casualties over 10 merciless days of attacks to take the hill, the 101st Airborne Division soldiers were ordered to withdraw about a week later. Shortly thereafter, the army underground newspaper in Vietnam, GI Says, reportedly offered a $10,000 bounty on the very aggressive officer who led the attacks, Lt. Col. Weldon Honeycutt. Several unsuccessful attempts were reported to have been made on the colonel's life. After Hamburger Hill, an Army major was quoted as saying another hard-fought, high-casualty infantry assault like Hamburger Hill, "is definitely out."
While the Pentagon showed great reluctance to publicly discuss the problem, fragging entered the political arena when, in April 1971, Democratic leader Mike Mansfield of Montana emotionally spoke to the issue on the floor of the Senate. Mansfield related details of the death of 1st Lt. Thomas A. Dellwo, of Choteau, Mont. "He was not a victim of combat was 'fragged' to death as he lay sleeping in his billet at Bien Hoa. He was murdered by a fellow serviceman, an American GI.
Linden's reporting concluded that fragging, both actual and threatened, was such a powerful influence that virtually all officers and NCOs had to take the possibility into account before giving orders to men in their command.
"The Pentagon has now discloses that fraggings in 1970 (209 killings) have more than doubled those of the previous year (96 killings). Word of the deaths of officers will bring cheers at troop movies or in bivouacs of certain units."
Congressional hearings on fraggings held in 1973 estimated that roughly 3 percent of officer and non-com deaths in Vietnam between 1961 and 1972 were a result of fraggings. But these figures were only for killings committed with grenades, and didn't include officer deaths from automatic weapons
fire, handguns and knifings(!). The Army's Judge Advocate General's Corps estimated that only 10 percent of fragging attempts resulted in anyone going to trial. Riots and anti-war demonstrations took place on bases in Asia, Europe and in the United States.
In the Americal Division, plagued by poor morale, fraggings during 1971 were estimated to be running around one a week. War equipment was sabotaged and destroyed. By 1972 roughly 300 anti-war and anti-military newspapers, with names like Harass the Brass, All Hands Abandon Ship and Star Spangled Bummer had been put out by enlisted people.
Sabotage was an extremely useful tactic. On May 26, 1970, the USS Anderson was preparing to steam from San Diego to Vietnam. But someone had dropped nuts, bolts and chains down the main gear shaft. A major breakdown occurred, resulting in thousands of dollars worth of damage and a delay of several weeks. Several sailors were charged, but because of a lack of evidence the case was dismissed.
With the escalation of naval involvement in the war the level of sabotage grew. In July of 1972, within the space of three weeks, two of the Navy's aircraft carriers were put out of commission by sabotage. On July 10, a massive fire swept through the admiral's quarters and radar center of the USS Forestall, causing over $7 million in damage. This delayed the ship's deployment for over two months.
In late July, the USS Ranger was docked at Alameda, California. Just days before the ship's scheduled departure for Vietnam, a paint-scraper and two 12-inch bolts were inserted into the number-four-engine reduction gears causing nearly $1 million in damage and forcing a three-and-a-half month delay in operations for extensive repairs. The sailor charged in the case was acquitted. In other cases, sailors tossed equipment over the sides of ships while at sea.
The House Armed Services Committee summed up the crisis of rebellion in the Navy as a "are clear-cut symptoms of a dangerous deterioration of discipline."
Organized revolutionary mutiny doesn't happen in every war, but it occurs more frequently than military historians generally acknowledge.
The most effective "anti-war" movement in history occurred at the end of World War One, when proletarian revolutions broke out in Russia, Germany and throughout Central Europe in 1917 and 1918, and a crucial factor in the revolutionary movement of that time was the collapse of the armies and navies of Russia and Germany in full-scale armed mutiny. After several years of war and millions of casualties the soldiers and sailors of opposing nations began to fraternize with each other, turned their guns against their officers and went home to fight against the ruling classes that had sent them into the war. The war ended with a global cycle of mutinies mirroring the social unrest spreading across the capitalist world. The naval bases Kronstadt in Russia and Kiel and Wilhelmshaven in Germany became important centers of revolutionary self-organization and action, and the passing of vast numbers of armed soldiers and sailors to the side of the Soviets allowed the working class to briefly take power in Russia. The French invasion of Revolutionary Russia in 1919 and 1920 was crippled by the mutiny of the French fleet in
the Black Sea, centered around the battleships France and the Jean Bart.
Mutinies broke out among sailors in the British Navy and in the armies of the British empire in Asia, and even among American troops sent to aid the counter-revolutionary White Army in the Russian Civil War.
The internal "war" was overwhelming racial in character.
We [i.e. niggers] were at war stateside, as well. I was among the 6,000 soldiers of the 82nd Airborne Division that occupied Washington, DC in the aftermath of Dr. Martin Luther King's assassination, April 1968. Black troops made up about half of the division's line units. We were aware that the near-lily white New Jersey National Guard had gone on a killing rampage on the streets of Newark the previous year, and we made it unmistakably clear to white soldiers that no harm was to come to the DC population. Nobody got hurt.
At "home" in Fort Bragg, North Carolina, we bloodied the Division's overwhelmingly white and southern MP's at every nocturnal opportunity. While the Ku Klux Klan and other racist groups ran amuck at nearby Camp Lejeune Marine Base, racists at Fort Bragg sulked in silence. Criminal Investigation Detachment personnel entered Black-dominated barracks in force, if at all.
(source: Fragging: Why US Soldiers Assaulted Their Officers in Vietnam by George Lepre)
TEAM B: (June 1972 to ?? and started up again thru the Reagan Years.
Henry Kissinger and George H.W. Bush, Sr. wanted to generate public support for a new round of military spending, particularly on missiles. They were unhappy with the yearly National Intelligence Estimates (NIEs) used to justify the defense budget and deficit spending to pay for it. NIEs are authoritative and are widely circulated within the government about U.S. national security policy. The idea that the CIA was soft on the Soviets was leaked to sympathetic journalists.
Bush and Cheney decided to conduct the competitive analysis by commissioning two separate groups, each of which would present and argue for its own conclusions. Team A was the CIA's own National Intelligence Officers and their staffs. They created a Team B, made up of ostensibly independent outside experts. In reality they were right wing Republican/military hawks lying thru their teeth.
Team B's conclusions turned out, years later, to be false and these false NIE were circulated to all the US national security officers, to include the Congressional Intelligence Committee members.. Dr. Anne Cahn in 2004 (Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, 19771980) "I would say that all of it was fantasy... if you go through most of Team B's specific allegations about weapons systems, and you just examine them one by one, they were all wrong." As a result of the lies about the Soviet threat, by the end of the Reagan administration, the US Congress had got the US $3 trillion in debt. And while the Soviet economy was collapsing as the CIA tried to tell everyone
I don't know if this outfit was functioning during Pres. Carter's administration from Jan 1977 to Jan 1980 however, it continued during the Reagan Administration.
The CIA has distorted history in other ways than by outright cover ups and suppression of the truth. One method was to produce its own books. For instance, one of its top agents in the Soviet Union was Colonel Oleg Penkovsky. The CIA decided to write a book about this spy, which it published in 1965, called The Penkovsky Papers. This book was falsely claimed to be true history numerous espionage coups drawn from a diary that Penkovsky had kept. In fact its only truth was fiction calculated to embarrass the Soviets and make the CIA look like heroes. Another example of propaganda was the ClA's manipulation of history thru their funding of the writing of the book, Khrushchev Remembers.
The CIA began a disinformation campaign to discredit former CIA officer Philip Agee in 1975 after he published his book about the CIA. The anti-communist journalist John Barron claims that Agee's resignation was forced "for a variety of reasons, including his irresponsible drinking, continuous and vulgar propositioning of embassy wives, and his inability to manage his finances".
One of the more notorious slanders was that Agee had led to the assassination of Richard Welch, the CIA station chief in Athens, who was shot to death by a Greek terrorist organization on December 23, 1975. Welch was not named in Inside the Company, which focused on Latin America, and it is now known that his identity was uncovered by local journalists in Athens. Welch was murdered by the Marxist urban guerrilla organization, 17 November (or N17). This guerrilla group assassinated 23 people in 103 attacks on US military personal and British, Turkish and Greek (allegedly right wing dictator) targets vs. terrorist attacks killing civilians.
Vice President George Bush accused Agee as being responsible for Welch's death in a 1989 speech at CIA headquarters in Langley, Virginia. The slander was repeated by Barbara Bush, the former first lady, in her 1994 autobiography. Agee sued her for libel, forcing a legal settlement in which Mrs. Bush agreed to remove the charge from subsequent editions of her book. http://www.wsws.org/articles/2008/jan2008/agee-j14.shtml
Agee was accused of receiving up to $1 million in payments from the Cuban intelligence service, but he denies every working for Cuban Foreign Intelligence Service or the Soviet KGB,
In his book entitled, Inside the Company: CIA Diary by Phillip Agee describes his experiences in the CIA. Agee joined the CIA in 1957, and over the following decade had postings in Washington, D.C., Ecuador, Uruguay and Mexico. In 1978 and 1979, Agee published the two volumes of Dirty Work: The CIA in Western Europe and Dirty Work: The CIA in Africa which contained information of 2000 CIA personnel.
Agee had joined the CIA in 1957. The CIA had been supporting murderous dictatorships around the world, in Greece, Chile, Uruguay, and Brazil. These regimes who have possessed the wealth and income and the land through many generations going back to colonial times, were torturing and disappearing people by the thousands. Agee's first overseas assignment was in 1960 to Ecuador where his primary mission was to force a diplomatic break between Ecuador and Cuba, no matter what the cost to Ecuador's shaky stability, using bribery, intimidation, bugging, and forgery. Agee spent four years in Ecuador penetrating Ecuadorian politics. He states that his actions subverted and destroyed the political fabric of Ecuador.
On December 12, 1965 Agee visited senior Uruguayan military and police officers at a Montevideo police headquarters. He realized that the screaming he heard from a nearby cell was the torturing of a Uruguayan. Agee stated he had given the police this name of this person who they were then torturing. The Uruguayan senior officers simply turned up a radio report of a soccer game to drown out the screams.
In 1968 Agee witnessed the Tlatelolco massacre in the Tlatelolco section of Mexico City. On October 2, 1968, around 10,000 university and secondary students gathered to protest the repression and they didn't want 1968 Olympic games hosted in Mexico City. The Mexican government had invested a massive $7.5 billion dollars in preparations for the Olympics that were to be hosted in Mexico City. , Government documents that have been made public since 2000 suggest that the snipers had in fact been employed by the government. Although estimates of the death toll range from 30 to a thousand, with eyewitnesses reporting hundreds of dead and 1345 people were arrested. The massacre began at sunset when police and military forces, who were equipped with armored cars and tanks, surrounded the plaza. Government propaganda and the mainstream media in Mexico claimed that Mexican forces had been provoked by protesters shooting at them.
Agee wrote: "It was a time in the '70s when the worst imaginable horrors were going on in Latin America. Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, Guatemala, El Salvadorthey were military dictatorships with death squads, all with the backing of the CIA and the US government. That was what motivated me to name all the names and work with journalists who were interested in knowing just who the CIA were in their countries." "After 12 years with the agency I finally understood how much suffering it was causing, that millions of people all over the world had been killed or had their lives destroyed by the CIA and the institutions it supports."
Agee stated, "they mounted a campaign throughout western Europe trying to make me appear to be a security threat, a traitor, a Soviet agent, a Cuban agent. No one as far as I know of all those people who were exposed as CIA people along with their operations was ever even harassed or threatened. What happened was, their operations were disrupted and that was the purpose of what we were doing.
In 1975 published a book in London England titled, Inside the Company: CIA Diary, detailing his experiences in the CIA. It was a political bombshell disclosing the identifies of 250 alleged CIA officers and contract agents. Agee wrote that President José Figueres Ferrer of Costa Rica, President Luis Echeverría Álvarez (1970-1976) of Mexico and President Alfonso López Michelsen (1974-1978) of Colombia were CIA collaborators or contract agents. Agee revealed the identities of dozens of CIA agents in their London station. Miles Copeland, Jr., a former CIA station chief in Cairo, said the book was "as complete an account of spy work as is likely to be published anywhere".
Agee stated that Exxon was "letting the CIA assist in employment decisions" and that the CIA had customarily performed background investigations on people and checks of their files for subsidiaries of large US corporations throughout Latin America. Even before publication, Agee faced death threats originating in the US intelligence apparatus. Later former CIA people told Agee that there were CIA people who were very quietly approving what I had done. http://www.democracynow.org/2003/10/2/former_cia_agent_phillip_agee_on
The January 1979 issue of Agee's Covert Action Information Bulletin published the infamous FM 30-31B. The former deputy director of the CIA, Ray S. Cline, has stated it to be genuine. Licio Gelli, the Italian leader of the anti-Communist P2 freemason lodge bluntly told the BBC's Allan Francovich, "The CIA gave it to me".
In 1978 and 1979, Agee published the two volumes of Dirty Work: The CIA in Western Europe and Dirty Work: The CIA in Africa which contained information of 2000 CIA personnel. In the 1970s, a top secret US document first Field Manual (FM) 30-31B, tilted Counter Insurgency Tactics appeared in Turkey, before being circulated to other countries. It was used at the end of the 1970s to implicate the left wing terrorist group, the Red Brigades in the assassination of former Italian prime minister Aldo Moro. FM 30-31B outlines a method of counter insurgency called, strategy of tension which called for using (false flag) violent attacks (blaming them on radical left-wing groups) in order to convince allied governments of the need for counter-action police repression and violating civil liberties.
In 1979, the Carter administration revoked his passport, citing national security reasons and he remained a continual target of harassment and smear tactics by the US government. Agree thereafter lived in Grenada, Nicaragua, Netherlands, France, West Germany, Italy, and Cuba. He was later readmitted to both the US and United Kingdom. He described this odyssey in his autobiography, On the Run, in 1987.
The book Decent Interval by Frank Snepp a former CIA employee, criticized the CIA, Henry Kissinger, and US involvement in the Vietnam War. Snepp succeeded in getting his book published in 1977 before the CIA knew about it, but the government filed a lawsuit against him, even though no classified information appeared in the book. In 1980, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled against Snepp; the government seized all profits from the book and imposed a lifelong gag order on the author. Snepp was required to submit everything he might writefiction, screenplays, non-fiction, poetryto the CIA for review. The CIA won the right to cut any classified or classifiable information within 30 days of receipt of Snepp's work.
In spite of the facts that the Senate Intelligence Committee of 1975 and 1976 found that "both the FBI and CIA had repeatedly lied to the Warren Commission" and that the 1979 Report of the House Select Committee on Assassinations found that President Kennedy was probably killed "as a result of a conspiracy", a truly astounding number of Washington Post stories have been used as vehicles to discredit the movie "JFK" as just another conspiracy.
The Washington Post has had a long history of attacking journalist who publish story of CIA or other corporate crimes. http://www.whale.to/b/mock.html
Jeremiah O'Leary in the Washington Star (8th October, 1976) wrote: "The right-wing Chilean junta had nothing to gain and everything to lose by the assassination of a peaceful and popular socialist leader." Newsweek added: "The CIA has concluded that the Chilean secret police was not involved." (11th October). William F. Buckley also took part in this disinformation campaign and in a article he wrote on October 25, 1976. http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=7821
Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman pointed out in The Political Economy of Human Rights, reporting on East Timor by the corporation owned media in the US actually decreased significantly in the aftermath of the Indonesian invasion.
After the December 7, 1975 invasion, the Los Angeles Times published on a total of 20 news reports on East Timor and three op-ed pieces. From March 1976 until November 1979, during which time an Australian parliamentary report described the situation in East Timor as "indiscriminate killing on a scale unprecedented in post-World War II history," there was not a single mention of East Timor in the L.A. Times.
The Chicago Tribune, one of the most neglectful major papers on this issue, ran more stories in the five months preceding the invasion than in the nearly 18 years following. It last published a story on East Timor on July 12, 1984.
Unlike the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, the editorial response to the Indonesian annexation of East Timor was one of virtual silence. A typical paper, the Washington Post, issued no editorial condemnation of Indonesia in the month following the invasion; by contrast, the Post ran 19 editorials on Iraq's occupation of Kuwait in the month following that invasion.
In almost 18 years of occupation, the L.A. Times has had only one editorial on East Timor (7/12/84). The brief editorial voiced Support for Secretary of State George Schultz's expression of concern to Indonesian President Suharto about human rights violations in (but not the occupation of) East Timor. There was no mention of the large amounts of military and economic assistance the Reagan administration was supplying to Indonesia's military government.
In an October 1977, article published by Rolling Stone magazine, Carl Bernstein reported that more than 400 American journalists worked for the CIA. Bernstein went on to reveal that this cozy arrangement had covered the preceding 25 years. Sources told Bernstein that the New York Times, America's most respected newspaper at the time, was one of the CIA's closest media collaborators. Seeking to spread the blame, the New York Times published an article in December 1977, revealing that 'more than 800 news and public information organizations and individuals,' had participated in the CIA's covert subversion of the media.
"The CIA currently maintains a network of several hundred foreign individuals around the world who provide intelligence for the CIA and at times attempt to influence opinion through the use of covert propaganda. These individuals provide the CIA with direct access to a large number of newspapers and periodicals, scores of press services and news agencies, radio and television stations, commercial book publishers, and other foreign media outlets.
Church Committee stated that misinforming the world cost American taxpayers an estimated $265 million a year.
(Sources: Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Government Operations With Respect to Intelligence Activities, 191-201, April, 1976)
The Origins of the Overclass by Steve Kangas
A famed physician and American Catholic, Thomas Anthony Dooley III, was working in refugee camps in Haiphong, Vietnam and he came to the attention of Lieutenant Colonel Edward G. Lansdale, head of the CIA detail in Saigon, He was chosen as a symbol of Vietnamese-American cooperation and was encouraged to write about his experiences in the refugee camps. In 1956 his book Deliver Us from Evil established Dooley as a strong humanitarian.
The atrocities noted in his best seller, Deliver Us From Evil, were fabricated and were a CIA psychological warfare campaign (later revealed by the Church Committee in 1975). Other unsubstantiated reports indicate that he collected intelligence for the CIA.
In 1983 former CIA officer Ralph McGehee publish his book , Deadly Deceits: My 25 Years in the CIA. In it he wrote about his personal knowledge the extent to which Dooley's book, Deliver Us From Evil was involved in CIA warfare across Indochina.
A 1981 allegation by retired CIA officer Ralph McGehee about CIA involvement in the Indonesian killings of 19651966 was censored by the CIA, prompting the American Civil Liberties Union to sue on his behalf. The CIA prevailed.
McGehee also wrote that the CIA supported anti-Communist counterinsurgency in the Philippines. And "The CIA forged a document purporting to reveal a leftist plot to murder Chilean military leaders", in order to provoke them into launching the 1973 Chilean coup d'état.
The Carter Administration engineered an $88 million World Bank loan to Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos, increased military aid to him by 300%, and called him a "soft dictator". But a 1976 Amnesty International report identified 88 government torturers, and stated that alleged subversives had their heads slammed into walls, their genitals and pubic hair torched, and were beaten with clubs, fists, bottles, and rifle butts. By 1977, the armed forces had quadrupled and over 60,000 Filipinos had been arrested for political reasons. In 1981, Vice President George Bush praised Marcos for his "adherence to democratic principals and to the democratic processes". http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/CIA/McGehee_CIA_Indo.html
CIA officer Philip Burnett Franklin Agee, 40, resigned from the CIA in 1968 following a decade had of working in Washington, D.C., Ecuador, Uruguay and Mexico. He then reenrolled in university studies in a doctoral program at the University of Mexico in Latin American studies.
Other civil rights violation regarding the freedom of the press.
The FBI's Library Awareness Program was a program that ran for about 25 years, in which FBI agents tried to enlist the assistance of librarians in monitoring the reading habits of "suspicious" individuals. FBI agents clandestinely visited libraries to track the reading habits of people from communist countries, people with foreign-sounding names, and people with foreign accents. As part of its Library Awareness Program, the Federal Bureau of Investigation conducted numerous counterintelligence activities in libraries, including requesting confidential information on library users based solely on their nationality.
The Cold Warera counterintelligence program arose out of suspicions that Soviet agents were searching the stacks for valuable technical data, and targeted scientific and technical libraries, including some public and university libraries. As part of the program, agents asked library staff members to report the use of unclassified scientific reading materials by people from "hostile foreign nations." Often, FBI agents who didn't have subpoenas or search warrants approached lower-level workers for information, which they used intimidation tactics to obtain. One FBI document reveals an extended investigation of librarians who criticized this Bureau's program. National Commission on Libraries and Information Science (NCLIS) became heavily politicized and acquiesced to the spying. (Surveillance in the Stacks: The FBI's Library Awareness Program by Herbert N. Foerstel, Greenwood Press 1991)
From 1973 until the late 1980s, the FBI conducted a secret surveillance program within America's unclassified scientific libraries, including both public and university libraries. That program, known as the Library Awareness Program, had two goals:
- To restrict access by foreign nationals, particularly Soviet and East Europeans, to unclassified scientific information;
- To recruit librarians to report on any "foreigners" using America's unclassified scientific libraries.
To accomplish these goals, FBI agents would approach clerical staff at public and university libraries, flash a badge and appeal to their patriotism in preventing the spread of "sensitive but unclassified" information to potential enemie
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