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1969 - 1975 Henry Kissinger - war criminal

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  • dick.mcmanus
    The case against Henry Kissinger for war crimes In the fall of 1968, Richard Nixon and some of his emissaries and underlings set out to sabotage the Paris
    Message 1 of 1 , Jul 19, 2009

      The case against Henry Kissinger for war crimes

      In the fall of 1968, Richard Nixon and some of his emissaries and underlings set out to sabotage the Paris peace negotiations on Vietnam. The means they chose were simple: they privately assured the South Vietnamese military rulers that an incoming Republican regime would offer them a better deal than would a Democratic one. In this way, they undercut both the talks themselves and the electoral strategy of Vice President Hubert Humphrey. The tactic "worked,"

      In mid-September 1968, he received private word of a planned bombing halt. In other words, the Johnson Administration would, for the sake of the negotiations, consider suspending its aerial bombardment of North Vietnam.

      Indeed, President F Johnson's Paris negotiators, led by Averell Harriman, considered Henry Kissinger had made himself helpful, as Rockefeller's chief foreign-policy adviser, by supplying French intermediaries with their own contacts in Hanoi. "Henry (Kissinger) was the only person outside of the government we were authorized to discuss the negotiations with," Richard Holbrooke told Walter Isaacson. "We trusted him. It is not stretching the truth to say that the Nixon campaign had a secret source within the U.S. negotiating team."

      On April 4, 1962, John Kenneth Galbraith, the ambassador to India wrote a memorandum to Kennedy suggesting that he explore with North Vietnam a disengagement and mutual withdrawal from the growing war in South Vietnam.    The Joint Chiefs were furious at Galbraith's proposal.   On April 6, Kennedy told his newly appointed Assistant Secretary of State , Averell Harriman to send Galbraith instructions to pursue an Indian diplomatic approach to the North Vietnamese about exploring a mutual disengagement with the US.    Harriman sabotaged Kennedy's proposal (violated his direct order) and Galbraith never received JKF's instructions.  Kennedy finally had to use Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara to get his policies on Vietnam and Laos moving in this direction. ((JFK and the Unspeakable , p. 119)

      Averell Harriman was a candidate for the Democratic Presidential Nomination in 1952, and again in 1956.    Harriman served President Franklin Roosevelt as special envoy to Europe.   He served as the US Ambassador to Soviet Union between 1943 and 1946 and the Ambassador to Britain in 1946. 


      In 1931, Brown Brothers Harriman and Company was created. 


      Harriman broke American law by secretly financing the Bolsheviks while American, British and White Russian troops were still fighting against the infant communist revolution. Harriman bribed Lenin into letting him take over the Czar's cartels, which exported manganese, iron ore and other raw materials. Harriman shipped the Russian raw materials to his German partners, the Thyssens, who had been secretly bought out by the Rockefellers.


      The Rockefeller's lawyers, the Dulles Brothers, had deliberately and systematically bankrupted the German economy with the Versaille Treaty. German currency was almost worthless after WWI, and so the Dulles brother's favorite clients, the Rockefellers, were able to buy the stock of nearly every German company for a song.


      The Rockefeller-Harriman front company that financed Auschwitz was called Brown Brothers Harriman. It is still around today.   Herbert Walker, founded the company, and appointed his impecunious son-in-law Prescott Bush to the boards of several holding companies, all of which became Nazi fronts. The Walkers and Bushes never really liked the Nazis, anymore than Harriman liked the communists. To the robber barons, they were just dogs on a leash.

      (The Secret War Against the Jews, pgs. 357-361,  pgs. 362-364 , and pgs. 365-371)


      So the likelihood of a bombing halt, wrote Nixon, "came as no real surprise to me." He added: "I told Haldeman that Mitchell should continue as liaison with (private citizen) Kissinger and that we should honor his desire to keep his role completely confidential." Thus began what was effectively a private citizen doing a US foreign policy operation, directed simultaneously at thwarting the talks and embarrassing the Hubert Humphrey campaign.

      As far back as July 68, Nixon had met quietly in New York with the South Vietnamese ambassador, Bui Diem.

      Johnson ordered a bombing halt on October 31, 1968 and the South Vietnamese made him look like a fool by boycotting the peace talks two days later.

      In that the super-rich Catholic and corrupt South Vietnamese junta withdrew from the talks on the eve of the election, thereby destroying the peace initiative on which the Democrats had based their campaign.  In those intervening four years some 20,000 Americans and an uncalculated number of Vietnamese, Cambodians, and Laotians lost their lives.

      President Johnson's "bombing halt" had not lasted long by any standard, even if one remembers that its original conciliatory purpose had been sordidly undercut. Averell Harriman, who had been LBJ's chief negotiator in Paris, later testified to Congress that the North Vietnamese had withdrawn 90 percent of their forces from the northern two provinces of South Vietnam, in October and November 1968, in accordance with the agreement of which the "halt" might have formed a part. In the new context, however, this withdrawal could be interpreted as a sign of weakness, or even as a "light at the end of the tunnel."


      The first such case is an example of what Vietnam might have been spared had not the 1968 Paris peace talks been sabotaged. In December 1968, during the "transition" period between the Johnson and Nixon administrations, the United States military command turned to what General Creighton Abrams termed "total war" against the "infrastructure" of the Vietcong/National Liberation Front insurgency. The chief exhibit in this campaign was a six-month clearance of the province of Kien Hoa. The code name for the sweep was Operation Speedy Express.

      Richard Nixon becomes President, January 20, 1969

      The "pacification" campaign in South Vietnam that bore this breezy code name Operation Speedy Express. Designed in the closing days of the Johnson-Humphrey Administration, it was put into full effect in the first six months of 1969, when Henry Kissinger had assumed much authority over the conduct of the war. The objective was the American disciplining, on behalf of the Thieu government, of the turbulent Mekong Delta province of Kien Hoa.

      The US Army Ninth division relied heavily on its 50 artillery pieces, 50 helicopters (many armed with rockets and mini guns) and the deadly support lent by the Air Force. There were 3,381 tactical air strikes by fighter bombers during Speedy Express.

      Kevin Buckley, correspondent and Saigon bureau chief for Newsweek stated, "All the evidence I gathered pointed to a clear conclusion a staggering number of noncombatant civilians perhaps as many as 5,000 according to one official-were killed by U.S. firepower to "pacify" Kien Hoa. The death toll there made the My Lai massacre look trifling by comparison.... Cumulative statistics for Speedy Express show that 10,899 "enemy" were killed.  (unarmed people running from the helicopters) "The Americans destroyed every house with artillery, air strikes, or by burning them down with cigarette lighters. About 100 people were killed by bombing, others were wounded and others became refugees. Many were children killed by concussion from the bombs which their small bodies could not withstand, even if they were hiding underground."

      And the enormous discrepancy between the body count [11,000] and the number of captured weapons [748] is hard to explain-except by the conclusion that many victims were unarmed innocent civilians....

      Since General Creighton Abrams publicly praised the Ninth Division for its work, and drew attention wherever and whenever he could to the tremendous success of Operation Speedy Express, we can be sure that the political leadership in Washington was not unaware. Indeed, the degree of micromanagement revealed in Kissinger's memoirs quite forbids the idea that anything of importance took place without his knowledge or permission.

      General Taylor described the practice of air strikes against hamlets suspected of "harboring" Vietnamese guerrillas as "flagrant violations of the Geneva Convention on Civilian Protection, which prohibits 'collective penalties,' and reprisals against protected persons,' and equally in violation of the Rules of Land Warfare." He was writing before this atrocious precedent had been extended to reprisal raids that treated two whole countries-Laos and Cambodia-as if they were disposable hamlets.


      The "Secret bombing" of Cambodia

      Masterminded the murder of as estimated 600,000 peasants in Cambodia

      Kissinger had to know that every additional casualty, on either side, was not just a death but an avoidable death. With this knowledge, and with a strong sense of the domestic and personal political profit, he urged the expansion of the war into two neutral countries-violating international law-while persisting in a breathtakingly high level of attrition in Vietnam itself.

      All this law and precedent was to be thrown to the winds when Nixon and Kissinger decided to aggrandize the notion of "hot pursuit" across the borders of Laos and Cambodia. As William Shawcross reported in his 1979 book, Sideshow, even before the actual territorial invasion of Cambodia, for example, and very soon after the accession of Nixon and Kissinger to power, a program of heavy bombardment of the country was prepared and executed in secret.

      The secret raids were flown by B-52 bombers, which, it is important to note, fly at an altitude too high to be observed from the ground and carry immense tonnages of high explosive; they give no warning of approach and are incapable of accuracy or discrimination. Between March 1969 and May 1970, 3,630 such raids were flown across the Cambodian frontier.  The bombing campaign began as it was to go on-with full knowledge of its effect on civilians.

      As a result of the expanded and intensified bombing campaigns, it has been officially estimated that as many as 350,000 civilians in Laos and 600,000 in Cambodia lost their lives.  These are not the highest estimates. In the preparations for the invasion of Cambodia in 1970, Kissinger was caught between the views of his staff-several of whom resigned in protest when the invasion began.

      It was impossible for Kissinger to claim that he was unaware of the consequences of the bombings of Cambodia and Laos; he knew more about them, and in more intimate detail, than any other individual.

      The U.S. Senate Subcommittee on Refugees estimated that in the same four-year period, rather more than 3 million civilians were killed, injured, or rendered homeless.

      In the same four-year period, the United States dropped almost 4,500,000 tons of high explosive on Indochina. (The Pentagon's estimated total for the amount dropped in the entire Second World War is 2,044,000.)

      It is unclear how we count the murder or abduction of 35,708 Vietnamese civilians by the ClA's counter-guerrilla "Phoenix program" during the first two and a half years of the Nixon-Kissinger Administration. There may be some "overlap." There is also some overlap with the actions of previous administrations in all cases. But the truly exorbitant death tolls all occurred on Henry Kissinger's watch; were known and understood by him; were concealed from Congress, the press, and the public by him; and were, when questioned, the subject of political and bureaucratic vendettas ordered by him.  

      Kissinger was enraged by a New York Times story telling some part of the truth about Indochina.

      And so the program started, inspired by Henry's rage but ordered by Nixon, who soon broadened it even further to include newsmen. Eventually, seventeen people were wiretapped by the FBI including seven on Kissinger's NSC staff and three on the White House staff."  And thus, the birth of the plumbers (Watergate burglars) , and of the assault on American law and democracy that they inaugurated. 


      Henry Kissinger conspired to commit murder, and that on numerous other occasions.  The murder victim is General Rene Schneider, who was the Commander in Chief of the Chilean Army, the Chilean "Chief of Staff.  In the September 9, 1970 minutes of the "40" Committee, the Kissinger chaired secret panel that oversaw U.S. covert operations, the Chilean military had a strong tradition of neutrality in political affairs, a rarity on the South American continent. General Schneider was known as an officer committed to upholding the Chilean constitution and therefore opposed to the rumored incipient coup against newly elected Socialist President Salvador Allende by a right wing junta of Chilean military officers. U.S. Government communications cables from the CIA and documents from the State Department  and White House prove Kissinger's direct involvement in the direction, planning, financing, and in the plot to remove General Schneider.

      The US involvement in coup planning began even before Allende's election victory, under the code-name FUBELT, with action plans prepared for Kissinger's consideration. One group of officers working under CIA direction carried out the assassination of General Rene Schneider, in an unsuccessful attempt to spark a full-scale coup before Allende could take office.

      Source:  Trial of Henry Kissinger by Christopher Hitchens

      Plumbers caught breaking into Democratic party headquarters at the Watergate Hotel in Washington, D.C. on June 17, 1972.

      Kissingers thinks that any pullout next year would be a serious mistake because the adverse reaction to it could set in well before the 1972 elections. He favors, instead, a continued winding down and then a pullout right at the fall of 1972 so that if any bad results follow they will be too late to affect the election."

      General de Gaulle, in which the old warrior demanded to know by what right the Nixon Administration subjected Indochina to devastating bombardment. In his own account, Kissinger replies that "a sudden withdrawal might give us a credibility problem."  no wish to discredit the 1972,  re-election.

      It is known that 20,763 American, 109,230 South Vietnamese, and 496,260 North Vietnamese servicemen lost their lives in Indochina between the day that Nixon and Kissinger took office and the day in 1973 that they withdrew American forces and accepted the logic of 1968. Must the families of these victims confront the fact that the chief "faces" at risk were those of Nixon and Kissinger?

      Thus the colloquially titled "Christmas bombing" of North Vietnam, continued after that election had been won, must be counted as a war crime by any standard. The bombing was not conducted for anything that could be described as "military reasons" but for twofold political ones. The first of these was domestic: a show of strength to extremists in Congress and a means of putting the Democratic Party on the defensive. The second was to persuade South Vietnamese leaders such as President Thieu-whose intransigence had been encouraged by Kissinger in the first place-that their objections to American withdrawal were too nervous. This, again, was the mortgage on the initial secret payment of 1968.

      Kissinger had helped elect a man who had surreptitiously promised the South Vietnamese junta a better deal than they would get from the Democrats. The Saigon authorities then acted as if they did indeed have a deal. This meant, in the words of a later Nixon slogan, "Four More Years" four more years of an unwinnable and undeclared and murderous war, and a war that was to end on the same terms and conditions as had been on the table in the fall of 1968.


      Kissinger helped President Nixon engineer and then protect the Pinochet coup in Chile and regime of torture and murder.  The time was September 11, 1973. The event was the bloody overthrow of a democratic government. And the criminals were Henry Kissinger, Richard Nixon, The CIA, and Chilean Dictator Augusto Pinochet. Pepsico, ITT, and other large U.S. corporations were also guilty parties in these crimes against the State and against The People of Chile. The Pornography of Power


      But many of the actions of the United States during the 1973 coup, and much of what American leaders and intelligence services did in liaison with the Pinochet Government after it seized power, remain under the seal of national security.

      * The C.l.A. has files on assassinations by the regime and the Chilean secret police. The intelligence agency also has records on Chile's attempts to establish an international right-wing covert-action squad.

      * The Ford Library contains many of Mr. Kissinger's secret files on Chile, which have never been made public.

      Kissinger inflicted terror and misery and mass death on that country.  It is well known to academic historians, senior reporters, former Cabinet members, and ex-diplomats.

      Nixon resigned the office of the presidency on at noon, August 9, 1974.

      In 1975 State Department diplomats in Chile protested the Pinochet regime's record of killing and torture, filing dissents to American foreign policy with their superiors in Washington.

      President Ford and Secretary of State Kissinger gave the go ahead to Suharto's invasion of East Timor and subsequent massive war crimes there, and the same Kissinger.


      When the unpreventable collapse occurred in Cambodia and Vietnam, in April and May 1975, the cost was infinitely higher than it would have been seven years previously. These locust years ended as they had begun-with a display of bravado and deceit. On May 12, 1975, in the immediate aftermath of the Khmer Rouge seizure of power, Cambodian gunboats detained an American merchant vessel named the Mayague. The ship was stopped in international waters claimed by Cambodia and then taken to the Cambodian island of Koh Tang. In spite of reports that the crew had been released, Kissinger pressed for an immediate face-saving and "credibility"-enhancing strike. He persuaded President Gerald Ford, the untried and undistinguished successor to his deposed former boss, to send in the Marines and the Air Force. Out of a Marine force of 110, 18 were killed and 50 were wounded. Twenty-three Air Force men died in a crash. The United States used a 15,000-ton bomb on the island, the most powerful non-nuclear device that it possessed. Nobody has the figures for Cambodian deaths. The casualties were pointless, because the ship's company of the Mayaguez were nowhere on Koh Tang, having been released some hours earlier. A subsequent congressional inquiry found that Kissinger could have known of this by listening to Cambodian broadcasting or by paying attention to a third-party government that had been negotiating a deal for the restitution of the crew and the ship. It was not as if any Cambodians doubted, by that month of 1975, the willingness of the U.S. government to employ deadly force.


      In the minutes of a secret 1975 meeting of the National Security Council attended by President Ford reveal Henry Kissinger grumbling, "It is an act of insanity and national humiliation to have a law prohibiting the President from ordering assassination."

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