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Death in the age of reason / Singapore's Blood Money

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  • MellanieHewlitt
    http://www.theage.com.au/news/michelle-grattan/death-in-the-age-of-reason/2005/10/29/1130400399810.html Death in the age of reason By Michelle Grattan The Age
    Message 1 of 1 , Oct 29, 2005
      http://www.theage.com.au/news/michelle-grattan/death-in-the-age-of-reason/2005/10/29/1130400399810.html

      Death in the age of reason
      By Michelle Grattan
      The Age
      October 30, 2005

      Policemen patrol the walls of Singapore's Changi Prison, where
      Australian Nguyen Tuong Van is being held and where, barring a last-
      minute act of clemency, he faces death by hanging.
      Photo: AP

      The imminent hanging - barring an unexpected miracle of Singaporean
      clemency - of the young Australian Nguyen Tuong Van is a horrible
      and sad human tragedy. But it's more than that.

      It's the latest example of how capital punishment and lesser-but-
      excessive sentences for drug crimes in Asia are becoming a serious
      complication for Australia in its dealings with the region.

      The extreme and automatic penalty imposed on Nguyen (for trafficking
      heroin which he said was to pay for his twin brother's debts) is a
      jolting reminder of the appalling disregard for human rights by some
      of our neighbours who are also our friends.

      The Schapelle Corby case, fanned by often feral media, stirred up a
      lot of negative feeling in this country against Indonesia.

      While Corby is to serve an inordinately long sentence, it has been
      clear for some time that Nguyen, whose fate was receiving a lot less
      media attention, would almost certainly be executed. Prime Minister
      John Howard, Foreign Minister Alexander Downer and Governor-General
      Michael Jeffery each made strong representations, but to no effect.

      In contrast, a plea by Downer to the Vietnamese Government recently
      resulted in an Australian's death sentence being commuted, although
      the Government is still fighting for two others on death row there.

      The Nguyen case highlights, in the starkest terms, the gulf in
      values between Australia and some neighbouring countries.

      Of course Australia, too, once had the death penalty (though only
      for the most serious crime), and in opinion polls many Australians
      still favour it. But, despite the ever-worsening civil liberties
      climate, we can be confident capital punishment will never return to
      this country. Australian decision-makers crossed an important moral
      line several decades ago and there will be no going back.

      Singapore's attitude is barbaric, pure and simple. The report last
      week about the 73-year old Singapore executioner, who has put to
      death more than 850 people and once hanged 18 men in one day, was
      chilling. It's hard to believe such an approach to human life can
      exist in a country that is in some ways a model of modernity.

      Asad Latif, a former senior reporter with The Straits Times, wrote
      in The Australian last week that "no one has the right to expect,
      let alone demand, that Singapore bend its laws to suit the laws of
      another country.

      "The main issue is that of sovereignty. The laws of Singapore
      prevail in the land called Singapore," he wrote.

      Maverick Liberal Wilson Tuckey gave support to the Singapore
      line. "If the Singaporean Government was to respect our request (for
      clemency), it would set a precedent. Every drug baron in the world
      would say, as long as we use an Aussie to go through Singapore . . .
      we'll be OK."

      Beyond the issues of sovereignty or deterrence, however, is a core
      moral question. The Nguyen case is sparking calls that Australia
      should mount a broad and vigorous international push against capital
      punishment for such crimes.

      Philip Alston, chief adviser on the death penalty to the United
      Nations Commission on Human Rights, has accused the Australian
      Government of inconsistency. Alston (brother of former minister
      Richard) said on Friday that Australia was willing to speak out when
      international standards on policing counter-terrorism were not met.
      But it did not fight for changes to these mandatory death penalties
      for drug cases - penalties that were "not appropriate under
      international law".

      A law professor at New York University, Alston warned that the
      draconian laws in regional countries will "affect an increasing
      number of Australians".

      Alston, who on behalf of the UN has lobbied Singapore for Nguyen's
      life, told the ABC's PM program it was "almost certainly" too late
      for Australia to win a change in this case.

      The Singapore Government was not going to alter its position on an
      isolated case "and even less so under pressure from a Western
      government like that of Australia," he said.

      "The only thing to do is to assume that there are going to be more
      of these cases, whether in Vietnam, Indonesia, Singapore or other
      countries, and now is the time to start a major campaign seeking to
      eliminate the punishment of the death penalty for such crimes."

      Such a campaign would probably have no effect, but anyone who
      believes Australia should take a forthright stand on human rights
      internationally would have to say it should be pressing regionally
      against the death penalty in such circumstances. To do this,
      however, could strain relations with countries like Indonesia, with
      which Australia is trying to maximise co-operation on fronts such as
      the fight against terrorism.

      It comes back to choices that Australia periodically faces in
      regional relations. As one Government source puts it: "Asians do
      some things we wouldn't do. If Australia wants to be the moral
      policeman, it will be a lonely position." Yet not to do so means
      Australia makes representations for its own people that inevitably
      look to the region like special pleading, which it is, while dodging
      the issue of wider human rights abuse.

      Howard is not absolutist on capital punishment, although he opposes
      it for Australia and Australians abroad. Australia's position is
      that it has no objection to a death penalty for the Bali bombers,
      which is a mixture of acceptance of Indonesia's sovereignty and a
      stand of domestic political convenience.

      After the Nguyen case, the Bali nine accused drug-runners present
      another nightmare prospect. If several Australians were sentenced to
      death, there would be a huge domestic outcry (although the feeling
      is those sentences probably would not be carried out).

      The Government would be caught between having to apply the maximum
      pressure, while knowing that could be counterproductive, perhaps to
      the fate of the individuals and possibly to the wider relationship
      between the two countries.

      The adherence of Indonesia to the death penalty for drug crimes
      complicates bilateral dealings even at the investigation stage.

      Under Australian law, police can assist overseas authorities in
      cases up to the point where someone is charged with a crime carrying
      the death penalty (when help can be given only under strict
      protocols and to advantage the defendant).

      Australian Federal Police are now under sharp criticism for helping
      their Indonesian counterparts apprehend the Bali nine before they
      left Indonesia, when they could have picked them up after they got
      off the plane in Australia. Yet for police not to co-operate with
      overseas authorities could prejudice the fight against crime and
      jeopardise wider arrangements.

      Of course, for Australia and Australians, these problems would not
      arise if people absorbed the message that there is no mercy for drug
      offenders in these countries. If any shred of something positive is
      to come out of recent cases, it can only be that surely they must
      reinforce this.

      Howard has shown his frustration from time to time with Australians
      who ignore the obvious. Bob Hawke had the experience as PM of trying
      to intervene in drug cases. In 1986, Brian Chambers and Kevin Barlow
      were executed in Malaysia for drug trafficking. Hawke tried
      unsuccessfully to get the sentences commuted.

      He has expressed his sadness over the Nguyen case and said he hoped
      the Government would keep trying. He also added that "the positions
      of these countries are well known and if people undertake drug-
      running they are not acting in ignorance of the outcome".

      In the final stages of the Nguyen story, the PM is under pressure to
      up the ante. Nguyen's lawyer, Lex Lasry, has urged Howard to make a
      forthright statement. Tomorrow Lasry is due to see Singapore's high
      commissioner, Joseph Koh, in Canberra; he said yesterday he would
      also seek appointments with Howard and Downer.

      Downer, an opponent of capital punishment in any circumstances and
      obviously distressed by the Nguyen case, says nothing has happened
      in the past week to give any cause for optimism.

      The uncompromising line came through in the formal statement issued
      by Koh a few days ago. "Our policy has been well-publicised and Mr
      Nguyen was well aware of it," he said. "Not everyone may agree with
      our view, but I hope they will understand Singapore's position."

      A Howard spokesman said yesterday the PM had taken "all the
      diplomatic action he could take to bring about a commutation of the
      death penalty". Asked about the petition in the form of traced hands
      that friends of Nguyen have organised, the spokesman said the PM
      supported appropriate action by members of the public to express
      their views. Meanwhile, a bipartisan petition has been circulated
      among MPs.

      Downer has said that the Government has to be "cautious and
      circumspect" in how it makes representations. Obviously the case
      impinges on domestic policy and politics for the Singapore
      Government, and the Australian Government believes public that
      stridency will just back Singapore further into a corner.

      In contrast, Lasry is taking the attitude that, as they're at the
      end of the road, there is nothing to lose by the PM putting his
      authority publicly on the line.

      "The Singapore Government would listen carefully if our Prime
      Minister would say that as a human being and Prime Minister he does
      not want this Australian citizen executed," Lasry said on Friday.

      If only it were so. The evidence, however, suggests Singapore is
      morally deaf and politically immutable on this issue.

      Downer, an opponent of capital punishment in any circumstances and
      obviously distressed by the Nguyen case, says nothing has happened
      in the past week to give any cause for optimism.

      The uncompromising line came through in the formal statement issued
      by Koh a few days ago. "Our policy has been well-publicised and Mr
      Nguyen was well aware of it," he said. "Not everyone may agree with
      our view, but I hope they will understand Singapore's position."

      A Howard spokesman said yesterday the PM had taken "all the
      diplomatic action he could take to bring about a commutation of the
      death penalty". Asked about the petition in the form of traced hands
      that friends of Nguyen have organised, the spokesman said the PM
      supported appropriate action by members of the public to express
      their views. Meanwhile, a bipartisan petition has been circulated
      among MPs.

      Downer has said that the Government has to be "cautious and
      circumspect" in how it makes representations. Obviously the case
      impinges on domestic policy and politics for the Singapore
      Government, and the Australian Government believes public that
      stridency will just back Singapore further into a corner.

      In contrast, Lasry is taking the attitude that, as they're at the
      end of the road, there is nothing to lose by the PM putting his
      authority publicly on the line.

      "The Singapore Government would listen carefully if our Prime
      Minister would say that as a human being and Prime Minister he does
      not want this Australian citizen executed," Lasry said on Friday.

      If only it were so. The evidence, however, suggests Singapore is
      morally deaf and politically immutable on this issue.


      ---------------------------------------------------------------------
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      http://www.singapore-window.org/1020naus.htm

      Singapore's blood money
      Hanging drug couriers but investing with their suppliers

      The Nation (US) October 20, 1997.
      By Dennis Bernstein and Leslie Kean

      FRIDAYS, just before dawn, are hanging days in Singapore. Navarat
      Maykha, a Thai mother of two small children, awaited her turn as she
      prayed in her jail cell with her attorney, Peter Fernando, just a
      few
      days before her execution. An impoverished and uneducated woman, and
      also deeply religious, she swore until her death that she was
      unaware
      of the heroin that was hidden in the lining of a suitcase given to
      her by a Nigerian friend.

      Singapore - a tiny island nation of 3 million perched at the
      southern
      tip of the Asian continent - prides itself on its strict drug laws,
      which include a mandatory death sentence for anyone caught with as
      little as half an ounce of heroin.

      "It's heartbreaking sometimes," said Fernando during a recent
      interview from his office in Singapore. "If you are an addict, and
      you are simply sitting at home with more than 15 grams of heroin and
      you cannot prove with scientific accuracy that a portion of the
      drugs
      are for personal use, you will hang."

      The fiercely authoritarian government micro-manages all aspects of
      the secretive hangings, as it does everything else in this country.
      This efficiency allows for the possibility of multiple executions
      when drug offenders swell the prison. On September 27, 1996, six
      people were hanged in one morning. Four had been hanged the previous
      Friday, all for drug trafficking. According to Amnesty
      International,
      1995 - the year Navarat was executed - was a busy year at the
      gallows
      in Singapore, when more than fifty people were hanged, the majority
      for drug offenses.

      In its March 1997 International Narcotics Control Strategy Report,
      the US State Department said that "the number of drug traffickers
      hanged in Singapore increased dramatically in the last two years."
      Amnesty International, also describing a "sharp increase in the
      number of executions" in a 1997 report, states that those executed
      are most often small-time addicts and couriers, usually poorly
      educated and economically vulnerable, "while those who organise and
      profit from the crimes frequently escape capture and prosecution."

      But that does not describe the worst of it. The Nation has learned
      that the highest levels of the Singaporean government, using the New
      York-based Morgan Guaranty Trust Company, a subsidiary of J.P.
      Morgan, as a custodial operative, are engaging in joint business
      ventures with one of the world's most notorious drug lords and with
      the drug-backed military dictatorship of Burma (Myanmar). This has
      been confirmed by corporate, government and legal documents from
      four
      countries and was contended by high-ranking US narcotics and
      government officials in private interviews.

      Dual-track policy

      ACCORDING to interviews with Singaporean lawyers and US narcotics
      officials, the heroin found in Singapore comes mostly from Burma,
      one
      of the world's largest exporters of the highly profitable drug, with
      1996 exports estimated at $1 billion. Since the State Law and Order
      Restoration Council (SLORC) takeover of Burma in 1988, illicit drug
      exports have more than doubled; French and US satellite surveys have
      shown an explosion of poppy-growing in areas under the SLORC's
      direct
      control. In 1995 the Australian Parliament heard testimony on SLORC
      protection of the narcotics trade as a matter of policy, "in order
      to
      raise government revenue." And a report last year by the US embassy
      in Rangoon, based on the SLORC's economic data, concluded that
      exports of opiates "appear to be worth about as much as all legal
      exports" and that investments in infrastructure and hotels are
      coming
      from major opiate-growing and opiate-exporting organisations [see
      Bernstein and Kean, "People of the Opiate," December 16, 1996].

      "Drug traffickers who once spent their days leading mule trains down
      jungle tracks are now leading lights in Burma's new market economy,"
      said Secretary of State Madeleine Albright in a statement this past
      July. "We are increasingly concerned that Burma's drug traffickers,
      with official encouragement, are laundering their profits through
      Burmese banks and companies - some of which are joint ventures with
      foreign businesses," she said. It is with the SLORC, and allied
      organizations, that Singapore's hang-'em-high government is
      investing
      so heavily - in such ventures as hotels and infrastructure.

      This dual-track policy is condoned and encouraged at top levels of
      the Singaporean regime, including by Lee Kuan Yew, the country's
      undisputed strongman. Lee, whose antidrug policies are among the
      strictest in the world, is participating in the country's deepening
      business relationships with renowned heroin trafficker Lo Hsing Han
      of Burma and his son and business partner, Steven Law. Their
      operations in Burma, Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand and the United
      States are now the focus of an ongoing U.S. government narcotics and
      money-laundering investigation, The Nation has learned.

      Lo Hsing Han, a Kokang Chinese from the opium-producing region of
      Burma's Golden Triangle, was convicted and sentenced to death in
      1973 - not for drug trafficking, which had been carried out with the
      tacit agreement of the state, but for treason. After being released
      in a 1980 government amnesty, he returned to the Kokang region. As
      of
      1994, Lo controlled the most heavily armed drug-trafficking
      organization in Southeast Asia. Today he rules with godfather status
      over a clan of traffickers, and his organisation controls a
      substantial amount of the world's opium production, according to US
      narcotics officials. A memo from the Thai government's Office of
      Narcotics Control Board states that Lo's trafficking activities are
      augmented through his link to Burma's military intelligence chief,
      Lieut Gen Khin Nyunt, described as Lo's "supporter." It says that in
      1993 Lo was granted the "privilege from Lieut. Gen Khin Nyunt to
      smuggle heroin from the Kokang Group to Tachilek [on the Thai
      border]
      without interception."

      Lo is chairman of Burma's Asia World Company Limited, managed by his
      son Law, who has achieved unprecedented success under the current
      dictatorship. "Law's power and connections are unparalleled,"
      comments one US official. "No other domestic investor in Burma can
      get an audience with a cabinet member with one phone call. When Law
      got married, eight cabinet members showed up." Law's multimillion-
      dollar business ventures seem to win all bidding wars in Burma's
      development race. (Law was denied a visa to the United States last
      year. "We have information that leads us to believe he is a
      trafficker in illicit substances," a US government official told The
      Nation in explanation.)

      Business is business

      WALL Street Journal editors, in the 1997 Index of Economic Freedom,
      rated Singapore as the most business-friendly country in the world.
      Unfortunately, that friendliness has been extended to Lo Hsing Han,
      Steven Law and the narco-dictatorship of Burma.

      As Tay Thiam Peng, director of foreign operations at Singapore's
      Trade Development Board, bluntly put it in 1996, when it comes to
      business, morality takes a back seat to profits. "While the other
      countries are ignoring Myanmar (Burma), it's a good time for us to
      go
      in," Tay stated. "You get better deals, and you're more
      appreciated... Singapore's position is not to judge them and take a
      judgmental moral high ground." As Burma's number-one business
      partner, Singapore now has 53 projects in Burma, which as of January
      totaled nearly $1.2 billion.

      "Since 1988...over half of [the investments from] Singapore have
      been
      tied to the family of narco-trafficker Lo Hsing Han,'' says Robert
      Gelbard, former US Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of
      International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs. Most of these
      investments are in joint projects with Lo's family-controlled Asia
      World Company. Asia World includes a host of subsidiaries and three
      overseas branches in Singapore. US narcotics officials say that
      these "overseas branches" are part of the ongoing money-laundering
      investigation.

      Asia World's 1996 company profile states that it began as a trader
      in
      agricultural and animal feed products but today "has emerged as one
      of Myanmar's (Burma's) fastest growing and most diversified
      conglomerates." Burma's largest private-sector enterprise, it has
      interests in trading, manufacturing, real estate, industrial
      investment, development, construction, transportation, imports and
      distribution. Asia World's operations now include the running of a
      deep-water port in Rangoon, the bus company Leo Express into
      northern
      Burma, and a $33 million toll highway from Burma's poppy-growing
      region to the Chinese border.

      The combination of the Burmese military's ability to protect
      shipments and production in the country and Asia World's ability to
      move product over land and sea completes a perfect marriage of
      convenience. In addition to these operations, US narcotics officials
      say that Lo Hsing Han also runs a container business, shipping cargo
      out of Rangoon from a nondescript container yard the size of a city
      block. They suspect it of being a drug-shipping operation. Although
      it is a subsidiary of Asia World, the containerized cargo processing
      facility has no name, no sign and is not mentioned in Asia World's
      business profile. According to one official, some of the several
      hundred containers that have left this yard have gone to Singapore
      and the United States.

      In a June telephone interview from his headquarters in Rangoon, Law
      denied all allegations of drug trafficking. He laughed and said that
      Asia World operates under government regulations, "so if we do
      anything against government policy, we cannot do our business," Law
      said. "That's why concerning your point of any drugs in our city, I
      can say we haven't [been] involved."

      The money trail: the Myanmar Fund

      THE Singapore government, in cooperation with Morgan Guaranty Trust
      Company, is directly connected to key business ventures of drug
      kingpin Lo through an investment group called the Myanmar Fund. The
      fund, which provides investors "with long term capital appreciation
      from direct or indirect investments in Myanmar (Burma)," is
      registered as a tax-free fund in Jersey, Channel Islands, according
      to documents provided to the Irish Stock Exchange.

      Singapore's largest government-controlled financial institution -
      the
      Government of Singapore Investment Corporation (GIC) - is listed in
      the documents along with Morgan Guaranty Trust Bank (a J.P. Morgan
      subsidiary separate from the Trust Company) as a core shareholder in
      the Myanmar Fund. A September 1996 GIC business profile from the
      Registry of Companies and Businesses in Singapore shows that high-
      level

      Singaporean politicians are officers and directors of the GIC,
      including senior minister Lee Kuan Yew; his son, deputy prime
      minister Brig Gen Lee Hsien Loong; and finance minister Dr Richard
      Hu. As a core shareholder, the GIC helps determine how the fund's
      money is invested in Burma. Jean Tan, a spokesperson for the
      Singaporean embassy in Washington, confirmed in a June interview
      that
      the GIC holds a 21.5 percent share of the Myanmar Fund. As of last
      November, this investment was worth $10 million, according to the
      Singaporean government.

      The Myanmar Fund owns 25 percent of an Asia World subsidiary, Asia
      World Industries. In fact, the Myanmar Fund's 1997 first-quarter
      report features two pictures of Asia World factories on its cover.
      The Myanmar Fund has also heavily invested in a number of luxury
      hotels in Burma, including Rangoon's Traders and Shangri-La. The
      Asia
      World business profile describes the Traders and Shangri-La hotels
      as
      major investment projects for Lo Hsing Han's company. It says that
      the Shangri-La Hotel (and surrounding apartments and offices) will
      be "the biggest of all" Asia World's investments, with "$200
      million...in appropriation of the project."

      In an official press release last November, the Singapore government
      stated that its investments in the Myanmar Fund were "completely
      open
      and above board" and that its investments in both the two luxury
      hotels and Asia World were "straightforward investments in bona fide
      commercial projects." However, the fund's operations are hardly
      straightforward and open. The operations of the GIC itself are
      effectively a state secret. The government company is not required
      to
      file annual reports or report to parliament. It has no public
      accountability, even though it uses public moneys for its
      investments. Furthermore, according to fund documents, in late 1994 -

      only weeks after being listed on the Irish Stock Exchange - the
      GIC's
      shares disappeared from the stock exchange register and were re-
      registered under the name of Ince & Co. The Singaporean government
      acknowledged in November that Morgan Guaranty Trust Company is the
      custodian for the GIC securities, and that Ince & Co. was set up by
      Morgan to hold the shares in its custody.

      Morgan Guaranty Trust Bank, investing yet other funds on behalf of
      clients, is the largest core shareholder (followed by the GIC) of
      the
      Myanmar Fund at 42 percent, according to a fund report. This means
      that together, the Singaporean regime's GIC and Morgan Guaranty
      Trust
      Bank have been in control of 63 percent of the Myanmar Fund and its
      co-investments with the corporation chaired by drug baron Lo Hsing
      Han. (The GIC shares re-listed as Ince & Co have shifted hands once
      again. In a February document obtained by The Nation, the fund
      reported transfer of the Ince & Co. shares to another company, Hare
      &
      Co. In telephone interviews, spokesmen for the Myanmar Fund, the GIC
      and Morgan Guaranty refused to provide information about the
      identity
      or purpose of the new custodial company.)

      Dining with the devil

      SINGAPORE'S dealings with Lo Hsing Han and Steven Law continue to
      expand unabated. Singapore's GIC investment in the Myanmar Fund
      increased by 4.3 percent in 1996. In Rangoon, the Traders Hotel
      celebrated its official opening last November. At the opening
      ceremony, attended by Singapore's Ambassador and graced with an ap-
      pearance by Lo himself, the presiding SLORC minister publicly
      thanked
      both Steven Law and the government of Singapore for paving the road
      for a smooth business partnership. "I would like to extend my
      sincere
      gratitude to the government of Singapore," he said, "without whose
      support and encouragement there would be very few Singaporean
      businessmen in our country."

      Since then, ground has been broken on the construction of Sinmardev,
      a new, $207 million industrial park and port on the outskirts of
      Rangoon. A Singaporean consortium is the leader in a joint venture
      with the SLORC, the Myanmar Fund, Lo's family company and a slew of
      international shareholders. The Myanmar Fund holds a 10 percent
      interest in Sinmardev. Singaporean entrepreneur Albert Hong, head of
      Sinmardev, described the project as the largest foreign investment
      in
      Burma outside the energy field.

      "Singapore is more involved with Lo than any other country, because
      that's basically where Steven Law is functioning out of when he's
      not
      in Burma," observes a US narcotics official.

      Singapore's rulers continue to deny any wrongdoing in connection
      with
      their relationship to Asia World. "It is fairly far-fetched, trying
      to link the Singaporean government and drug traffickers," said
      embassy spokesperson Jean Tan.

      "Nonsense," says Singapore's former solicitor general Francis Seow,
      now a research fellow at the East Asian Legal Studies Program of
      Harvard Law School. The former close associate of Lee Kuan Yew says
      he knows "through personal experience" that Lee micro-manages every
      aspect of Singaporean political, economic and social policy.

      Dr Chee Soon Juan, secretary general of the Singapore Democratic
      Party and a leader of Singapore's political opposition, was labeled
      a
      traitor for raising the drug issue in Singapore. "Drug peddlers are
      routinely hanged in Singapore for carrying heroin," wrote Chee, in a
      rare and courageous act of public protest in response to a
      documentary that aired on Australian television last year, Singapore
      Sling. "And where are all these drugs coming from? Drug lords like
      Lo
      Hsing Han are the big-time pushers aided by the SLORC generals." "Is
      this not hypocrisy at its worst?" he asked.

      "The Singapore government knows it's having dinner with the devil,
      and sharing a very short spoon," says Seow. "And it is a terrible
      double standard. Drug moneys are being laundered apparently by the
      same drug lords who supply the heroin for which small-time drug
      dealers are hanged. We are reaping profits as Burma's biggest
      investor, but we're being paid with blood money."

      For related discussions see:
      1) Mellanie Hewlitt; Lifting The Veil On Singapore Politics
      http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Sg_Review/message/1755

      2) Carl Kapeland: Legitimized Corruption Understood
      http://www.aseannewsnetwork.com/2005/07/singapore-review-
      legitimized.html

      --- End forwarded message ---
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