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FW: [Black_Libertarians] The Fraud "From Flint"

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  • Brad Thomas
    ... From: Richard B. Boddie [mailto:rboddie@earthlink.net] Sent: Tuesday, February 01, 2005 12:19 AM To: smitcat@cox.net Subject: [Black_Libertarians] The
    Message 1 of 1 , Feb 2, 2005
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      -----Original Message-----
      From: Richard B. Boddie [mailto:rboddie@...]
      Sent: Tuesday, February 01, 2005 12:19 AM
      To: smitcat@...
      Subject: [Black_Libertarians] The Fraud "From Flint"


      http://frontpagemag.com/Articles/ReadArticle.asp?ID=16810

      The Fraud "From Flint"
      By Lowell Ponte
      FrontPageMagazine.com | January 31, 2005

      PONTEFICATIONS

      MICHAEL MOORE AND HIS AGITPROP FILM FAHRENHEIT 9/11
      were nowhere to be found on the lists of Academy Awards nominees
      released last week. And despite his commercial success, the Writers
      Guild omitted Moore from consideration for its first list of
      documentary writing award nominees. The only award Moore received was
      >from a gun rights group highlighting his hypocrisy after a
      bodyguard
      for this maker of the 2003 Academy Award-winning anti-gun Bowling for
      Columbine got arrested in New York City for carrying a handgun not
      licensed there.

      Hypocrisy is nothing new for Michael Moore, nor the Hollywood Left.
      But Hollywood makes its money by anticipating which way the winds are
      blowing. By distancing itself from this self-aggrandizing egomaniac,
      Tinsel Town may be signaling that America's cultural winds are
      shifting away from the Loony Left.

      So who is Michael Moore, this multi-millionaire filmmaker and author
      of several books, who has been called "the Left's only well-known
      shock jock," compared by Christopher Hitchens to socialist Adolf
      >Hitler's film propagandist Leni
      Riefenstahl?

      Michael Moore is his own fictional character, a self-written being
      who soon will require another rewrite if his lucrative fantasy career
      is to survive.

      Moore's production company, aptly named, is Dog Eat Dog Films. His
      agent Ariel "Ari" Emanuel is brother of Congressman Rahm Emanuel,
      D-IL, chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee and
      a former White House operative for President Bill Clinton.

      Michael Moore never was a "working class boy from Flint, Michigan,"
      as he pretends. He was born on April 23, 1954, in Davison, Michigan,
      a lily-white upper-middle class suburb 10 miles east of Flint, where
      his father Frank assembled AC spark plugs, and his mother was a
      clerk-secretary for General Motors (GM).

      For a few decades following World War II, America's global power
      (relative to war-shattered Europe and Japan) and the benefits
      provided to employees by GM and the United Auto Workers (UAW) union
      made life pleasant.

      Moore's parents enjoyed ample income, free medical and dental care,
      four weeks of paid vacation each year, and had two cars in their
      well-to-do Davison home. Moore's Irish-American father had spent
      workday afternoons playing golf. After he retired at age 53 with a
      full pension, he enjoyed a life of ease, golf and volunteer work at
      the local Roman Catholic church.

      Moore and his two younger sisters "were raised in what amounted to a
      mini-welfare state, where powerful unions took care of most of their
      members' basic needs, right down to prescription eyeglasses," wrote
      Ella Taylor in 2004 in the left-wing newspaper L.A. Weekly. "No
      wonder there's so much fellow feeling between Moore and Canada, which
      has socialized medicine, not to mention Europe, where he is hugely
      popular."

      After eighth grade Moore enrolled in a Catholic pre-seminary. "He
      admired the Berrigan brothers [radical anti-Vietnam War Catholic
      priests] and thought that the priesthood was the way to effect social
      change," wrote The New Yorker's Larissa MacFarquhar in February 2004.
      "This resolve lasted only through his first year, though, after the
      Detroit Tigers made it to the World Series for the first time in
      Moore's life, and the seminary wouldn't allow him to watch the games."

      Returning to school, at age 16, Moore gave a speech in a local
      contest in which he condemned the Elks Club for barring blacks. He
      won not only the contest prize but also a first intoxicating,
      glory-addicting taste of fame as media reported his fledgling
      political activism. CBS called to ask about his views. He soon sought
      more attention with an Eagle Scout award-winning slide show accusing
      what Moore called the worst polluters in his town. He was learning
      that the road to fame was a harsh accusation against some established
      conservative group or company that, if it fit the liberal political
      template, would be accepted without question by the liberal media.

      At age 17, he saw what remains Moore's favorite film, A Clockwork
      Orange, a depiction of futuristic street bully "ultraviolence," rape,
      and brainwashing, by Moore's still-favorite director, Stanley Kubrick.

      At 18, Moore ran for city school board on a simple platform: "Fire
      the Principal." He won. The principal, who had been kind to Moore as
      a child, resigned and died soon thereafter of a heart attack.
      Meanwhile, Moore reveled in the nationwide publicity he received for
      becoming America's youngest elected city official.

      Moore began studies at the local campus of the University of Michigan
      but soon dropped out. He was given a job on the GM assembly line but
      "called in sick the first day and never went back," which is the
      closest Moore ever came to being part of the working class. He became
      a local hippie, host of a Sunday morning radio show he called "Radio
      Free Flint," and honed his skills at getting on local TV news by
      staging whatever protests would attract the media attention he craved.

      In 1976, at age 22, Moore created a small leftist newspaper, the
      Flint Voice (later called the Michigan Voice), which he edited for 10
      years. This position gave him access to left-wing activists,
      fundraisers like singer Harry "Cat's in the Cradle" Chapin, and the
      opportunity to do occasional commentaries for the National Public
      Radio (NPR) show "All Things Considered."

      Michigan was a hotbed of student radicalism. The radical Students for
      a Democratic Society (SDS) held their first meeting in 1960 in Ann
      Arbor, 50 miles south of Flint, and the SDS manifesto The Port Huron
      Statement was signed in 1962 in that Michigan town, only 64 miles
      east of Flint. Moore remained involved in leftist politics at the
      University of Michigan and elsewhere in the state. "Moore was
      interested in the usual lefty international issues of the time,"
      wrote MacFarquhar. "He travelled to Nicaragua in 1983 to check out
      the Sandinistas."

      In 1986, because of his growing reputation as a hotshot left-wing
      journalist, Moore was hired as editor of the San Francisco-based
      socialist magazine Mother Jones, beating out its Managing Editor
      David Talbot (who later founded and continues to edit the left-wing
      webzine Salon.com). Four months later, the magazine fired Moore. Adam
      Hochschild, chairman of the foundation that owns Mother Jones,
      described Moore as "arbitrary; he was suspicious; he was
      unavailable." Moore's high-handed bullying and authoritarian
      arrogance had alienated most staff members. And Moore had refused to
      publish a piece by veteran leftist writer Paul Berman because it
      mildly criticized the human rights record of Nicaragua's Fidel
      Castro-allied Communist Sandinistas. One of America's farthest Left
      magazines fired Michael Moore because, among other reasons, he was
      too far-Left for it.

      Moore, using what have become his familiar tactics, responded by
      staging a media-grabbing public demonstration, by going on a Bay Area
      radio show to accuse Berman (as MacFarquhar described) "of being a
      traitor to the left and giving aid and comfort to [President Ronald]
      Reagan," and by suing Mother Jones for $2 million. Moore eventually
      pocketed $58,000 from its tax-exempt Foundation for National
      Progress, which became seed money for his first "documentary." Roger
      & Me, an agitprop assault on General Motors, its chief executive
      Roger Smith and its recent worker layoffs in Flint, launched Moore
      into stardom.

      A key influence shaping Moore's mind and values were stories of his
      uncle (via Moore's 1982 marriage) Laverne, who at a seminal moment in
      labor history in 1936-37 had taken part in the 44-day sit-in at a
      General Motors factory in Flint. This illegal hostage-taking of
      private property, an act of urban terrorism tacitly approved by
      Democratic President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, ended with GM
      accepting representation for its workers by the new United Auto
      Workers (UAW) union. The UAW had been founded in 1935 as a radical
      ideological union eager to use more revolutionary, confrontational
      tactics than had the American Federation of Labor (AFL).

      The UAW organizer of the Flint sit-in was Walter Reuther, later to
      serve 25 years as UAW President. Reuther, the West Virginia-born son
      of a German socialist, had supported Socialist Party candidate Norman
      Thomas (grandfather of Newsweek Magazine's Assistant Managing Editor
      Evan Thomas) for President. During the years 1933-35, Reuther and his
      brother Victor spent time abroad, including more than 18 months
      working at the Gorki automobile factory in Josef Stalin's
      totalitarian Communist Soviet Union. Returning to the U.S. in 1935,
      Reuther immediately put into practice the ideology and tactics he had
      learned first-hand from Soviet Stalinists.

      Reuther as UAW head during World War II, when the U.S. and Soviet
      Union were allies fighting against socialist Adolf Hitler, kept
      workers producing weapons at top efficiency. Any talk of sit-ins,
      strikes or work slowdowns was suppressed. Reuther later repudiated
      Communism and the Soviet Union, and returned to his socialist ideas.
      But the Marxist-Stalinist-tinged ideological radicalism of the
      1936-37 Flint sit-in would become the magical moment and place where
      America's modern labor movement was born, a once-and-future garden of
      >socialist utopian Eden in the imagination of Michael
      Moore.

      After Moore was fired by Mother Jones, he was rescued from
      near-destitution by another critic of GM, Ralph Nader, author of the
      seminal bible of anti-business consumer activism, Unsafe At Any
      Speed. Nader paid Moore to edit a media-criticizing newsletter. Moore
      soon lost this job too. The reason, according to Nader, is that Moore
      spent most of his time away in Flint instead of writing the
      newsletter. According to Moore (who routinely trashes those who
      disagree with him), Nader was jealous that a publisher had paid Moore
      an advance of almost $50,000 for a book (that in the end Moore never
      completed) about General Motors.

      After completing Roger & Me, Moore at the Telluride Film Festival
      tracked down Roger Ebert, movie critic for the Chicago Sun-Times and
      (then) for the Public Broadcasting Service (PBS). Ebert is a liberal
      who almost without exception gives big thumbs-up approval to any
      movie that is left-wing, politically correct or criticizes America;
      Moore's fact-bending documentary was all three. Rave reviews from
      Ebert launched Moore on a high trajectory to wealth and superstardom.
      Thanks to Ebert's support, Moore sold his documentary to Warner
      Brothers in 1989 for an unprecedented $3 million.

      (During the 2004 political campaign, Ebert repeatedly used his
      television show [now syndicated by the Walt Disney Company's Buena
      Vista division, a potential conflict of interest Ebert seldom
      mentions to viewers] to promote Moore's propaganda film Fahrenheit
      9/11. Ebert promised viewers that he would give comparable airtime to
      reviewing any similar documentary done by conservatives but, of
      course, he never did, despite the availability of such fine
      documentaries as FahrenHYPE 9/11, partly funded by former Clinton
      political advisor Dick Morris.)

      Hollywood came courting, and in 1995 Moore gave birth to Canadian
      Bacon, his only non-documentary movie (unless one counts his music
      videos for groups such as Rage Against the Machine and R.E.M.). Its
      fictional plot centers on a President of the United States who boosts
      his popularity by engineering a war with Canada. Corpulent comedian
      John Candy died while filming it, delaying the film's completion and
      release date. It died at the box office. Moore said he was sabotaged
      by the studio PolyGram because it is "owned by Philips of the
      Netherlands, makers of weapons." (Moore always finds ways, however
      absurd, to blame others for his failures.)

      Moore then directed and hosted his own television show TV Nation, a
      provocative and uneven magazine show. Nine episodes aired on NBC in
      1994, and 8 episodes aired on FOX in 1995. It died twice for lack of
      viewers.

      What happened behind the scenes at TV Nation gives a glimpse of the
      real Michael Moore. "He disliked sharing credit with his writers"
      like Merrill Markoe, wrote MacFarquhar. And he disliked sharing
      money, as well.

      When two of the show's young writers, who had been given the title
      Associate Producer, took steps to join the Writers Guild (the
      powerful union for movie and TV writers), Moore took them aside. "I'm
      getting a lot of heat from the union to call you guys writers and pay
      you under the union rules," Eric Zicklin recounted Moore's words for
      >MacFarquhar. "I don't have the budget for
      that," Moore threatened
      them, "But if they keep coming down on me that'll mean I'll only be
      able to afford one of you and the other one's gotta go."

      "We were scared out of our minds," recalled Zicklin. "It was like a
      theme from Roger & Me" with Moore as the unfeeling, anti-union boss.

      "I can't accept [Moore] as a political person," another TV Nation
      employee told MacFarquhar. "I can't buy into this thing of Michael
      Moore is on your side - it's like trying to believe that Justin
      Timberlake is a soulful guy. It's a media product: he's just selling
      me something. For the preservation of my own soul I have to consider
      him just an entertainer, because otherwise he's a huge a--hole. If
      >you consider him an entertainer, then his acting like a
      selfish,
      self-absorbed, pouty, deeply conflicted, easily wounded child is
      run-of-the-mill, standard behavior. But if he's a political force,
      then he's a jerk and a hypocrite and he didn't treat us right and he
      was false in all his dealings."

      "I can't go to his movies, and I can't hold his books for very long,"
      Chris Kelly, who worked on TV Nation and Canadian Bacon told
      MacFarquhar. "When he started writing his column for The Nation, I
      cancelled my subscription. He broke my heart. That's what he does to
      people." Other employees have described Moore as a boss who created
      working conditions that resembled a "sweatshop" and "indentured
      servitude."

      Moore has apologized in vague terms to Kelly and Markoe, but he
      denies any other improper behavior. Other witnesses recall that
      Moore, a self-proclaimed champion of the proletariat, repeatedly
      tried to deny TV Nation writers payments, credits, and residuals for
      their work - and that the Guild intervened repeatedly in complaints
      against him.

      (Moore hated President Ronald Reagan, even though Reagan was the
      first and only former union leader (head of the Screen Actors Guild,
      SAG) to become president of the United States.)

      "He was the most difficult human being I've ever met," his former
      Hollywood manager Douglas Urbanski told the Times of London. "There
      was no one who even came close."

      Moore struggled to stay on television with The Awful Truth
      (1999-2000), a satire show jointly produced by the cable channel
      Bravo and Britain's Channel 4, and Michael Moore Live (1999), which
      broadcast from New York City but aired only in the United Kingdom.

      He also created The Big One, a documentary of the tour for his 1996
      book Downsize This! Threats from an Unarmed American
      (Perennial/Harper). One common thread in Moore's documentaries is
      that they all star, and are designed to glorify, Michael Moore.

      In 2002, Moore's anti-gun documentary Bowling for Columbine reached
      theaters. His depiction of America as a gun-crazed violent culture
      was honored at the Cannes Film Festival in France and won the 2003
      Academy Award for Documentary Feature, despite growing evidence that
      much that was "documented" in it as fact had been staged, concocted,
      or dishonestly and deceptively edited by Moore.

      The sincerity of Moore's anti-gun outrage became clear in January
      2005 when one of his own bodyguards was arrested in New York City for
      possession of an unregistered handgun. The hypocritical Michael Moore
      is not leading the way to utopia by his example.

      "We like nonfiction and we live in fictitious times," Moore told a
      worldwide audience in his speech accepting his Academy Award for
      Bowling for Columbine. "We live in a time where we have a man sending
      us to war for fictitious reasons. Whether it's the fictition [sic.]
      of duct tape or fictition [sic.] of orange alerts, we are against
      this war [in Iraq], Mr. Bush. Shame on you, Mr. Bush. Shame on you."

      But, in fact, much of Moore's documentary turned out to be
      "fictition." The "weapon" plant he photographed in Colorado
      manufactures weather satellites, not weapons. The clips he included
      of National Rifle Association President Charleton Heston had been
      edited together from several speeches given months apart so as to
      create a dishonest collage of sentences. The rifle Moore claimed to
      have walked out of a bank with as his reward for opening an account
      was a staged event that for real customers involves a six-week
      clearance process. Even the title Bowling for Columbine derived from
      a false claim that two adolescents who went on a fatal shooting spree
      had gone bowling that morning. They had not.

      Similar deceptions and falsehoods can be found in all of Moore's
      so-called documentaries. How does he get away with this again and
      again? One answer is that the establishment media shares Moore's
      left-of-center ideology, and because most reporters and reviewers
      agree with his aim. Since they share his conclusions, they express
      few quibbles over how he got there. They regard Moore as right even
      when his methods are wrong. One New York Times reporter likened
      Moore's work to editorial cartoons, which are designed not to be
      accurate so much as to sell a point of view by distorting reality.
      Those who share Moore's leftist agenda and, e.g., favor ever-more gun
      control, will applaud Moore's editorial cartoon Bowling for Columbine.

      "I don't believe in objectivity," Moore has said, speaking the
      intellectually fashionable language of post-modern deconstructionism.
      "I don't believe that any newspaper's objective. I believe there's
      subjectivity in every article, and where every article is placed.
      We're human beings, we're subjective animals, we're not machinesŠIt's
      all personal." Or, as reviewer Roger Ebert admitted, "Moore has
      granted himself poetic license."

      When caught committing falsehoods, Moore has demurred that he is a
      mere entertainer, a spinner of tales, jokes, and opinions who should
      never be held to the ethical and accuracy standards of a responsible
      reporter or historian. When Lou Dobbs of CNN pressed about his
      inaccuracies in one book, Moore dismissed Dobbs' questions by saying:
      "You know, look, this is a book of political humorŠHow can there be
      inaccuracy in comedy?" To deflect another questioner, Moore declared
      ambiguously that Roger & Me was not a documentary but "an
      entertaining movie, like Sophie's Choice."

      "If Moore gets the tone just right, he can reach the widest possible
      audience," wrote MacFarquhar. "The conspiracy nuts will take him
      seriously and appreciate his insight, while everyone else will think
      he's joking and appreciate his humor. Every leftist political figure
      with mainstream aspirations must have a fruitcake technique - a way
      to retain a hold on the passionate fringe without losing the center -
      and Moore is very effective."

      When criticized, Moore has often accused his critics of trying to
      censor a free press, as if he were delivering honest, ethical
      journalism rather than lies for laughs and manipulative political
      agitprop. He wants it both ways - to be able to exercise the
      irresponsibility of a comic but to have his statements taken
      seriously and to influence votes and policies.

      In 2004, Moore declared himself a victim of censorship by the Walt
      Disney Corporation, which he accused of suddenly, for political
      reasons, blocking the release of his latest documentary, Fahrenheit
      9/11. The company's Miramax Films division had spent $6 million to
      produce the film.

      Moore later admitted that Disney a year earlier had told him it would
      not release his film. This partisan attack on incumbent President
      Bush during the 2004 election campaign could damage the company's
      reputation with moviegoers. Moore had lied about this, claiming
      censorship days before the Cannes Film Festival as a publicity stunt
      to gain attention and sympathy.

      Moore's deceitful stunt worked. Fahrenheit 9/11 won the highest award
      at Cannes from a panel of leftward judges headed by director Quentin
      Tarantino. The applause continued for 13 minutes. One Finnish critic
      praised Moore's "almost Shakespearean sense of absurdity." But famed
      >French director Jean-Luc Godard dismissed Moore as
      "halfway
      intelligentŠHe doesn't know what he's doing."

      At one level the renowned film critic Richard Schickel slightly
      disagrees with Godard. Moore is "careless with his facts, hysterical
      in debate and, most basically, a guy trying to make a star out of
      himself," Schickel told The Times of London in 2003. "He's a
      self-aggrandizer and, perhaps, the very definition of the current
      literary term, 'the unreliable narrator.' This guy either can't or
      won't stick to the point, build a logical case for his arguments.
      It's all hysteria - but, I think, calculated hysteria."

      As might secretly have been arranged many months in advance,
      Fahrenheit 9/11, whose title Moore stole from science fiction writer
      Ray Bradbury's classic novel Fahrenheit 451, was distributed by
      Lion's Gate Films. (Bradbury wasn't pleased.) Moore's film grossed
      more than $100 million at the box office.

      How credible is Fahrenheit 9/11? "Even if one agrees with all of
      >Moore's arguments,"
      wrote one reviewer for the Hollywood Reporter,
      "the film reduces decades of American foreign-policy failures to a
      black-and-white cartoon that lays the blame on one family. He ignores
      facts like the policy to arm and support Afghan rebels that began in
      the Carter administration. For that matter, the Clinton team never
      mounted a serious effort to go after al-Qaida even after the 1998
      embassy bombings in East Africa."

      Like other Moore documentaries, Fahrenheit 9/11 was packed with lies
      and calculated distortions, riddled with more holes than substance.
      To cite just two of these widely documented holes: Moore's film
      depicted as a "headline" from an Illinois newspaper the words "Latest
      Florida Recount Shows Gore Won Election." But, as Moore knew, these
      words actually appeared, not above a news report, but atop a Letter
      to the Editor and reflected only that one reader's (misguided)
      opinion.

      One of Moore's biggest claims in his film was that members of Saudi
      Arabia's bin Laden family (in which Osama is one of 53 children, a
      disowned black sheep born not to the patriarch's wives but to a
      concubine) had been allowed by Bush to fly out of the U.S.
      unquestioned only hours after 9/11. In fact, they did not leave for
      at least six days, after being questioned by the FBI, and permission
      for their departure was given without any outside prompting solely by
      Bush critic and Clinton administration White House counter-terrorism
      holdover Richard Clarke, as Clarke himself admitted.

      Hollywood knew that Moore's made-up film was intended to maim the
      Republican president's reelection during the 2004 campaign. Moore's
      crude, unethical weapon failed; Bush won, and Hollywood promptly
      distanced itself from Moore.

      At the 2004 Democratic National Convention, however, Moore was
      treated like royalty and given a seat of honor at the side of former
      President Carter in his presidential box. (Mr. Carter's toppling of
      >America's ally the Shah of Iran precipitated the Iran-Iraq
      War, the
      military buildup of Saddam Hussein, the Soviet invasion of
      Afghanistan that empowered Osama bin Laden and the Taliban, led to
      the oppression of millions of women, and opened a Pandora's Box of
      >other
      problems, including America's incursion into Iraq. But Moore
      was proud to sit next to the failed Democrat president.)

      Democratic leaders such as then-Senator Tom Daschle of South Dakota
      embraced him and joined other prominent Democrats at the premier of
      Moore's documentary. Moore was invited to write columns from the
      conventions for USA Today. Propaganda and the Left had carried
      Michael Moore a long way from "Flint, Michigan."

      But the Kerry campaign was aware of Moore's mercurial, unstable
      nature and tried to hold him at arm's length. "I can't speak for
      every extremist out there," said Kerry campaign spokesman Chad
      Clanton during a Westwood One radio interview on July 24, 2004.
      "Michael Moore - these people aren't part of the Kerry campaign."

      Kerry's advisors had watched Moore endorse primary candidate General
      Wesley Clark, then almost destroy Clark by blurting out that
      President Bush had been a "deserter." (They also remembered that
      Moore had in past years endorsed Ralph Nader and proposed that TV
      host Oprah Winfrey and liberal actor Tom Hanks run for president.)
      They remembered Moore's 2003 assertion on NBC's Today Show that "Guns
      don't kill people, Americans kill people." Who knew how loony Moore
      might get, or when he might explode, blowing up any candidate who
      stood too close with him?

      How far Left is Michael Moore? "Capitalism is a sin," said Moore on
      the CNN talk show Crossfire in 2002. "This is an evil system."

      In his book Downsize This! Moore proposed several laws he believes
      should be imposed to "protect ourselves" from capitalist
      corporations. His utopia would "Prohibit corporations from closing a
      profitable factory or business and moving it overseas. If they close
      a business and move it within the U.S., they must pay reparations to
      the community they are leaving behind." He argued that any breakup of
      >the "'marriage' between a company and a
      community" ought to involve
      "serious alimony to pay" if a "corporation packs up and leaves."
      Moore would also "Prohibit companies from pitting one state or city
      against another" by locating where the best tax rates and other
      government inducements are offered.

      But as the Drudge Report revealed on April 22, 2004, Michael Moore
      himself rejected American companies and workers by outsourcing the
      design and hosting of his own website to two Canadian companies.
      Canadians "are just like us - only better," honorary Canadian Moore
      told a "Take Back America" rally of the far-Left Campaign for
      >America's Future (CAF), held in conjunction with the 2004
      Democratic
      National Convention in Boston. "We love Canadians," he has said
      elsewhere. "We all aspire to be more Canada-likeŠ.And thank you,
      Canada, for not joining the coalition of the bribed and coerced,"
      said Moore, using the diplomatically insane phrase about faithful
      American allies by Democratic presidential aspirant Sen. John F.
      Kerry of Massachusetts.

      (Moore could have been arrested in his beloved Canada because while
      promoting his movie in Toronto in June 2004, he urged Canadians to
      vote against the conservative candidate for Prime Minister. It is a
      crime in Canada for foreigners to "during an election period, in any
      way induce electors to vote or refrain from votingŠfor a particular
      candidate.")

      In Downsize This!, Moore proposed to "Institute a 100 percent tax on
      any profits gained by shareholders when the company's stock goes up
      due to an announcement of firings. No one should be allowed to profit
      >from such bad news." He would also "Prohibit
      executives' salaries
      >from being more than thirty times greater than an
      average employee's
      pay" and would "Require boards of directors of publicly owned
      corporations to have representation from both workers and consumers."

      If Moore despises Big Business, giant corporations and chain
      superstores, how does he feel about small business like the local
      mom-and-pop shop? "You know in my town the small businesses that
      everyone wanted to protect?" he told a reporter from the Arcata Eye
      in 2002. "They were the people that supported all the right-wing
      groups. They were the Republicans in town, they were in Kiwanis, the
      Chamber of Commerce - people that kept the town all white. The small
      hardware salesman, the small clothing store sales persons, Jesse the
      Barber who signed his name three different times on three different
      petitions to recall me from the school board. F**k all these small
      businesses - f**k 'em all," said Moore. "Bring in the chains."

      Moore's economic authoritarianism - strikingly similar to the
      policies of Hitler and Italian fascist Benito Mussolini - is, of
      >course, megalomaniacal and insane. Moore's ideas come from his
      myopic
      and shallow understanding of history and economics.

      Moore's claptrap populism is a form of economic suicide. To
      understand why, imagine that you are an investor deciding where to
      build a factory to manufacture a new technology. Would you choose to
      locate it in a city, state or country governed by those holding
      Michael Moore's ideology of property expropriation? This is why
      investment and opportunity are fleeing the Democrat-dominated Rust
      Belt for freer places - and why in the long run Michael Moore will be
      unable to prevent this economic migration towards freedom.

      Moore, incidentally, showed little "Buy American" patriotism for the
      GM cars his father, mother, uncle, and grandfather helped build.
      "When I became an adult, I decided I didn't want a General Motors
      car," wrote Moore in his 2002 book Stupid White MenŠAnd Other Sorry
      Excuses for the State of the Nation! (Regan Books), "mainly because
      they broke down more often than I did. So I bought Volkswagens and
      Hondas and drove around town with pride." Moore, therefore, helped
      turn Flint into a Rust Belt city.  No wonder they love Moore in
      Germany, where he appeared before cheering crowds in a brown jacket.

      This same quest for opportunity and freedom is what brought most
      Americans' ancestors (including Moore's) here. This is one of the
      things Michael Moore hates most about America. Most of our ancestors
      were fleeing the residue of feudalism that continues in Europe.
      Feudalism is akin to Moore's silly "marriage" analogy, which by
      logical extension would prohibit not only the company from leaving
      its workers but also the workers from leaving the company. Such was
      the bondage of vassals under feudal society, which Moore apparently
      prefers to liberty.

      For thinking people, history has now demonstrated the stupidity of
      >such feudal-socialist ideas. To understand why, consider one of
      the
      few missteps of President Ronald Reagan when he jawboned the Japanese
      into limiting the number of automobiles they exported to the U.S.
      Restricting this competition saved some UAW jobs in Michigan, at a
      cost experts pegged at $600,000 per job and an extra $2,000 higher
      pricetag on new cars passed on to working Americans. It would have
      been far cheaper to lay Flint union workers off and give each $50,000
      per year for a decade.

      But worse, companies such as Toyota, with their number of exports
      limited, sent to America expensive, gas-guzzling Cressidas. This made
      America more dependent on foreign oil, more vulnerable to the
      politics of Iraq and Saudi Arabia, and more pressed to intervene
      militarily in foreign lands to maintain stability. And all this
      happened because leftist demagogues like Michael Moore blocked the
      drilling of new oil wells in America while demanding protection for
      America's overpriced, uncompetitive union jobs. Political tampering
      with the marketplace always produces unintended consequences. And
      among the worst of such consequences are yet more laws and
      regulations to remedy the mess politicians caused by their tampering
      in the first place.

      "Horatio Alger must die!" wrote Michael Moore in his 2003 book Dude,
      Where's My Country? (Warner Books). "We're addicted to this happy
      myth," wrote Moore, "Šthat anyone can make it in America, and make it
      bigŠListen, friends, you have to face the truth: You are never going
      to be richŠThe system is rigged in favor of the few, and your name is
      not among them, not now and not ever."

      Those who become millionaires, Moore wrote, are "about one in a
      million." If he is right, then America with a population of 295
      million would have only 295 millionaires. But America has literally
      millions of citizens whose net worth in real estate and savings
      exceed $1 million. The average American family earns more than $1
      million over its working life and could save much of that if
      Democrats like Michael Moore were not confiscating half their
      earnings in direct and hidden taxes.

      But it would be far better, Moore apparently believes, if the
      American Dream died and people accepted their politically-determined
      place in a socialist-run system - where the capitalists will all
      eventually be expropriated by regulations and taxes, private property
      and "inequality" will vanish, and all jobs will become unionized
      government jobs. (Moore refused to see the "new class" of
      aristocratic rulers that arose under Soviet, Chinese and Cuban
      Communism, where power became the coin of the realm, determining who
      got the limousines and luxury dachas on the Black Sea, Beijing, and
      Havana.)

      Michael Moore's mentality was perfectly anticipated by the late
      Longshoreman philosopher Eric Hoffer, who wrote that if you ask a
      leftist at what other time in history he would want to live he will
      reply: the Middle Ages. This was the age of feudalism and
      paternalism, serfs and lords, the last time in the West prior to
      Marxism that intellectuals were part of the ruling elite.

      The irony in Moore calling for the death of Horatio Alger, of course,
      is that Moore is one of these ultra-wealthy few, now probably worth
      more than $50 million. He claims to be a working class egalitarian
      who wants society to be open and honest, but Moore has always refused
      to make public his and his company's tax, income, and net worth
      records. He claims to give a third of his income to worthy causes,
      but he refuses to make public records that would confirm this. If he
      "pays his fair share," as leftists like to demand of the rich, and
      uses no tax avoidance methods, Manhattanite Moore should be paying
      more than half his huge income in taxesŠbut is he? His obsessive
      concealment makes one wonder what this self-appointed People's
      Watchdog has to hide.

      "Michael Moore would never withstand the scrutiny he lays on other
      people," his former manager Douglas Urbanski told the Times of
      >London. "You would think that he's the ultimate common
      man. But he's
      money-obsessed."

      Moore owns a New York City apartment worth at least $1.9 million. He
      owns a beachfront estate in Torch Lake, Michigan, worth at least $1.2
      million. (His comrades at the left-wing propaganda operation Media
      Matters frantically attacked a 2004 report that Moore was
      simultaneously, and therefore illegally, registered to vote in both
      places.) His daughter Natalie, born in 1981, got much of her
      education in elite private schools.

      Moore's typical audience is not workers but college students, who pay
      dearly for the honor of his celebrity presence and speechmaking. The
      Federal Election Commission (FEC) launched an investigation into
      Moore's 2004 "Slacker Uprising Tour" of dozens of colleges and
      universities, most in swing states, during the closing days of the
      presidential campaign. The filmmaker charged student organizations or
      the schools up to $30,000 per appearance to share his ideological
      views. In many instances, this may have involved a one-sided, and
      hence illegal, partisan use of government facilities and money at
      state universities and colleges to subsidize Moore's pro-Kerry
      efforts.

      "The slacker motto," Moore told one cheering crowd of adolescent
      college students, "is 'Sleep till noon, drink beer, vote Kerry
      November 2,'" adding "'Pick nose, pick b*tt, pick Kerry" and ending
      with an echo of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels from the Communist
      Manifesto: "Slackers of the world, unite!"

      "We need to let the working class know that we don't think we're
      better than them," said Moore. We? Them? As Daniel Radosh, son of
      >famed author Ron Radosh, wrote
      in June 1997 at Salon.com: "If [former
      Republican House Speaker] Newt Gingrich said anything so patronizing,
      the Left would never stop ridiculing him."

      "To effect change we have to get off our high horse and start living
      in the real world," Moore told one activist audience. "I want you
      watching [the TV sitcom] 'Friends' every single week. I want you
      listening to country music."

      "Rap music and country music, these are the voicesŠof people who are
      disenfranchised," Moore told one college audience. "I know the music
      sucks, but don't you want to put yourself through some pain to see
      what people are feeling?" Added Radosh: "Not that we're better than
      them or anything."

      Moore's response to Daniel Radosh's investigation was to smear Radosh
      by accusing him of being right-wing, to smear Salon.com by accusing
      it of taking ad money from Borders Books (a company that Moore
      claimed banned him after he tried to help unionize its workers), and
      to smear Salon publisher David Talbot by accusing him of a "personal
      grudge" from when Moore beat Talbot by becoming editor of Mother
      Jones. But Moore, using his usual theatrical bluster to distract the
      audience, avoided answering most of the questions Radosh raised.

      Moore also threatened a lawsuit against Salon.com. As Slate.com
      editor Jack Shafer wrote in a similar context: "Moore's hysterical,
      empty threats" to sue critics of one of his documentaries shows that
      he "appears to believe in free speech only for himself."

      Moore's threats, like those long used by consumer advocate Ralph
      Nader to stifle his critics, have apparently frightened some
      publications out of publishing articles that cast Moore in a
      less-than-glowing light. His techniques, are, well, Moorewellian.

      To be fair, capitalism, Republicans, conservatives (or as he calls
      them, "hate-triots"), and America are not the only things Michael
      Moore hates. He apparently hates Protestants, and has semi-seriously
      proposed that the way to resolve the conflict in Northern Ireland is
      to forcibly re-baptize all Protestants there as Catholics.

      Moore hates Cuban-Americans, largely because they vote Republican.
      Moore, writes Humberto Fontova, author of Fidel: Hollywood's Favorite
      Tyrant (2005, Regnery), has also said that Cuban-Americans are
      "terrorists," "drug smugglers," "gangsters," and in Moore's word,
      "wimps" for not staying in Cuba to shape their socialist utopia. In
      2000, on his website Moore wrote an "Open Letter to Elian Gonzalez,"
      in which he accused the boy's mother (who drown bringing her
      five-year-old from Castro's island prison to freedom in America) of
      >kidnapping her son. "The
      truth is your mother and her boyfriend
      snatched you and put you on that death boat," wrote Moore, "because
      they simply wanted to make more money."

      By contrast, Cuba's government-run television broadcast Moore's
      Fahrenheit 9/11 unedited because it was already, by Castro's exacting
      Marxist standards, perfect anti-American propaganda.

      Moore apparently hates Jews, at least those in Israel, and their
      supporters. As David Brooks wrote in the June 26, 2004, New York
      Times, "In Liverpool, [Michael Moore] paused to contemplate the
      epicenters of evil in the modern world: 'It's all part of the same
      ball of wax, right? The oil companies, Israel, Halliburton.'"

      Moore dedicated his book Dude, Where's My Country? to Rachel Corrie,
      an activist with the radical International Solidarity Movement (ISM)
      accidentally killed by an Israeli bulldozer she was attempting to
      impede as it destroyed tunnels used by terrorists to smuggle weapons.

      "In their hearts [Israelis] know they are wrong," wrote Moore in
      Dude, Where's My Country? "and they know they would be doing just
      what the Palestinians are doing if the sandal were on the other foot."

      No wonder Moore has been honored by the American Arab
      Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC) and the Muslim American Public
      Affairs Council (MPAC). Moore in a speech before the ADC said he
      would not attend a scheduled screening of one of his movies in Israel
      until Israel ceased to occupy the West Bank and Gaza.

      And no wonder that an affiliate of the Iran-linked terrorist group
      Hezbollah offered to help promote his film Fahrenheit 9/11 in the
      Middle East, especially after Moore tried to prevent it from being
      shown in Israel, as reported in the February 16, 2004, issue of the
      New Yorker.

      In Fahrenheit 9/11, Saddam Hussein's brutal Ba'athist socialist
      dictatorship - which put more than 300,000 of its victims in mass
      graves - is depicted by Moore as a land of children laughing and
      flying kites. Then come the American bombers, bringing death and
      destruction. "I'm just trying to present another side of the story,"
      Moore told ABC News.

      Part of Moore's movie lionized Congressman Jim McDermott, D-WA, a
      member of the socialist Progressive Caucus in the House of
      Representatives who traveled to Iraq before the 2003 war to support
      the Hussein regime. Moore never mentioned that McDermott also
      received more than $10,000 in cash and travel expenses from Hussein
      operatives.

      And Moore praises the Islamist terrorists killing American soldiers
      in Iraq today. "The Iraqis who have risen up against the occupation
      are not 'insurgents' or 'terrorists' or 'The Enemy," said Moore.
      "They are the REVOLUTION, the Minutemen, and their numbers will grow
      - and they will win."

      Do Moore's anti-American books and films cause or help terrorists
      legitimize violence? Apparently so. The Indonesian convicted of the
      Bali terror bombings of 2002 had his lawyer read to the court
      excerpts of Moore's Stupid White Men as justification for his hatred
      of the West.

      Moore has said he wants "regime change" of the democratically elected
      governments in Australia, Italy, and Japan because they are part of
      the Coalition of the Willing.

      And Moore hates and, like a petulant child, attacks those who refuse
      to give him whatever he wants. When, for example, Pete Townshend of
      the British rock group The Who refused to give Moore the rights to
      use his song "Won't Get Fooled Again" in Fahrenheit 9/11, Moore
      responded in his typical way. He trashed Townshend in the press and
      accused the musician of supporting the war in Iraq, even though it
      was widely known that this was untrue.

      Several websites courageously persist in documenting what their
      authors see as Moore's shortcomings and deceits. Among these are
      Moore Watch, Moore Exposed, Spinsanity on Michael Moore, and Moore
      Lies.

      In June 2004, Regan Books, the publisher of Moore's book Stupid White
      Men, published Michael Moore is a Big Fat Stupid White Man. Its
      co-authors are former U.S. Interior Department attorney David T.
      Hardy, who founded Moore Exposed, and Jason Clarke, creator of Moore
      Lies. This book gives precise details about the distortions,
      contradictions, hypocrisies, errors, and outright lies in each of
      Moore's writings and film documentaries, as analyzed by two of
      >Moore's most relentless critics.

      Moore has said that he is at work on a sequel to his 2004 political
      propaganda film Fahrenheit 9/11. He is also preparing a documentary
      critical of the pharmaceutical industry and American healthcare that
      Moore has tentatively titled "Sicko." Moore is likely to schedule its
      arrival in theaters for mid-2006 to provide propaganda helpful to
      Democrats running in the congressional midterm elections.

      Thus far, the candidates Moore has embraced, or who have embraced him
      like Clark and Daschle, have lost on election day, leading some to
      wonder whether receiving a political blessing from Michael Moore is a
      curse. In 2006, Moore could again become what analyst Collin Levey
      called "the new Ralph Nader," an ego-driven left-wing albatross
      around the neck of the Democratic Party.

      Days after the 2004 election, Moore appeared on NBC's Tonight Show
      with Jay Leno. The audience was stunned as the usually unkempt
      filmmaker walked onstage neatly shaven, wearing a suit and necktie.
      The outcome was good for him either way, Moore jovially explained.

      Moore made a mountain of money by exploiting the Democratic
      convention, campaign and media to sell his products to the leftist
      faithful, who were almost his only customers. Moore's shrill
      propaganda was a sermon to the choir that converted almost nobody,
      but it diverted tens of millions of liberal political dollars from
      the campaign to Moore's own pockets. Moore boasted to Leno that
      President Bush's tax cuts will now let him keep more of his
      fast-growing wealth.

      "Moore's shtick is to deftly read the emotional contours of the
      liberal left and then to profitably mold and expand himself to fill
      the void," wrote Marc Cooper last March in LA Weekly. "He's a
      polarizer, not a teacher. His ramped-up stage style, shouting and
      screaming profanities at Dubya, no doubt provides some satisfying
      moments for the already-converted but can only alienate and confound
      those still in doubt."

      Some Democrats watching the show must have wondered whether
      undermining their candidate's campaign to help Bush win had always
      been Michael Moore's secret plan. Is Michael Moore America's most
      influential propagandist against capitalism, or its most cynical,
      self-serving capitalist? Is Michael Moore really a closet Republican,
      the GOP's most cunning secret agent? Is Michael Moore an elephant (or
      a pig) disguised in donkey clothing? He is exactly what he appears to
      be: a radical leftist who has grown wealthy by exploiting an economic
      system he would destroy in a nation whose founding principles he
      despises.







      Libertarianism: To African-Americans
      http://chelm.freeyellow.com/black_index.html
      --
      "Often, younger blacks in call themselves independent or
      libertarian or say they think the two parties didn't
      differ fundamentally." -- New York Times (Feb. 1, 2004)


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