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The senator, his pastor and the Israel lobby

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  • Richard Kuper
    Interesting comments on the role of Israel in American politics and the partisan role of the ADL, by Ali Abunimh, co-founder of the Electronic Intifada.
    Message 1 of 1 , Apr 1, 2008
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      Interesting comments on the role of Israel in American politics and the
      partisan role of the ADL, by Ali Abunimh, co-founder of the Electronic
      Intifada.


      http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article9427.shtml


      The senator, his pastor and the Israel lobby
      Ali Abunimah, The Electronic Intifada, 31 March 2008




      US senator Barack Obama was widely hailed for his 18 March speech
      calming the media furor about the sermons of his pastor for twenty
      years Reverend Jeremiah Wright. Wright's remarks, Obama said,
      "expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country -- a view that
      sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with
      America above all that we know is right with America; a view that sees
      the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of
      stalwart allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse and
      hateful ideologies of radical Islam."

      It might seem odd for Obama to mention Israel and "radical Islam" in a
      speech focused on US race relations, especially since Wright's most
      widely reported comments were about America's historic and ongoing
      oppression of its black citizens.

      But for months, even before most Americans had heard of Wright,
      prominent pro-Israel activists were hounding Obama over Wright's views
      on Israel and ties to Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan. In
      January, Abraham Foxman, National Director of the Anti-Defamation
      League (ADL), demanded that Obama denounce Farrakhan as an anti-Semite.
      The senator duly did so, but that was not enough. "[Obama has]
      distanced himself from his pastor's decision to honor Farrakhan,"
      Foxman said, but "He has not distanced himself from his pastor. I think
      that's the next step." Foxman labeled Wright "a black racist," adding
      in the same breath, "Certainly he has very strong anti-Israel views"
      (Larry Cohler-Esses, "ADL Chief To Obama: 'Confront Your Pastor' On
      Minister Farrakhan," The Jewish Week, 16 January 2008). Criticism of
      Israel, one suspects, is Wright's truly unforgivable crime and Foxman's
      vitriol has echoed through dozens of pro-Israel blogs.

      Since his early political life in Chicago, Barack Obama was
      well-informed about the Middle East and had expressed nuanced views
      conveying an understanding that justice and fairness, not blinkered
      support for Israel, are the keys to peace and the right way to combat
      extremism. Yet for months he has been fighting the charge that he is
      less rabidly pro-Israel than other candidates -- which means now
      adhering to the same simplistic formulas and unconditional support for
      Israeli policies that have helped to escalate conflict and worsen
      America's standing in the Middle East. Hence Obama's assertion at his
      26 February debate with Senator Hillary Clinton that he is "a stalwart
      friend of Israel."

      But Obama stressed that his appeal to Jewish voters also stems from
      his desire "to rebuild what I consider to be a historic relationship
      between the African American community and the Jewish community."

      Obama has not addressed to a national audience why that relationship
      might have frayed. He was much more candid when speaking to Jewish
      leaders in Cleveland just one day before the debate. In a
      little-noticed comment, reported on 25 February by the Jewish
      Telegraphic Agency, Obama tried to contextualize Wright's critical
      views of Israel. Wright, Obama explained, "was very active in the South
      Africa divestment movement and you will recall that there was a tension
      that arose between the African American and the Jewish communities
      during that period when we were dealing with apartheid in South Africa,
      because Israel and South Africa had a relationship at that time. And
      that cause -- that was a source of tension."

      Obama implicitly admitted that Wright's views were rooted in
      opposition to Israel's deep ties to apartheid South Africa, and thus
      entirely reasonable even if Obama himself did "not necessarily," as he
      put it, share them. Israel supplied South Africa with hundreds of
      millions of dollars of weaponry despite an international embargo. Even
      the water cannons that South African forces used to attack
      anti-apartheid demonstrators in the townships were manufactured at
      Kibbutz Beit Alfa, a "socialist" settlement in northern Israel. Until
      the late 1980s, South Africa often relied on Israel to lobby Western
      governments not to impose sanctions.

      And the relationship was durable. As The Washington Post reported in
      1987, "When it comes to Israel and South Africa, breaking up is hard to
      do." Israeli officials, the newspaper said, "face conflicting
      imperatives: their desire to get in line with the West, which has
      adopted a policy of mild but symbolic sanctions, versus Israel's
      longstanding friendship with the Pretoria government, a relationship
      that has been important for strategic, economic and, at times,
      sentimental reasons" ("An Israeli Dilemma: S. African Ties; Moves to
      Cut Links Are Slowed by Economic Pressures, Sentiment," The Washington
      Post, 20 September 1987).

      In 1987, Jesse Jackson, then the world's most prominent African
      American politician, angered some Jewish American leaders for insisting
      that "Whoever is doing business with South Africa is wrong, but Israel
      is ... subsidized by America, which includes black Americans' tax
      money, and then it subsidizes South Africa" ("Jackson Draws New
      Criticism From Jewish Leaders Over Interview," Associated Press, 16
      October 1987). As a presidential candidate, Jackson raised the same
      concerns in a high profile meeting with the Israeli ambassador, as did
      a delegation of black civil rights and religious leaders, including the
      nephew of Martin Luther King Jr, on a visit to Israel. For many African
      Americans, it was intolerable hypocrisy that so many Jewish leaders who
      staunchly supported Civil Rights and the anti-apartheid movement would
      be tolerant of Israel's complicity.

      Thus, Reverend Wright, who has sought a broader understanding of the
      Middle East than one that blames Islam and Arabs for all the region's
      problems or endorses unconditional support for Israel, stood in the
      mainstream of African American opinion, not on some extremist fringe.

      That is not to say that Jewish concerns about anti-Semitic sentiments
      among some African Americans should simply be dismissed. Racism in any
      community should be confronted. But as they have done with other
      communities, hard-line pro-Israel activists like Foxman have too often
      tried to tar any African American critic of Israel with the brush of
      anti-Semitism. Why must every black candidate to a major office go
      through the ritual of denouncing Farrakhan, a marginal figure in
      national politics who likely gets most of his notoriety from the ADL?
      Surely if anti-Semitism were such an endemic problem among African
      Americans, there would be someone other than Farrakhan for the ADL to
      have focused its ire on all these decades.

      By contrast, neither Senator Joe Lieberman (Al Gore's running mate in
      2000 and the first Jewish candidate on a major party presidential
      ticket), nor Senator John McCain have been required so publicly and so
      repeatedly to repudiate extremist and racist comments by Israeli
      leaders or some well-known radical Christian leaders supporting the
      Republican party. Foxman, whose organization devotes enormous resources
      to burnishing Israel's image, has rarely spoken out about the
      escalating anti-Arab racism and incitement to violence by prominent
      Israeli politicians and rabbis.

      That is no surprise. African Americans, Arab Americans and Muslims all
      share some things in common: individuals are held collectively
      responsible for the words and actions of others in their community
      whether they had anything to do with them or not. And the price of
      admission to the political mainstream is to abandon any foreign policy
      goals that diverge from those of the pro-Israel, anti-Palestinian
      lobby.

      Co-founder of The Electronic Intifada, Ali Abunimah is author of One
      Country: A Bold Proposal to End the Israeli-Palestinian Impasse
      (Metropolitan Books, 2006).



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